USA > Maryland > A sketch of the history of Maryland during the three first years after its settlement : to which is prefixed, a copious introduction > Part 19
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# It may be mentioned, by way of counterpart to this, that in this same year, (1634,) the New Englanders at Massachu- setts, had carried their fanaticism to such a ridiculous ex- treme, that they cut the cross out of the king's colours under which they mustered, as being a relique of anti-Christian su- perstition. Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. 1; p. 41. Robertson's Hist. of America, Vol. 4, p. 295, 296.
They ex- plore the Patow- mack
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and landed on the south or Virginia side of the CHAP. river, but found that the Indians had fled from them 1. 1634.
through fear. He thence still proceeded up the ri- ver about nine leagues, and came to an Indian town called Patowmack town ;* where the chief, called the Werowance,t being an infant, the territory was governed in his minority, by his uncle, whose name was Archihan. By him they were received in a very friendly manner. From this town they sailed up the Patowmack a considerable distance, estimated by them at about twenty leagues, to Piscataway ; where they found many Indians assembled, and among them an Englishman, captain Henry Fleet, who had lived there several years, in great esteem with the natives. Through the influence of captain Fleet, the Werowance or chief of the tribe there as- sembled, was prevailed upon to go on board the governour's pinnace. The governour asked him, whether he was willing, that he and his people
* The historians from whom this account is taken, do not say on which side of the Patowmack this town was ; whether in Virginia or Maryland. If in the latter, it was, most pro- bably, situated somewhere near Cedar point, or Pickawaxen creek, in Charles county.
t The word Werowance, seems to have been in use also with the Indian tribes of Virginia. The emperor Powhatan is re- presented as applying the appellation of Werowance to him- self. See Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 1, p. 117, 137. It · appears to have signified among the Indians-the king, or chief, or head-man of the tribe or nation. The infancy of this Werowance, above-mentioned, seems to disprove what is alleged by some writers, that among the American Indians, monarchy is always elective. See Mr. Charles Thompson's note (5,) to Jefferson's Notes. Appendix.
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CHAP. I. should settle in his country, in case they found a place convenient for them. The Werowance re- 1634. plied, " I will not bid you go, neither will I bid you stay, but you may use your own discretion." The Indians on shore, finding that the Werowance staid on board longer than they expected, crowded down to the water-side, to look after him, fearing that the English had killed him; and they were not satisfied till he showed himself, to appease them.
The governour, on reflection, thinking that it would not, perhaps, be so advisable to settle so high up the river, in the infancy of the colony : and in- fluenced somewhat, probably, by the cautious an- swer of the Werowance, determined to seek for a settlement further down the river. He, therefore, returned down the Patowmack, to St. Clement's isle again, taking captain Fleet with him. They then proceeded to a small river on the north side of the Patowmack, within four or five leagues of its mouth, which the governour called St. George's river. Sailing up this small river about four leagues, they came to an Indian town, called by the natives Yoamaco,* from whence the tribe here inhabiting, were called Yoamacoes.
The reader will recollect, that it has been before mentioned, that Powhatan's territories, over which he was emperor or grand chief, was said to extend along the lowlands upon the Chesapeake, from Cape
* This town is by some, (See Kilty's Landholder's Assist- ant, p. 14, called Yaocomico : but I find the name spelt as above in the histories, from whence what is here related is taken.
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Henry to the mouth of the Patuxent, in Maryland ; CHAP. and that his empire consisted of at least forty differ- I. 1634. ent tribes .* As governour Calvert, in his present exploration of the Patowmack, found, it seems, se- veral distinct independent chiefs, called Werow. ances, it is probable, that they were the chiefs of as many distinct tribes, who formerly composed a part of that grand confederacy, which had existed under Powhatan ; called, from him, The Powhatan Con- federacy, in contra-distinction to the two other grand confederacies, denominated the Manahoacs and the Monacans. : But, as Powhatan had now been dead some years, it does not appear clearly, whether his successor was, at the time of the arrival of our co- lonists, the grand chief or emperor of the whole of the former Powhatan confederacy, or whether the Yoamacoes considered themselves as belonging to that confederacy, and subject to Opitchapan, who was Powhatan's successor.
The governour, having landed here, entered into The go- a conference or treaty with the Werowance, and fixes upon vernour acquainted him with the cause of his coming ; to which the Indian said little, probably not wishing first set. to encourage a settlement among them ; but, invit- tlement. ing him to his cabin, he entertained him as kindly as he could, and at night gave him his own bed to lie on. The next day he showed him the country ; and the governour, determining to make the first settlement here, sent orders to the ship and boats to
St. Mary's for their
* See Mr. Charles Thompson's note (5,) in the Appendix to Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. Also, Burk's Hist. of Vir- ginia, Vol. 1, p. 112.
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CHAP. come to him. To pave the way to his peaceable I. admission into the country, he presented the We- 1634. rowance, and principal men of the town, with some English cloth, axes, hoes, and knives, which they accepted with pleasure, and freely consented that he and his company should dwell in one part of their town, reserving the other .for themselves. Those Indians who inhabited that part which was assigned to the English, readily abandoned their huts to them. .The natives further agreed to leave the whole town to the English, as soon as they could gather their corn ; which they faithfully performed : and it was further stipulated, that until that time, the two na- -tions should live in a friendly manner together. If any injury was done on either part, the nation offending was to make satisfaction. The gover- nour then, on the 27th of March, 1634, caused the colonists to land, and according to the agreement, take possession of the town, which they named St. Mary's.
Circum- stances fa- vourable to them.
A circumstance is mentioned to have occurred at this time, which very much facilitated this treaty with the Indians. The Susquehanocks, who lived about the head of the bay, were in the practice of making incursions on their neighbours, partly for dominion, and partly for booty ; of which last, wo- men were most desired by them. The Yoamacocs, fearing these Susquehanocks, had, a year before the Maryland colony arrived, resolved to desert their habitations, and remove higher into the country. Many of them were actually gone, and the rest were preparing to follow them, about the time when
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the English arrived : so that the voluntary surrender CHAP. of their town is easily accounted for. I.
The first thing the governour caused to be done 1634. Proceed- after the colonists were landed, was to erect two ings of buildings, one for a guard-house, and the other for the colo- nists after a store-house. Some of the colonists he also set to landing. work, in making preparations for the planting of corn. In a few days afterwards, the governour re- ceived a friendly visit from Sir John Harvey, then governour of Virginia. From this circumstance it may be inferred, that however unfavourably the his- torians of Virginia may have represented the cha- racter of this governour, he did not enter into the opposition which had been excited in that province against lord Baltimore's charter, and the settlement of the Maryland colony. We are not informed of any material incidents relative to his visit. While he re- · mained there, governour Calvert received also, the visits of several Indian Werowances, from the inte- rior parts of the country ; among others, came the king of Patuxent, who had formerly been a pri- soner to the English, in Virginia. To please these Indians, the government made an entertainment on board of the ship then at anchor in the river : the ' king of Patuxent was placed at the table, in a kind of state, between the governour of Virginia and the governour of Maryland. But, an incident occurred, which threatened to destroy the pleasure of the feast: a Patuxent Indian coming on board, and secing his king thus seated, started back, and refused to enter into the cabin, supposing that his king was confined there as a captive; and would have leaped overboard,
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CHAP. had not the king himself come and satisfied him, I. that he was in no danger.
1634.
The store-house being finished, and it becoming necessary to unload the ship, and bring the stores for the colony on shore, the governour, thinking that doing it with a little pomp and state would im- press the natives with respect for the colonists, or- dered it to be done with as much solemnity as they could. The colours were brought on shore, and the colonists were all paraded under arms. Vollies of musquetry were fired, which were answered by discharges of cannon on board the ship. The two kings or Werowances of Patuxent and Yoamaco, being both present at this exhibition, with many other Indians of Yoamaco, the former took that oc- sion to advise the Indians of Yoamaco to be careful to keep the league they had made with the English. He remained in the town several days afterwards; and it is said, that when he took his leave, he made this remarkable speech to the governour : " I love the English so well, that if they should go about to kill me, if I had so much breath as to speak, I would command the people not to revenge my death; for I know they would not do such a thing, except it were through my own fault."*
Great har- mony be. natives and colo- nists.
During the remainder of the year, while the Eng- tween the lish and Indians lived in St. Mary's together, ac- cording to their stipulation, the utmost harmony appears to have prevailed among them. The natives went every day, to hunt with the " new comers,"
Oldmixon's British Empire in America, Vol. 1, p. 104, 188. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 40, p. 467.
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for deer and turkies ; which, when they had caught, being more expert at it, they either gave to the English, or sold for knives, beads, and such trifles. They also supplied them with fish in plenty. As a certain mark of the entire confidence, which these unsuspecting people placed in the colonists, their women and children became, in some measure, do- mesticated in the English families.
We have here to express a regret, that the loss of most of the early records of the province, in about ten years after this period, during the civil commotions which agitated the mother country, and had extended to the colonies, has irreparably de- prived us of other interesting particulars of the first transactions of the Maryland colony .*
The arrival of the colony in the early part of the year, was attended with such fortunate circum- stances, that we cannot but suppose, that it was in- tentionally so done, in order to have time to erect habitations against the succeeding winter, and to raise sufficient corn for their next year's subsist- ence. It seems, however, that they had taken the precaution to bring along with them from Barba- does, an additional supply of Indian corn, beyond the flour and bread of their English stores. They had, very judiciously, preconcerted their departure from England, so as to pass the winter months in the West Indies, and by that means to arrive in the colder latitude of the Chesapeake at the commence-
* Captain Richard Ingle, who associated with captain Clay- borne, seized the records of the province in 1644, and carried them to Virginia. Most of them were lost or embezzled. See Bacon's preface to his edition of the Laws of Maryland.
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CHAP. ment of the vernal season. They availed themselves. of this advantage, by planting Indian corn at the 1634. proper time of the year, in the grounds bordering on the town, which had been already cleared by the Indians. Their crops proved so luxuriant, that in the next year, or in the year after, it is said they exported ten thousand bushels of Indian corn to New England, to purchase salt fish and other pro- visions .*
Inter- rupicd by Clayhoorne and his party.
From concurrent circumstances, and indeed from the assertions of historians, we are induced to sup- pose, that among the first causes which tended to disturb this harmony between the English and na- tives, were the improper insinuations circulated among the latter by captain William Clayborne and his party. They most unjustly and falsely endea- voured to create a belief among the Indians, that the Maryland colonists were Spaniards, and enemies of the English in Virginia ; probably availing them- selves, in proof thereof, of the similitude in their religious ceremonies. Clayborne had, it seems, prior to the arrival of governour Calvert and his colony, settled himself, with some others, on the isle of Kent, which is situated in the Chesapeake, higher up than St. Mary's, and within the lines of the lord Baltimore's charter. This he had done in virtue of his license to traffic with the natives, and thereupon claimed a right to the property of the soil, not only of this island, but of another settle- ment which he had also fixed at the mouth of the `Susquehanna. Lord Baltimore, perhaps apprized
* Oldmixon's British Empire, Vol. 1, p. 18.
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of these circumstances before the emigration of his CHAP. colony, had given orders, that if Clayborne would I. 1634. not submit to his government, he should be seized and punished .* He was not, however, taken ; but being provoked that the lord Baltimore had obtain- ed a grant, which included these places to which he had been accustomed to trade, and where he had now made some settlements, he sought all the means in his power to defeat the success and pros- perity of the colony at St. Mary's. Among those means, was this ungenerous and cruel attempt to set the savages at war upon this infant colony. This ridiculous suggestion was at first believed by the simple natives, and suddenly they withdrew their company from St. Mary's. Our colonists were then employed in erecting comfortable habitations for themselves, in and about the town ; but, alarmed at this alteration in the behaviour of the Indians, they ceased from the work on their buildings, and be- took themselves to the erection of a fort for their security ; which, it is said, they accomplished in about six weeks, and then returned again to their employments in finishing their houses. In a short time, however, the Indians became sensible of this deception, and resorted again, as formerly, to the colony. t
* The 12th and 13th sections of the charter, seem to have authorised the exercise of martial law in such cases.
t Oldmixon's British Empire, Vol. 1, p. 188, 189. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. 40, p. 468. About this time, a commission was issued by the king, to archbishop Laud, and divers other lords spiritual and temporal, (therein named,) vesting in them powers of government over all the English colonies already
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CHAP. I. Clayborne, however, was not content with this secret mode of annoying the colony. He resorted 1634. to open military force in his opposition to lord Bal- timore's government. Early in the year 1635, he granted his special warrant or commission, under his hand, to a certain Ratcliffe Warren, then com- monly known as lieutenant Warren, to seize and capture any of the pinnaces or other vessels belong- ing to the government or colonists at St. Mary's; and in pursuance thereof an armed pinnace or boat belonging to Clayborne, was fitted out for that pur- pose, .manned with about fourteen men, among whom was a certain Thomas Smith, gentleman, who appears to have been second in command, next to
Warren, on this expedition. The government at St. Mary's, probably apprized of these measures of Clayborne, immediately equipped also two armed pinnaces or boats, which sailed under the command of Thomas Cornwallis, esq., one of the assistants or commissioners before-mentioned. These two armaments met, it seems, some time in April or
planted or to be planted, not only in political, but in eccle- siastical matters. It seems to have been styled in common parlance, The Board of Lords Commissioners for Foreign Plantations. See it in the original Latin, in Hazard's Collec- tions, Vol. 1, p. 345, and in English in Hutchinson's Hist. of Massachusetts, Vol. 1, appendix, No. IV .; but these two copies vary in the names of one or two of the commissioners, and somewhat also in the date of it. It does not appear to have ever had any operation with respect to the Maryland co- lony, and was probably intended more particularly against that of Massachusetts; but the approach of the civil wars in England, shortly afterwards, must soon have rendered it a dead letter, even as to that province.
Clayborne resorts to open mili- tary force.
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May of this year, 1635, in either the Pocomoke CHAP. or Wighcomoco rivers on the eastern shore of the I. province, * where a battle commenced between them, 1635. by Clayborne's men firing first on Cornwallis's boats, as alleged in the proceedings of the assem- bly in this case. t Cornwallis immediately returned the fire; and the result was, that lieutenant Warren and two of his men were killed, and one of Corn- wallis's men. Clayborne's boat and men, it would seem, were taken; and as Thomas Smith, gentle. man, was probably the next in command or princi- pal person, after the death of Warren, he was after. wards tried for the offence by the assembly, as will presently be further noticed.± Clayborne, before
* There were two indictments found before a county court, held at St. Mary's on the 12th of February, 1637, (old style), upon which Thomas Smith and others of Clayborne's men, appear to have been arraigned and tried by the assembly. In one of which indictments the offence is stated to have been committed " in the river Pocomoque, on the eastern shore, on the 23d of April, in the year 1635." In the other indictment, the offence is laid or stated to have been committed "in the harbour of great Wiggomoco, in the bay of Chesapeake, on the 10th day of May, in the year of our Lord 1635." Whether they were two distinct engagements between the two parties does not appear certain. The murder of William Ashmore, one of Cornwallis's men, seems to be the gist of the of- ' fence in both indictments. From which it might be inferred, that there was only one battle; and Clayborne, in his subse- quent petition to his majesty, mentions but one engagement.
t It is proper to mention here, that Clayborne, in his peti- tion, alleged that Cornwallis and his men fired first on his boat, and that they had taken his pinnaces and boats, and still detained them. See his petition hereafter-cited.
# Provincial Records, entitled " Council Proceedings from 1636 to 1644."
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this, had fled for refuge to Virginia, and commis-
CHAP. I. sioners were sent by the governour of Maryland to 1635. the governour of Virginia (Hervey) to reclaim him as a criminal against the laws of Maryland; but Hervey thought it proper to send Clayborne, with the witnesses, to England .*
1636. The lord proprie- tor's in- structions In this situation of constant danger from the sa- vages, and actual warfare with their own country -. men, it could not be expected that the colonists had relative to as yet, in a little more than a year from their first grants of lands. landing, extended their settlements to begin their small town at St. Mary's. The lord proprietor, how- ever, had not forgotten to make arrangements for a more dispersed occupation of the country. There is strong evidence to presume that written proposi- tions or conditions, upon which the colonists were to emigrate, had been " propounded" to them, before their departure from England; but as these are not now to be found among the records of the province, it is probable that the instrument of writing contain- ing them was either among those lost or embezzled by Ingle and Clayborne, as before-mentioned, or it was never placed on record. Be that as it may, his lordship, in the year 1636, considered it proper to send to his brother, the governour, or as he is there- in styled, " his lieutenant-general of the province of Maryland," " Instructions," relative to grants of land, to be made to the several colonists or " adven- turers," as they are therein termed, " for the plant- ing of his province of Maryland." As this instru-
* Burk's Hist. of Virginia, Vol. 2. p. 40.
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ment of writing* contains the outlines of his lord- CHAP. ship's plan for parcelling out the lands of his pro- I. 1636. vince, in pursuance of his charter, and therein de- velopes the mode of colonisation subsequently pur- sued by him, it will be proper here to state the sub. stance of it in as concise a manner as it will admit.
After referring in the preamble to former agree- ments heretofore propounded and promised by him, for the grants of land to the adventurers, he autho- rises his brother and lieutenant-general, or any other his lieutenant-general there for the time being, to " cause to be made under the great seal of the province, unto every first adventurer for every five men, aged between sixteen and fifty years, which such adventurer did bring into our said province, to inherit and plant there, in the year 1633,t and un- Howlands to his heirs forever, a grant of two thousand acres granted to were to be of land of English measure, for the yearly rent of the first adventu- 400 lb. of good wheat, and to every adventurer rers in which in that year did bring a less number than five 1633. · men into the said province, of the ages aforesaid to inhabit and plant there, and unto his heirs forever, a grant of one hundred acres of land of like mea- sure for himself, and one hundred acres more for his wife, (if he brought any,) and for every servant,
* It is by some called, " conditions of plantation ;" and si- milar documents, to be found among the records, issued from time to time, have been generally so denominated ; but " in- structions" is the appellation given them on this occasion in the Provincial Records; see " Council Proceedings from 1636 to 1657."
t The first colonists left England, on the 22d of Novem- ber, 1633.
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CHAP. and fifty acres for every child under the age of six. I. teen years, for the rent of 10 lb. of wheat yearly for
1636. every fifty acres.
How to
the adven- turers of 1634 and 1635.
" And to every other adventurer, which hath ad- ventured to transport men into our province, of the age aforesaid, in the years 1634 and 1635, for every ten men which such adventurer did bring into our said province, in either of the said years, and to his heirs, forever, a grant of two thousand acres of land of the like measure, for the yearly rent of 600 lb. of good wheat, and to every other adventurer, which in either of the said years, did bring a less number than ten men as aforesaid, and to his heirs, forever, a grant of one hundred acres of land (of like measure) for himself, and one hundred acres for his wife, (if he brought any,) and for every ser- vant one hundred acres, and for every child under the age of sixteen years fifty acres, for the yearly rent of 10 lb. weight of wheat for every fifty acres.
How to all others, af- ter the year 1635.
" And to every other adventurer, which hath ad- ventured to plant and transport any men into our said province, since the year 1635, or which at any time hereafter, shall transport any men of the age aforesaid, to inhabit and plant there until some other or further conditions of plantation, shall by us be propounded and published to adventurers, and an authentic copy of such conditions, by us signed and transmitted into our said province, for every five men which he or they shall so transport thither, and to his or her heirs, forever, a grant of one thousand acres of English measure, for the yearly rent of twenty shillings, to be paid in the commodities of the country, for every such thousand acres ; and to
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every other adventurer, which within the time next CHAP. afore-mentioned, hath or shall transport any number 1. of persons less than five, a grant of one hundred 1636. acres of land for him or herself, and one hundred more for his wife, (if he brought any,) and as much for every man-servant, and fifty acres more for every child under the age of sixteen years ; and for every maid-servant under the age of forty years, to his or her heirs, forever, for the yearly rent of twelve pence, for every fifty acres.
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