USA > Maryland > A sketch of the history of Maryland during the three first years after its settlement : to which is prefixed, a copious introduction > Part 15
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" Mr. Robinson's caution, in evading the accompaniment of his flock to America, seems to afford some grounds to sus- pect that his " Catholicism," (though praised by Mr. Holmes in his note V, before-cited, partook somewhat of that of his prototype, Robert Brown. This seems to be confirmed by what Mr. Holmes, in the same note observes, that "at first indeed, he favoured the rigid separation from the Church of England ; but, after his removal to Holland, he was convinced of his mistake, and became ever after, more moderate in his sen- timents respecting separation." And further, by what is said in Hutchinson's Ilist. of Massachusetts, Appendix No. I, to Vol. 2 : " He was at first a thorough separatist, and Mr. Hubbard
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small ship being deemed unfit for sea, they were SECT. obliged all to embark on board the May-flower, in which they finally left England on the sixth of Sep- 1620. tember, 1620. After a boisterous passage, they discovered on the ninth of November, the land of Cape Cod. Perceiving that they had been carried to the northward of the place of their destination, they stood to the southward, intending to find some place near Hudson's river for settlement. Falling, however, among shoals, they were induced, from this incident, together with the consideration of the advanced season of the year, and the weakness of their condition, to relinquish that part of their ori-
ginal design. The master of the ship, influenced by the fears of the passengers, and their extreme solicitude to be set on shore, shifted his course to the northward. The real cause of his doing which has been alleged to have been, a reward clandes- tinely promised to him in Holland, if he would not carry the English to Hudson's river .* Be that as
says, was transported with their principles so far as to publish his opinions against hearing any of the preachers of the Church of England, were they never so learned and pious, but after- wards acknowledged his error in a judicious and Godly dis- course." Although the American republic is indebted to these " mistakes" and "errors" for those populous and flou- Fishing states, denominated New-England, yet, as Mr. Ro- binson evidently had no such sublime ideas in contemplation, and, if he had, the end would not sanctify the means, these " mistakes" and " errors" seem to form a lesson to ambitious religionists, to be cautious in leading simple and ignorant country people into situations, wherein they must necessarily endure inexpressible hardships and misery.
* Although it is alleged by Morton, (New England Me-
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SECT. it may, steering again for the Cape, the ship was VILL. clear of the danger before night ; and the next day, 1620. à storm coming on, they dropped anchor in Cape Cod harbour, where they were secure from winds · and shoals.
Finding the harbour to be in the forty-second degree of north latitude, and therefore beyond the territory of the South Virginia Company, they per- ceived that their charter, received from that com- pany, was here useless .* The consequence of this inutility of their charter, was, that they were desti- tute of the powers usually held necessary to insti- tute a government. The danger of this situation was strongly enforced upon the minds of the more
morial 13,) that, " Of this plot, betwixt the Dutch and Mr. Jones, I have had late and certain intelligence." To which Mr. Holmes, in his Annals, (Vol. 1; p. 199,) appears to give entire credit : yet, as it is stated by Hutchinson, (Hist. of Mas- sachusetts, Vol. 1, p. 11,) that "the Dutch laboured to per- suade them (the English at Leyden,) to go to Hudson's river, and settle under their West India Company; " the fact is sta- ted as above with some hesitation. It is possible, however, that as these adventurers preferred being under the govern- ment and protection of the English, and their designed place of settlement was near Hudson's river, but to be considered as a part of the government of Virginia, the Dutch might be averse to having them as neighbours in that way, and for that reason bribed the captain to carry them farther from their settlement at New York. See the Appendix No. 1, to Hutch- inson's Hist. Vol. 2.
* This seems to be a better and stronger reason, why they never made any subsequent use of their charter from the South Virginia Company, than that which has been usually assigned by historians ; that is, because Wincob, the paten- it'e, never went to New England.
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prudent part of them, by some symptoms of faction and disorganisation exhibited during the passage. among the inferior class of them, who were heard to mutter, that when they should get on shore, one man would be as good as another, and they would do what they pleased. It was, therefore, judged expedient, that before disembarkation, they should combine themselves into a body politic, to be go- verned by the majority. A written instrument, drawn for that purpose, was accordingly subscribed on board the ship, on the eleventh day of Novem- ber, by forty-one of their number, who are suppo- sed to have been all the males of age in the com- pany, which amounted to one hundred and one per- sons. * John Carver was then unanimously chosen their governour, for one year. The principal inten- tion of this written instrument of express covenant, is said to have been " of a mere moral nature, that they might remove all scruples of inflicting neces- sary punishments, even capital ones, seeing all had voluntarily subjected themselves to them." It does not appear, however, notwithstanding the expedi- ency of this express compact, that the leaders of these colonists considered themselves so entirely brought back to a state of nature, and so totally emancipated from all former obligations, as to ac- knowledge no superior political power, and to be independent of all other governments. Although the most of them had been residents for some time
* See this instrument in Hutchinson's Hist. of Massachu- setts, Vol. 2, Appendix No. 1, and in Hazard's Collections, Vol. 1, p. 119.
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SECT. VIII. in Holland, and therefore, in modern construction, were now expatriated from their native country; 1620. yet they seem to have considered themselves as English subjects, and entitled to all the benefits and privileges resulting from the common law of England, and such English statutes, as were ap- plicable to their local situation. This indeed might possibly have been so deemed, as being the con- sequence of both their contract with the Virginia Company, and the permission of the king to set- tle in North America. They are said to have, therefore, " resolved to make the laws of England their rule of government, until they should agree upon laws suited to their peculiar circumstan- ces."*
Several of their principal men now went in their boat or shallop to search for a suitable place where they might fix their first settlement. After ranging for some days about the bay of Cape Cod, they entered a harbour, which after sounding they found to be fit for shipping, and after exploring the land adjacent to the harbour, they judged it a con- venient situation for a settlement, and returned with the welcome intelligence to the ship. They pro- ceeded with the ship to the newly discovered port, where they arrived on the sixteenth day of Decem- ber, a very improper season of the year, indeed, for the commencement of a colonial settlement, in such a climate. But necessity seemed now to have left them no choice, and as soon as they could erect
* Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, Volume 2d; Appendix, No. I.
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habitations to receive their company, they were landed. The place, it seems, was called by the natives Patuxet, but is now well known by the name of Plymouth, in the state of Massachusetts. From this small beginning, time has at length pro- duced those now populous states, which lie to the northward of New York. It is unnecessary for us to pursue their history any farther in this place.
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SECTION IX.
Causes of the severe statutes against Roman Catholics in England. during the reign of Elizabeth-Their conduct on the accession of James I-The; cause of additional statutes against them-The successes of the Catholics and Puritans give rise to political par- ties-First scheme of a colony of English Catholics in Newfound- lund, under the patronage of Sir George Calvert-Sir George Cal- vert created lord Baltimore, visits Virginia, with further views of colonisation-The conduct of the Virginians towards him-Diffe- rences among the Catholics with respect to the oaths of allegiance and supremacy-Lord Baltimore forms the scheme of settling a colony in Maryland-Settlement of a colony of Swedes on the Delaware-The Virginians oppose the lord Baltimore's schemo- William Claybourne's claim-Lord Baltimore returns to England, and relinquishes his views of a settlement on Newfoundland-Ob- tains the promise of a grant of the province of Maryland, which is given on his death to his son Cecilius.
WHILE the Puritans had thus sought an asy- lum in America, from the rigour of those laws which the government of England, in the reigns of Elizabeth and James, had thought proper to be enacted against non-conformists to their established Church, the Papists, who were equally obnoxious to the majority of the nation, had now begun also, from similar motives, to look about for a place of refuge. But it will be proper to examine a little into the precedent causes, which brought them into this situation.
It must be acknowledged by every candid Ca- tholic, at this day, that the church of Rome, from the third century to the French revolution, having considered itself as the only true Christian church,
SECT. IX.
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SECT. IX. has uniformly held that all persons who ventured to promulgate and maintain religious doctrines con- 1620. trary to those which the ancient church are suppo- sed to have received from Jesus Christ, were to be deemed heretics, liable, upon the principles of Christianity, to the punishment of death. Intole- rance, therefore, with respect to other sects of the Christian religion, seems to have been a principle necessarily inherent in the papal hierarchy. Those who professed this system of religion, seem to have been bound by the obligation of their religious pro- fession, to apply the strong arm of persecution, in order to correct any presumptuous aberration from the doctrines of their church. It appears, there- fore, that the reformers in general entertained irra- tional expectations, when they demanded a toleration of their opinions. It was, without doubt, under these impressions, that the English reformers, es- pecially in the reign of Elizabeth, renounced such expectations, as visionary hopes. The cruel per- secutions also, which they experienced during the reign of Mary, taught them what they were to ex. pect, should the Papists retain their power in that nation. There were, moreover, certain principles maintained by the Papists on the continent of Eu- rope, at the period of time of which we are now treating, which were totally inconsistent with any thing like good government. That the pope had a power of excommunicating kings who refused to obey his directions, and that thereupon all subjects of such king so excommunicated, were absolved from their allegiance to him; and besides, that any of the subjects of such king might privately assas-
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sinate him, and for such deed not only obtain the pardon and blessing of his holiness, but thereby merit an everlasting crown of glory in heaven; and moreover, that it was lawful to put heretics to death by private assassination, without the formality of legal trial and public execution; that these were political as well as religious tenets, held by the greater number of the zealous Roman Catholics un- til the latter end of the seventeenth century, cannot possibly be denied .* The horrid massacre of the French Protestants on St. Bartholomew's day, in the year 1572, and the assassinations of two kings of France, Henry III and IV, and that of the prince of Orange were all in the sixteenth century, avowedly justified on these principles.t Much
* See note (P) at the end of the volume.
The assassins of the two kings of France were evidently instigated thereto more by their religious tenets than the poli- tical principle of tyrannicide. Sermons were preached, and books were written, to prove that, these princes being here- tics, and excommunicated by the pope, it was meritorious, even in individuals, to remove them. Nor do these tenets appear to have been peculiar only to the Jesuits. John Cle- ment, who assassinated Henry III, was a jacobin monk, of the order of Dominicans. The whole convent knew his de- sign, before he went on the execution of it, and approved it; and pope Sixtus, Vth, of hypocritical notoriety, was not ashamed, in a full consistory, to magnify the holy zeal of this bloody villain, and to extol his courage and piety beyond that of Judith. The reward set on the head of William, prince of Orange, (the Washington of the states of Holland,) by Philip II, of Spain, was, perhaps, the real motive of both the assassins who attempted his life ; but the first of them, who only wounded him, had confessed his intention to a Domini- can priest, and received from him absolution, and a promise
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SECT. cause, therefore, had the people of England to ap- IX. prehend danger in the enjoyment of 'their civil and religious liberties, had the crown of that kingdom descended, on the death of Mary, to any other claimant than Elizabeth. Hence, therefore,. the severe laws which were enacted against Papists during the reign of that princess, were naturally to have been expected. Not that the free enjoyment of religious opinions is not a natural right, inherent in every individual member of society, but if poli- tical opinions are so mingled with religion, as to af- fect the just as well as necessary administration of the government, without the preservation of which mankind cannot well, or at least happily exist, and those who profess such opinions are constantly en- deavouring to put them into action and practice, through the medium of religion, reason and com- mon sense dictate the necessity of suppressing the exercise of even such ostensible rights, by such laws as shall be adequate to the purpose .* Whe-
of eternal reward. The massacre of St. Bartholomew's was done by the orders of the king, (Charles IX) who openly avowed it, and was complimented upon it by the parliament of Paris ; and pope Gregory, XIII, went in a procession on foot, to a church in Rome, to give public thanks on the news thereof, and ordered a jubilee over all Europe to be observed, in consideration of that great blow given to the heretics. See Bayle's Hist. Dict. art. Boucher, Chastel, Guignard, Hen. III, and Sanctesius. Also, the Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 24, p. 271, 328, 354, 361, 435 .- Vol. 26, p. 368, 398 .- Vol. 31, p. 91. * Voltaire well observes upon the dispute between the Gal- lican church and the pope, in the seventeenth century, before- mentioned, " that it was the cause of the people, whose re- pose requires, that their sovereign be independent of any fo- mign power." Age of Louis XIV, ch. 31.
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ther the several statutes enacted against popish recu- sants, during the reigns of Elizabeth and James, transcended these ends and purposes, and were un- necessarily severe, is quite a different question from that which involves the position just mentioned.
SECT." IX.
1558.
1558. Causes of
In confirmation of these observations, one of the the severe. first incidents which occurred on the accession of statutes against tholics, in Elizabeth to the throne, before any parliament had Roman C .. sat, or statutes been enacted, deserves notice .- Ed- England, ward Carne, the English ambassador, at Rome, reign of during the had orders to notify to the pope, (Paul IV,) Mary's Elizabeth. death and Elizabeth's accession to the crown. This haughty high priest, whose bigotry of mind and austerity of temper appear to have increased in his extreme old age, replied to the ambassador, " That it was great boldness in her to assume the crown without his consent; that England was a fief of the " holy see; that being illegitimate, she could not possibly inherit that kingdom; that she deserved no favour at his hands; but if she would renounce her pretentions, and refer herself wholly to him, he would show a fatherly affection for her."* In these more enlightened days, no person can understand this in any other sense, than an assumption of power by a high priest of a particular sect of Christians,
* Rapin's Hist. of England, (Tindal's edit.) Vol. 7, p. 183. Hume's Hist. ch. 38. This pope refused, but a few months before this, nearly upon the same principles, to confirm the election of Ferdinand I, of Austria, as emperor of Germany, on the resignation of Charles V, " contending that the pope, as the vicegerent of Christ, was entrusted with the keys both of celestial and terrestial government ; and that from him the imperial jurisdiction was derived." Robertson's History of Charles V, b. 12.
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SECT. IX. to dispose of the civil government, and with it, the people of an independent nation.
1565.
The barbarous association entered into, in a few years afterwards, between the courts of France and Spain, at their celebrated interview at Bayonne, in the year 1565, for a total extermination of the Pro- testants by fire and sword, (of which the massacre of St. Bartholomew's, before-mentioned, was, with- out a doubt, a consequence,) affords strong indica- tion of the principles of the Catholics at this era of time : which association seems to be too well au- thenticated in history, to admit of doubt .*
1559.
As a further proof of the improper intermixture of religion and politics, by the Catholics of these times, may be mentioned the bull of excommuni- cation, issued by pope Pius V, against Elizabeth, bearing date February 25, 1569, wherein, after de- claring, " that, as successor of St. Peter, he was constituted by Him that reigneth on high, over all nations and all kingdoms, that he might pluck up, destroy, dissipate, ruinate, plant, and build," he proceeds thus : " We deprive her of her pretended right to the kingdom, and of all dominion, dignity, and privilege whatsoever ; and absolve all the no- bles, subjects, and people of the kingdom, and who- ever also have sworn to her, from their oath and all duty whatsoever, in regard of dominion, fidelity, and obedience."+ It was evident, from the concur- rent events of the times, that this bull was intended
* Rapin's Hist. (Tindal's edit.) Vol. 7, p. 261. Hume's }iist. ch. 39.
1 Woodeson's Lect. Vol. 2, p. 535.
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to foment plots and insurrections against her, and SECT. particularly to forward a rebellion of her subjects, IX. 1569. which was at that time in agitation in the north of England. In pursuance of these objects, one John Felton had the hardihood to affix the bull to the gates of the bishop of London's house ; and scorn- ing either to fly or to deny the fact, he was arrested, tried, condemned, and hanged : and thereby obtain- ed the empty repute of a glorious martyrdom .*
1535.
Not content with these means of dethroning the queen, and thereby restoring themselves to their former ascendancy in the state, the Catholics had recourse to the inhuman scheme, of causing her to be assassinated. One William Parry, an English Catholic gentleman, had received the queen's par- don, for a crime, by which he was exposed to capi- tal punishment ; and having obtained permission to travel, he retired to Milan, and made open profes- sion of his religion, which he had concealed while he remained in England. He was here persuaded by a Jesuit, that he could not perform a more meri- torious action, than to take away the life of his so- vereign and his benefactress. The pope's nuncio at Milan, when consulted by him, approved ex- tremely of this pious undertaking; and Parry, though still agitated with doubts, went to Paris, with an intention of passing over to England, and - executing his bloody purpose. He was here also encouraged in the design by one Thomas Morgan, an English Catholic refugee, then residing in France,
* Hume's Hist. ch. 40. Rapin's Hist. (Tindal's edit.) Vol. 7, p. 350,
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SECT. IX. of great credit in the party ; and though some other Catholic priests told him that the enterprise was 1535. criminal and impious, yet having received the fur- ther encouragement of the pope's nuncio at Paris, he determined to persist in his resolution. Before he left Paris, he wrote a letter to the pope on the subject ; in which he communicated his intention to the holy father, and craved his absolution and paternal benediction. This letter being conveyed to the pope, through the cardinal Como, he re- ceived an answer from the cardinal; by which, he found that his purpose was extremely applauded, and he went over to England, with a full design of carrying it into execution. But, as Hume on this occasion justly observes, " so deeply are the senti- ments of morality engraved in the human breast, that it is difficult even for the prejudices of false religion, totally to efface them." This bigotted assassin resolved, before he came to extremities, to try every other expedient for alleviating the perse- cutions under which the Catholics at that time la- boured. He found means of being introduced to the queen : assured her that many conspiracies were formed against her ; and exhorted her, as she ten- dered her life, to give the Romanists some more indulgence in the exercise of their religion. But, Jest he should be tempted by the opportunity, to assassinate her, he always came to court unprovided with every offensive weapon. He even found means to be elected a member of parliament ; and having . made a vehement haranguc against the severe laws .. enacted against the Catholics, was committed to custody. This circumstance, together with that of
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his perusal of a book, then lately written and pub- lished by a doctor William Allen, afterwards a car- dinal, wherein it was attempted to be maintained, that it was not only lawful, but honourable, to kill princes excommunicated, confirmed him in his for- mer resolution .* Having obtained his liberty, he communicated his intention to a person of the name and ancient family of the Nevils, who at first enter- ed zealously into the design, and was determined to have a share in the merits of its execution. But Nevil, becoming in the mean-time, next heir to the . title of the earl of Westmoreland, which had been forfeited by the last earl, he conceived hopes, that by doing some acceptable service to the queen, he might recover the estate and honours. He there- fore, betrayed the whole conspiracy to the minis- ters; and Parry, being thrown into prison, con-
* This cardinal Allen was originally an English Catholic, bred at the university of Oxford, but shortly after Elizabeth's accession to the throne, and the restoration of the reformed religion, he retired from England, and had the principal hand in founding the English Catholic college at Donay, on the borders of France and Flanders, in the year 1568, where pro- bably he wrote his above-mentioned mischievous book. It was from here, as well as from similar institutions at St. Omer's and Leige, that the Catholics in England were sup- plied with priests during the reigns of Elizabeth and James. He was made a cardinal by pope Sextus V, about the time of the famous invasion of England by the Spanish armada, in 1558, at the particular request of Philip II, to whom this pope had given the investiture of England, after having ex- communicated Elizabeth, and deprived her as far as he could, of her right to the kingdom. See Rapin's Hist. (Tindal's edit.) Vol. 7, p. 415, and the Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 25, p. 388.
SECT. IX. 1585.
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SECT. IX. fessed the guilt, both to them and to the jury wlio tried him. The letter from cardinal Como, being 1585. produced in court, put the encouragement he had received both from the pope and the cardinal, be- yond all question .*
These incidents are here mentioned, only as a few of the most prominent proofs, with which the historians of those times abound, of the improper conduct of the English Catholics in the reign of Elizabeth ; which, if not a complete justification, yet greatly palliates the injustice, if any, in enacting those rigorous statutes against popery, which took place in her reign, and which could not have been justified on any other principle. ¡
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