USA > Maryland > An historical view of the government of Maryland : from its colonization to the present day > Part 28
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HISTORY OF THE ROYAL
[Filst. View.
already commenced between them and the English colonies, The principal resistance to their encroachments, which the French had hitherto encountered, arose from the implacable hos- tility of the Fire Nations ; whose position, on the borders of New York, had materially contributed to its defence. Peculiarly ex- posed by its situation, as the frontier colony, to the attacks of the French, that province had hitherto relied, in a great measure, upon its own resources; and the other colonies, whilst they reaped the benefits of their efforts, were exempt from the perils and burdens of their defence. The French war, ensuing upon the accession of king William, rendered a new system of defence necessary. The government of New York now began to look to the sister colonies, for assistance in repelling the ag- gressions of the connon enemy. In April, 1692, she addressed to the government of Maryland, a most earnest solicitation for her aid in keeping up the garrison of Albany, which (says she) is the frontier garrison of all the English plantations on the main of America, and by the loss of which we must lose our Indians also. (42) It was soon followed by a letter from the king, en- joining it upon Maryland, in general terms, to give assistance to New York ; (43) but these general requisitions being attended with little effect, the king transmitted new instructions to 'the colonies in 1691, in which the quota of assistance, to be furnished by each colony, was particularly defined. (44) Thus began, in Maryland, the system of crown requisitions, which was ever after- wards kept up in the general operations of the colonies against the common enemy. The plan of their united efforts being con- certed, the king's instructions to the colonies allotted to each the quota of men and money to be furnished by it for the common enterprise. These requisitions, although intended to be impera- tive, were not always regarded as such. They had to pass through the ordeal of the colonial Assemblies, upon whom alone it depended to give them energy, and by whom they were car- ried into effect, when it suited the convenience of their colonies. In Maryland, they were frequently disregarded both at this and other periods of her colonial history. To narrate particularly
(42) Council Proceedings, Liber F F, 613 and 673.
(43) Same Liber, F F, 791.
(44) Same Liber, II D. part 2d, 138.
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Chap. III.] . GOVERNMENT OF MARYLAND.
all the transactions of this administration in connexion with them, down to the treaty of Ryswick in 1697, would be an use- less task. (45) They were received with a very ill grace by the Assembly of Maryland, at this period : and obedience to them was generally declined, upon the plea of inability to incur more than the expense of their own frontier defences. Some of these transactions present an amusing contrast between the past and present condition of Maryland and New York : (46) and the general results of the system to which they belonged, are stillinteresting in the colonial history. This system of re- quisitions, imperfect as its obligations were, in some measure
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(45) The various proceedings of the government of Maryland, in relation to these requisitions, will be seen in Council Proceedings, Lib. FF, 613, 673, 791, 802, 831 and 893. Liber H D, No. 2, 138, 144, 148, 191, 251, 276, 307 and 372 ..
(46) The calls made upon Maryland for her assistance were exceedingly harassing to her Assemblies. The quota required of her at the session of Oc- tober, 1695, was £133 ; but the Assembly represented the province as utterly unable to meet the requisition, and resolved to petition the crown for relief from it. In this exigency, the governor came forward and offered to advance. the money. His offer was gladly accepted, and the money transmitted. About that period, Thomas Tasker, the treasurer of Maryland, was sent by governor Nicholson, on an embassy to New York, with a small sum of money for her relief. Tasker was instructed to represent the difficulty with which that sum was raised, and the utter inability of the colony to meet any further demands upon her ; and to desire the government of New York to send com- missioners to Maryland, by whom they might be satisfied as to her distressed condition. The following is the Council record of the result of Mr. Tasker's embassy :
" His Excellency was pleased to ask Captain Tasker, what answer the Council of New York government gave concerning sending some person from thence to be at our assemblies here : to which he says, it was answered to him that it was too expensive to send one, for that their last messenger had cost their government £19 sterling. Thereupon the Hon. Col. Nicholas Green- berry, then present, informed his Excellency and the Board, that the said messenger was at no expenses during the time he staid on this side the bay, being the place where his business lay ; but does withal observe, as also several others of the gentlemen of the council, that he kept drunkening up and down, and was of very ill and rude behaviour during his stay here : and that it was no wouder for him to bring them in such an account of expenses, considering the character his brother Vander Brugh, at New Castle, beurs." Coun- cil Proceedings of 4th October, 1605, FF, 831.
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imparted to the English colonies the character of a confederacy. It familiarized them to the advantages and necessity of union. It led them to regard each other, not as rival dependencies, but as sister colonies. It promoted an intercourse between their in- habitants, which eminently tended to render them one people in manners and habits of thinking, although living under distinct governments. Above all, it taught them to rely upon their own energies for protection, and trained them to all the expedients of self defence.
This administration is also remarkable for the establishment of a public post. A general post-office establishment for the colo- Public post esta- nies, was instituted by the English government in blished. 1710; before which period, it is generally believed to have been unknown in them. A public post was, however, established in Maryland, at the instance of governor Nicholson, as early as 1695. The post route established, extended from a point on the Potomac, through Annapolis, to Philadelphia. A number of stations, on the route, were designated as places for the receipt or deposit of letters. (47) The postman was bound to travel the route cight times a year; and it was his duty to carry all public messages, and to bring and leave all packets and letters for the inhabitants of the province, according to their di- rection ; for which services, he was allowed, out of the public money, an annual salary of £50 sterling. The system was de- fective, because it was not made to defray its own expenses by a charge for conveyance ; but it was kept up until 1698, when, by the death of the postman originally employed, it was suffered to drop, and does not appear to have been afterwards revived. (48)
The character and influence of the succeeding administra- tions of governors Blackiston, Seymour, and Hart, were in gene-
(47) The route designated began "at Newton's Point, upon Wicomico river," and ran thence " to Allen's mill, thence to Benedict Leonard Town, thence over Patuxent river to George Lingan's, thence to Larkin's, thence to South river, thence to Annapolis, thence to Kent, thence to Williamstadt, thence to Daniel Toats's, thence to Adam Peterson's, thence to New Castle, and thence to Philadelphia."
(48) Proceedings of Upper House for 1695, Liber FF, 821 ; Council Pro- ceedings of 1695, Liber HID, part 2d, 174 ; of 1698, Liber X, 44.
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Administrations ral, favourable to the liberties and prosperity of the of Governors Blackiston, Soy. colony. Blackiston, who qualified as its governor mour, and Hart. on the 2d of January, 1698, (old style,) acted as such until near the close of the year 1701; when, in conse- quence of the feeble state of his health, he was, at his own soli- citation, permitted to return to England. He was a man of honor and integrity, and enjoyed in a high degree the affections and confidence of the colony. The strongest evidence of their undiminished respect for his character, is found in the fact, that after his return to England, he was employed by the Assembly as the agent of the colony, to protect its interests with the crown and parliament. (49) Upon his departure, the administration of the government devolved upon Colonel Edward Lloyd, the presi- dent of the council; in whose hands it remained, until the arri- val of governor Seymour, in the spring of 1701. (50) Not- withstanding the difference between this governor and the assem- bly about the chartering of Annapolis, the transactions and ac- counts of that period represent him to us as an estimable man, whose general conduct in the province gave satisfaction. By his death, in 1709, the government again devolved upon Colonel Lloyd, by whom it was administered until the arrival of gover- nor Hart, in 1714.
The history of the foreign relations of the province, during these administrations, presents nothing of moment in connexion Attempts, during these Adminis tempts which were made in England to break down the charter and proprietary governments. These il-
with the history of the government, but the at -.
trations, to de- stroy the charter governments.
lustrate the constant policy of England with refer- ence to the colonies ; which was probably quickened at this pe- riod, in consequence of the occasional disregard of the king's re- quisitions by the colonial Assemblies. The more subtle mode of destroying their liberties, by a system of parliamentary taxation, had not yet been devised. It was reserved for the memorable ministry of Grenville. At that early period, the direct destruc- tion of the charters was the clumsy expedient for getting rid of their checks upon the crown. It is but justice, however, to re- mark, that throughout every period of their history, the colonies
(49) Upper House Proceedings, from 1699 to 1714, Liber W HIJ, 210.
(50) British Empire in America, vol. Ist, 334.
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[Hist. View.
held in their bosoms some treacherous friends ; who, like Mil- ton's evil spirit, were ever whispering into the ear of the minis- try, the promptings of their own ambition or malignity against colonial independence. Representing the colonists, either as animated by factious opposition, or as aiming at independence ; and diminishing, to the view of the mother government, the ha- zard of an attempt upon their liberties ; these Dolons effected more to the prejudice of the colonies, than a host of open enemies. At the period of which we are treating, the colonies found an ene- my of this description in the person of governor Nicholson. He had been translated from the government of Maryland to that of Virginia. One of his earliest efforts, after his removal to the latter, was to press upon its Assembly the adoption of the quota sys- tem for the defence of New York, enjoined by the king's re- quisitions of 1691-95. Although backed by fresh injunctions from the king, he was foiled by the firmness of that Assembly ; which still resolutely declined its adoption, alleging, in justifica- tion, "that no fort which was built in New York, could in the least avail to the defence and security of Virginia; which might be invaded by either the French or Indians, without coming within one hundred miles of any such fort." (51) Enraged at his disappointment, he now transmitted several memorials to the king, including one from Quarry, his satellite, and a member of his council. Quarry's memorial represented, "that the people of Virginia were numerous and rich, and full of republican no- . tions and principles, which ought to be corrected and lowered in time; and that then or never was the time, to maintain the queen's prerogative, and put a stop to those wrong, pernicious notions, which were improving daily, not only in Virginia, but in all her majesty's other governments. A. frown now, from her majesty, could do more than an army hereafter." And in an- other memorial, which is said to have been their joint produc- tion, the direct proposition was submitted, " that all the English colonies of North America should be reduced under one govern- ment, end one riceroy ; and that a standing army be there kept up on foot to subdue the queen's enemies." (52) Such was the char-
(51) First British Empire in America, 399 ; 2d Burke's Virginia, 322.
(52) 2d Burke's Virginia, 326 and 327.
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GOVERNMENT OF MARYLAND. 269
acter of the representations, which these minions of arbitrary power, in the colonies, were from time to time submitting to the crown. Under such influences, a bill was brought into parlia- ment, in 1701, proposing the destruction of the charters of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, East and West Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the Ba- hama Islands; and the conversion of their governments into unchartered royal governments. The preamble to this bill as- signs as the reason' of the measure, "that the severing of such power and authority from the crown had been found, by experi- ence, prejudicial and repugnant to the trade of England, to the welfare of his majesty's other plantations in America, and to his majesty's revenue arising from the customs, by reason of many of these plantations, and those in authority there under them, by encouraging and countenancing pirates and unlawful traders, and otherwise." (53) The true reason being of too delicate a nature to be avowed, here was the usual ad captandum appeal to the advantages of English trade. The agents of some of the colonies were heard before the House of Lords in opposition to this bill, and it was ultimately defeated; but there is reason to believe that it had the sanction of the crown. In July, 1701, a letter was addressed by the lords commissioners of trade to the government of Maryland; which was manifestly connected with the designs of this bill, and was intended to promote them, by the accumulation of objections to the proprietary governments. It instructed the governor to collect, and transmit speedily to them, " the best information in relation to the ill conduct of pro- prietary governments, especially of Maryland, when under that government ; and of the adjacent proprietary governments of Pennsylvania and the Jerseys." This letter was laid by the Go- vernor before the council, in November, 1701. The feeble ob- jections to the antecedent proprietary government of Maryland, which this call elicited, form the very best answer to the alleged causes of the revolution. From the character and inclinations of the representation now made by the council, it is manifest, that if that government had been characterized by the acts of oppression ascribed to it by the Protestant Associators, such acts would have
(53) Pitkin's United States, vol. Ist, p. 121.
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HISTORY OF THE ROYAL
[Ilist. View.
been presented in high relief. Yet the only objections which it alleges against the former government are, " that under it there was no oath of allegiance to the crown, but only the oaths of " office and that of fidelity to the proprietary ; that the laws of the province were not transmitted to the king for allowance ; that there were no appeals to England from the decisions of its courts, and that the judgment of the upper house of As- sembly was final in all causes; that two of his Majesty's col- lectors at Patuxent, Mr. Rousby and Mr. Pain, were mur- dered in the execution of their office, but they will not say that the same was properly chargeable upon the government; and that the tonnage duty of 14d. per ton, being in its origin a fort duty, did properly belong to the province." Their re- plies, as to Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, manifest no great degree of good will towards those governments. The former, they represent as having been the harbor of fugitive seamen and debtors, and runaway servants; and as having been much resorted to of late years by pirates. "As to the Jerseys, (say they.) having no commerce with them, they being remote, we can only say, that they have been a receptacle of pirates with their effects, and have given encouragement to illegal traders running their goods there." (54)
It must not, however, be imagined, from the character of these answers, that the people of Maryland were favorable to
Opposition the colony to the of the design of merging their distinct colonial go- scheme of a gen- vernment in one having general superintendance colonies in 1701. over the colonies. Their wishes did not extend era! union of the beyond the continuance of their separate royal government; and they were particularly averse, at that period, to schemes for the union of the colonies under one government. At the ses- sion of 1704, a formal remonstrance was drawn up under the directions of the Assembly, " suggesting such reasons (says the record,) as may induce her Majesty to put a stop to all proceed- ings levelled against the constitution of this province by the governor of New York." (55) What these proceedings were, the histories of New York, within our reach, do not inform us.
(54) See this representation of the Council, in Council Proceedings of 20th November, 1701, Liber X, 274.
(55) Upper House Journals from 1699 to 1714-301.
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Chap. III.]
It seems probable, however, that this'remonstrance had reference to the plan of union amongst the colonies, which is said to have been projected shortly before that period, and under which there was to be a general congress, consisting of two deputies from each colony, having power to adjust all differences amongst the colo- nies, to determine and assess the quotas to be contributed by each for the general defence, to bring to justice fugitive debtors and criminals, and to protect from injury the commerce of each colony. At the head of this government was to be placed a royal commissioner, residing at New York, as the governor of that colony; who was to be ex officio president of the congress, and the commander in chief of the colonial forces. (56) The effec- tuation of such a scheme, at that early period, might have been attended with most disastrous results to the colonies. It was not, however, seriously urged; and the Assembly, or Council transactions, do not again allude to any such project during this period.
The design for the destruction of the charter and proprietary governments was again revived, in parliament, at the session of 1715, immediately after the restoration of the province to Lord Baltimore. It required all the energies of the proprietaries and New attack up- colonial Assemblies, and their respective agents, to on the charters in 1715. defeat this attempt. Petitions against the measure were preferred from all the colonies to be affected by it. Amongst these was one preferred, on behalf of the infant Lord Baltimore, by his guardians : which entreated that his province might be ex- cepted from it, inasmuch as he and his brothers and sisters, who had lately become Protestants, depended for their support upon the revenue of the province, which would be taken away by this measure, and was estimated by them at £3000 per annum. (57) The united efforts of the colonies at length occasioned the aban- donment of the bill; and the newly restored proprietary of Ma- ryland was admitted to the full enjoyment of his government, which subsisted from this period until the commencement of the American revolution, without further interruption.
(56) See the details of this project in Ist Pitkin's United States, 141.
(57) Anderson's Commerce, 287 to 290, which states the substance of the petition preferred by the colonies.
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[Hist. View.
The information furnished by our records as to the popula- tion and trade of the colony during this era, is meagre and im- . Sources of infor- perfect. Their defects would most probably be sup." mation as to the statistics of the
colony during plied by the records of the Plantation Office in En-
this era. gland. An admirable improvement in the royal ad- ministration or supervision of the colonies, was introduced in the year 1695, by the establishment of a standing council for them; the members of which were styled "The Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations." For many years before the institu- tion of that board, all subjects having relation to the colonies, which were brought under the consideration of the English gov- vernment, were referred to special committees of the privy coun- cil, whose duties did not extend beyond the subjects particu- larly referred. But the commercial and manufacturing inter- ests of the mother country had now become too important to be thus administered. Hence this permanent Board of Commis- sioners, which was invested with powers and duties of a most ex- tensive character, with reference not only to the colonial inter- ests, but also to the commerce and manufactures of England it- self. It was made a part of its duty to keep up a correspondence with the colonial governments, and to obtain from them, from time to time, full information as to the trade and general condi- tion of their colonies. (58) In 1697, a series of enquiries were addressed by this board to the government of Maryland, from the replies to which we collect nearly all the authentic information we possess as to its statistical condition during this period. Ano- ther set of instructions were transmitted by it, in 1699, to gov- ernor Blackiston, directing him to return to it a full account of the population, designating the number of men, women and chil- dren ; and distinguishing them, as free, servants, or slaves ; and also to have a general survey made of the province, and of each county ; and to cause an exact map of these to be drawn and transmitted to it. We are unable to say whether these instruc- tions were carried into effect. The existing records of the province furnish no evidence that they were, and perhaps they were not attended to, in consequence of the departure of govern- or Blackistone for England. An accurate map of Maryland, made
(58) Anderson's Commerce, 168 and 169. Preface to Chalmer's collec- tion of opinions, page 7.
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at that carly period, is now a desideratum : and the propriety of so- liciting an examination of the plantation records, for the purpose of ascertaining if it were ever completed, is humbly submitted to the consideration of its Assembly.
The population of the colony was not much increased during the royal government. In 1689, it contained about twenty-five Its population. thousand inhabitants ; and in 1710, only thirty thou- sand. (59) Immigration, the principal cause of the rapid in- crease in the population of the colony during the preceding era, had in a great degree ceased. "But few or no families have come into the province to reside, of late years, (says the report of the Assembly, in 1697.) Some single persons, mostly wo- men, are of late come from England or Ireland, in the quality of servants, in all about sixty souls. Indeed, the low price which the planter hath of late been constrained to accept from the merchant, hath obliged many here, finding their industry would not supply their necessities, to try their fortunes else- where, to the apparent and considerable diminution of the num- ber of our inhabitants, compared with preceding years and lists." (60) The population had never been much increased by emi- grants from other colonics; and the principal causes which had hitherto induced emigration from England, had now ceased to operate. Under the proprietary government, it was a city of re- fuge to all who sought shelter from civil or religious oppression. The Catholic here found peace and security; and the non-conform- ing Protestant came hither, to enjoy, under a Catholic ruler, the toleration denied to him by his Protestant brethren. The enemy of arbitrary prerogative found it here in subjection to the laws; . and the friend of civil liberty discovered, in the organization and powers of the provincial Assembly, the essential features of a go- vernment based upon the people's will. In these respects, it then presented a striking contrast, not only to the condition of the mother country, but also to that of most of the sister colonies ; but the contrast had now ceased. Maryland was now under a royal government; and its people subject to the restrictions of an established church. To the Catholic, it offered nothing but
(59) British Empire in America, vol. 1, p. 341.
(60) Report of 8th June, 1637, by the General Assembly to the Commie- sioners of Trade, in Upper House Proceeding., Liber FF, 942 and 911. 35
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