USA > Maine > Kennebec County > Hallowell > Historic Hallowell > Part 11
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A request for a charter was granted; and at a meeting held at the American Bank on September 11, 1858, the charter was accepted. Hallowell's share of the stock was to be 10,000 shares at $10.00 a share.
On September 18, 1858, another large meeting was held, two thirds of the stock was sold, and the Corpo- ration permanently organized. William R. Prescott was elected President, Peter Atherton-Treasurer, and D. P. Livermore -- Clerk. Plans were formulated to be- gin immediate construction.
In August of the next year, the pivot pier of the bridge was in the course of construction, and two others followed in rapid succession. The base of these was
constructed of timbers which were dovetailed and bolted together from the bottom of the river to low water mark, surmounted by granite blocks and firmly laid to a height of 16 feet.
By September, the piers ----- seven in number ---- were completed. The contractor for these piers was a Mr. Bell. A Mr. Tufts was the contractor for the building of the superstructure.
The lumber used was the American Larch, commonly known as hackmatack. It is hard and tough and was much used in shipbuilding. While hackmatack is a comparatively uncommon growth in this section, it may be believed that the Hallowell shipbuilders and the builder of the ill-fated bridge drew a great deal on the county's supply.
On February 13, 1860, the Hallowell citizens voted 232 to 98 for the Bridge Loan question and voted to grant aid. Chelsea repudiated the loan by a large ma- jority.
On April 15, 1860, the bridge was in running order and on the 20th, commenced collecting tolls.
The bridge tender's house was at the western end of the bridge, and Gorham Evans was the collector of tolls and the operator of the draw.
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The bridge was destined for a short life, for on Sun- day, October 3, 1869, it started to rain and it continued for three days; as a result of this freshet, the two west- ern piers were carried away. A flood on February 20, 1870, resulted in an extremely heavy ice flow which lifted the remaining part of the superstructure, and it was literally carried down the river on top of the ice.
An interesting note to this sad saga is that a lot of the wooden structure was salvaged and was used in the
foundation and framing of a house which was built on the site now occupied by the Malcolm Cadillac-Olds- mobile Company.
The late Governor Bodwell offered to pay $20,000 toward the rebuilding of the structure; but by this time a neighboring bridge had become toll-free, and the idea of building another bridge was not thought feasible.
-V. P. Ledew
2
D
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Ruins of Hallowell-Chelsea Bridge, 1870
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THE ELECTRIC CAR LINE
T HE Augusta, Hallowell and Gardiner Railroad, an electric railway, was built in 1890. According to that year's annual report of the road commissioners, the road " ... is located through the main streets of Augusta, and extends along the county road, and through the streets of Hallowell and Farmingdale to a point near the passenger station of the Maine Central Railroad at Gardiner.
"The track is laid with steel rails and well secured; the road-bed is generally well graded, but is too narrow in several places, and should be widened and ditched. The bridges are wooden trestles and pile structures, fairly well built. The crossings of the Maine Central Railroad, at the foot of Rines' hill in Augusta and Louden Hill in Hallowell are dangerous, and every pre- caution should be adopted to guard against accidents. The rolling stock is first class. The company has a good car-house and workshop at Hallowell. The road is carefully operated and under good management."
That same year the Company employed 31 persons and operated nine passenger cars. The rail the cars ran on was a light 40 pounds.
The report of the following year indicated that the line was operating seven miles of track and in addition had a mile of yard track and siding.
The A. G. & H. was succeeded by the Augusta, Winthrop and Gardiner Railway with a line running out from Western Avenue to Island Park, Baileyville and Maranacook. A branch also extended to Togus where an amusement park operated near the Old Soldiers Home.
The Lewiston, Augusta and Waterville Street Rail- way was organized on October 23, 1902, and was taken over by Cumberland County Power and Light Company on February 1, 1912, and operated as a subsidiary.
The Lewiston, Augusta and Waterville was one of the four major electric railway systems of Maine. As was true of most larger traction systems, the L. A. & W. consolidated the operations of several smaller lines. Among its predecessors were the Lewiston, Brunswick and Bath Electric Railroad, the Auburn and Turner Railway and the Augusta, Gardiner and Hallowell.
In 1915, the L. A. & W. with 152.9 miles of track served the communities of Lewiston, Auburn, Augusta, Waterville, Bath, Brunswick, Freeport, Yarmouth, Topsham, Lisbon, Minot, Mechanic Falls, Turner, Webster, Litchfield, Wales, South Monmouth, Gar- diner, Farmingdale, Hallowell, Manchester, Winthrop, Chelsea (Togus), Vassalboro and Winslow.
Laying Track in 1890
In 1919 the system was reorganized as the Andros- coggin and Kennebec Railway.
Decreasing business made the discontinuance of serv- ice on this road, as well as all of the company's Kenne- bec lines, imperative and permission was granted by the Public Utilities Commission to quit service on July 31, 1932. Bus service by another company replaced the cars between Augusta and Gardiner.
The forerunner of the majority of street car lines was the horse-drawn car, but these were never used on the Augusta, Hallowell and Gardiner Railroad.
V. P. Ledew
5
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----
Old Car Number 12
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Trestle over Milliken's Crossing
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E
GAZETTE PRINT
E HOUSE.
1870
De. "1
FLOODS
From 1870 to 1936
Over the Years Kennebec River Rose into Hallowell Streets 1896
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Dr. Howard H. Milliken on Water Street During 1936 Flood
1236
1876
Tin Kennebec River grows more angry with the passing years. Wallace R. Brant Idlewell procer point., to the record high water mark on the corner of his store at 13 Vater Street e tablished un thr ill-fated night of Friday March 13, 1936 The three previot irh marky atr aren below Forty-three Inches below is the line of the high water mark & durch 2 1896 wisch held for forty years Two fret below that is the mark of Feb 20. 187 holaved in plante and at the foot of the pillar can be seen the first mark. recorded w !! Ip leid Tegld of water March 26. 1826 "
Jan., HOKEY POKEY FAIRY
Esso
LELUL
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....
1
1936
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MILITARY HISTORY OF HALLOWELL
I TALLOWELL owes her first permanent settlement to two military facts: The protection against the Indians provided by the erection of Fort Western and Fort Halifax in 1754, and the protection against the French provided by Wolfe's capture of Quebec in 1759.
Before those years, Indians had passed through the City on their way from their Maine villages or their mission encampments to attack the English settlements down river. English soldiers had passed through the City on their occasional attempts to carry the war into the Indian country. These opposing forces were in equilibrium quite some distance down river, where by 1750 forts at Richmond marked the northern limit of white settlement, only a few miles from the northern limit of a century and a quarter before.
The long years of Indian warfare were hard and cruel; they developed a special type of frontiersman skilled in partisan tactics and a proportionately large group of unhappy garrison soldiers, often pressed mi- litiamen, who manned the palisaded forts which gave protection against the savages, or if need be, against the French. But no battles were fought on the ground to become Hallowell; Hallowell provided no units nor men to the conflict. The wars just kept Hallowell un- settled - too close to the Indians for the English, too close to the English for the Indians.
The garrison at Fort Halifax, situated at the junction of the Sebasticook and Kennebec Rivers, was designed to bar the St. Francis Indians on the St. Lawrence, the Norridgewocks on the Kennebec, and the Penobscots to the East from descent upon the Maine towns; for the Kennebec was the normal route for the first two groups to reach the coast, and communication between them and the Penobscots was most convenient by the Sebasti- cook. Fort Halifax served its purpose, for after its erection there was no serious Indian attack below it. Wolfe's capture of Quebec and the removal of the French from Canada left the New England and Mission Indians with no source of weapons and ammunition, and also ended the constant encouragement to strife. Peace came to the Kennebec Valley. English settlers need challenge only nature and each other and might expect to die a natural death instead of one beneath a tomahawk.
Settlers began to arrive, though somewhat slowly, to the point where, in 1771, the town of Hallowell was incorporated. It then included the present City of
Augusta, Chelsea, and some more besides. Hallowell's military history, however, is that of a political body, and hence it is necessary to treat of the whole corporate body.
The town had not long to wait before it had a war to fight. It had no trouble taking sides in the Revolu- tion, for its sympathies were wholeheartedly with the Congress. Only a few of the settlers, such as John Jones, who had come as a surveyor for the Plymouth Company, took the Loyalist part. Jones was harassed out of town for his sympathies, but in 1779 found his way to Quebec, where he became a captain in The King's Rangers commanded by Robert Rogers and from his station at Castine performed a number of clever partisan exploits, including the capture of General Charles Cushing, commander of the Lincoln County Militia, in his night clothes at Pownalborough.
The town remained strongly in support of the Pro- vincial government. It apparently organized its militia for the first time in January, 1775. In those times sub- stantially every able bodied man of a town belonged to the militia company, and was required to provide his own arms, ammunition and equipment. There were supposed to be training days at which the company learned its exercise and company maneuvers. Through the militia system, drafts were made when men were needed for some special occasion.
Some time early in 1776 the Hallowell company be- came a part of the second regiment of the Lincoln County brigade. It maintained an "alarm list" of men who were to report for duty on short notice, but the company was never called into the field, despite British attacks on Falmouth and on Castine and constant ac- tivity along the Maine coast against shipping and coastal settlements.
After the British capture of Castine in 1779, Massa- chusetts launched an expedition to retake the place. The Maine militia were to provide most of the men, the Lincoln County brigade, 600 of them, though the Bay furnished the generals. Captain Daniel Savage of the Hallowell company was ordered to detach 13 of his company, himself included, and they together with drafts from other companies in the county, were organ- ized into a regiment. The Hallowell draft was ordered out June 26, 1779 and arrived at Camden July 5. In this fashion the Hallowell militia served in the ill-fated Castine expedition, which brought disgrace to its lead-
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ers and no glory to its men. Participation, however, later did qualify one for veterans' pensions.
Hallowell at this time was not able to contribute greatly to the war. It was a struggling frontier settle- ment, with little wealth. It sent a share of men into the Massachusetts regiments, and for duty at Camden and Fort Halifax, provided for their families during their absence, found the taxes assessed upon it by the provincial government beyond its ability to pay, and finally found itself unable to meet its quota of men for the Continental Army. The little town's struggle for existence left it no margin to support the struggle for independence at the heavy level demanded of it. Even its militia company was not sufficiently equipped; some men had no weapons, some no ammunition, some neither.
Without a doubt the most exciting incident of the Revolution to Hallowell was the arrival of Arnold's expedition to Quebec. Even here present day Hallo- well missed most of the excitement, for the bateaux for the river trip were built downstream at Gardiner and the troops disembarked from their transports upstream at Fort Western. For Hallowell, the indirect results of the expedition were more important, for a surprising number of the soldiers were charmed by the upper Kennebec and after the Revolution returned to settle the upriver towns and help build Hallowell as a com- mercial center.
After the War, Hallowell continued its growth. Along with her population grew her militia system. The years between 1790 and 1830 were the strongest years of the "common militia" system that was known to and depended upon by the framers of the Federal Constitution. It was a state system, in practice not at all controlled by the United States government. It was organized upon political lines, the inhabitants of a cer- tain territory being organized into a "standing com- pany." Originally the territorial limits of a company coincided with those of a town; but as population in- creased, the town would be divided into two or more companies. By 1800 there were both a "north com- pany" and a "south company" in Hallowell. A busy legislature constantly changed town boundaries and created new towns until soon company bounds were quite different than town bounds.
The system was in a measure democratic. The men elected their company officers and the latter the field officers and brigade commanders. The men were re- quired to provide their own arms and equipment and were not uniformed nor in the beginning paid for train- ing. The system did provide an organization and a measure of training for the men. As Hallowell grew and the War of 1812 approached, her military com-
panies were more than a farce and a military masquerade.
Powder House erected during War of 1812
In addition to the standing companies, there were many so-called "independent companies." These were voluntary associations of men who provided their own uniforms - often rather showy affairs -- and who met for drill more often than the standing militia. Infantry companies were usually Light Infantry, patterned after the light infantry companies of the Revolution made famous by Lafayette and by Anthony Wayne at Stony Point. Sometimes they were Riflemen. They were considered elite companies, and were attached to the common militia infantry regiments as flank companies.
Artillery companies and cavalry companies both existed and were usually attached to the militia bri- gades. Where more than one company of either branch existed within brigade limits, they would be organized into a battalion.
In the first years of the nineteenth century, Hallowell had both a cavalry company and an artillery company. The latter in particular had a long and excellent record. In 1811 the Hallowell Light Infantry was organized.
The Hallowell Artillery's first action was during the Malta War, so-called. The settlers who had taken up lands without deeds from the Plymouth Company be- came understandably hostile when that Company sought to enforce its claims of title. In the course of such
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resistance, a surveyor was shot in Malta, now Windsor, by one of a group of men disguised as Indians. The disguises were insufficient to conceal their identity, and a number of them were lodged in jail at Augusta to answer to a charge of murder. There was a real threat of an attempt by their friends to rescue them. Six mi- litia companies were called out, including one from Hallowell; and the Hallowell Artillery sent up a cannon which it planted to cover the jail entrance. There was no breach of the peace, and the militia companies were rotated on guard duty until, three weeks after mobiliza- tion, the trial jury found the jailed Indians "not guilty." This two-word treaty of peace ended the war. The curious may today at the County Court House examine the vouchers for supply of the troops and reflect upon the proportion between the large quantity of rum con- sumed and the small quantity of blood spilled.
These were times of strong political feeling, some of which affected the militia. So much had Maine grown that from one division in the District during Revolu- tionary times her militia were divided into six in 1811. Hallowell had been in the Eighth Division, Massachu- setts militia, since 1783. The national spirit had not yet been fully developed and loyalties were strong to the State. When the War of 1812 broke out, it did not receive universal support and there was much opposi- tion to it. Independent companies did not volunteer, nor were they expected to. They were to be used on call of the State authorities.
There was active recruiting by the United States Army. A company was recruited in the general area for the 9th U. S. Infantry and two for the 34th Infantry.
The campaigns of the Hallowell military units were wholly in the State service, however. In 1814, after the British had seized Eastport, June 11, and Castine, September 1, the people of Maine began to be seriously concerned for their defense. On the eleventh of Sep- tember, Wiscasset reported being threatened and re- quested General Henry Sewall at Augusta for re- inforcements. He ordered two regiments, including the Hallowell companies, and the Hallowell Artillery to march at once by companies. Mobilization and move- ment were so prompt that some companies were at Wis- casset the following morning: a speed which clearly enough establishes that the militia units were well organized and trained.
The militia remained on duty for forty days; but the enemy did not appear and the troops were sent home. Both Hallowell standing companies, the Light Infantry, Artillery and Cavalry all were in the field.
After the War was ended, the militia system re- mained vigorous for some time. The big day was the
regimental inspection and review, when the several companies gathered in response to orders and spent a day in military ceremony and exercise. These were social and commercial occasions as well, when families had an opportunity to gather and merchants and ped- dlers to sell their wares. The training program was often prescribed in the orders. It was often a full day.
For example, at the 1820 field review of the 1st Regi- ment, 1st Brigade, 2d Division in which the Hallowell companies were placed at the separation from Massa- chusetts, guard was mounted and the colors sent for at 9:00 A.M., not at all a late hour considering the miles some units had to travel, and the training continued until a sham battle concluded the training late in the afternoon. The Hallowell Artillery in particular was well trained; and the Regiment was quite proud of its band. Indeed, bands seem to have been an especially important part of the tactics of the times. A large part of the state military appropriation was spent on musical instruments, and this public support of music may well have had a yet unappreciated effect on the culture of the times.
As the threat of war with England seemed more and more remote, people began to feel the burden of the militia system more and more unbearable. The burden often fell unevenly, as officers who had served their time were exempt, and other large classes were exempted by various Legislatures as well. A main attraction of the muster was drink, then a nearly universal habit; but a growing temperance movement condemned musters as affording an opportunity if not a cause for insobriety, and added a very respectable class of opposition. There was serious doubt that the militia could provide troops trained adequately for war, and further doubt that the supply of arms by the private citizen soldier was a satisfactory method or any substitute workable. In the Federal Government Congress debated intermi- nably about the militia bill but did nothing, leaving on the books the antiquated requirements of the Militia Act of 1792 that each officer provide himself with a spontoon.
Many hands whittled away at the militia. The major generals elected by the Legislature were usually chosen on political grounds, and some were not much inter- ested in the work. Some companies refused to elect officers, though numerous meetings were called, and then when forced elected idiots or drunkards in hope that their duties would thus be less onerous. In some parts of the State, no training at all was done.
Finally, in 1843, the Legislature provided that no duties should be required of the militia except the elec- tion of officers, except in case of invasion or insurrec- tion. The standing militia had no intention of training
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without the compulsion of fines and penalties for fail- ure; and the independent companies felt themselves so unwanted that not a single one accepted State service until 1848.
It is perhaps surprising that the militia system should collapse so completely so soon after it had once more demonstrated vitality and vigor in the Aroostook War in 1839, when two thousand militia were mobilized and concentrated in the Aroostook Valley in February, the dead of winter. Nevertheless, it did.
For furnishing a regiment of troops for the Mexican War, Maine did nothing except prepare a list of of- ficers, who would go if there were a call for their serv- ices. No call came.
The volunteer movement began to demonstrate vi- tality in the State beginning with 1848. Smart uni- forms, good bands, drill and social good times were prominent characteristics; but they served to keep up military interest and there were regimental encamp- ments in the 1850's of which perhaps the most notable was that at Belfast attended by Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of War. During these years, however, Hallo- well supported no company except one of Riflemen which was organized in 1855 and disbanded the follow- ing year.
This permitted Hallowell to enter the Civil War with no preparation. The State had done but little more, and the Federal authorities were no better.
The militia laws had for two decades been better de- signed to prevent training than to improve it, and it was now found that though Maine had the companies for several regiments its laws would not let them leave the State. Indeed, a bill for the purpose had been de- feated during the Winter Session. The Legislature con- vened, and with rather better foresight than the United States Congress, authorized ten regiments to serve for two years.
These ten regiments were raised, officered and equipped by the State, and when complete mustered in- to the United States service. . The first six were organ- ized through the old militia organization, which had just recently been reduced to three divisions. The Third and Fourth Maine were raised in the Second Di- vision in central Maine, where very few independent companies existed.
Hallowell contributed Company E to the Third Maine. The regiment was assembled at Augusta in late May and was organized May 28, mustered into service June 4, and left the State June 5. It was first provided with gray uniforms as all of the first six regiments were, but early in July, before Bull Run, exchanged them for the blue of the regular Army.
The Third Maine had a distinguished record of serv- ice. It and the Fourth were the first three year regi- ments from the State, and the two served together dur- ing most of the War. They began at Bull Run, where the Third lost eight men killed and twenty-nine wound- ed. It served through the Peninsula campaign under General Philip Kearney, who invented the division patch which has since developed into a historical- sartorical field of its own. Its major engagement there was at Fair Oaks, May 31, 1862, when it attacked a heavy battle line of Longstreet's Confederate division and drove it for a half a mile. Here it lost seventy-nine men, nearly a third of its strength present.
It was subsequently heavily engaged at Chantilly, Virginia, August 31, 1862, at Fredericksburg Decem- ber 13, at Chancellorsville May 2 and 3, 1863, and at Gettysburg. At Gettysburg it had only two hundred men present. On the forenoon of July 2 it was sent south across the Emmitsburg road to investigate a woods to learn enemy intentions. It ran into a hot fire fight with three Alabama regiments (one the same unit it fought at Fair Oaks) and in a little less than a half hour lost forty-eight men. The regiment moved to the very angle of the Peach Orchard, where late in the afternoon it was attacked from both directions. Every man of the color guard was killed or wounded. Casu- alties were so heavy that less than a hundred men re- mained that night.
The regiment was in many small actions during the fall of 1863; and in May of 1864 was part of the great Army of the Potomac, in which Grant pushed in a great final offensive against Lee. On May 5 it lost 24 men at the Wilderness, and was almost constantly en- gaged until the day the regiment's three years' service was up. It won a battle honor for Coal Harbor on June 3, 1864, left for home the following day, and was mus- tered out June 28. About 175 were left of the original thousand mustered in three years before; nearly a third of those re-enlisted.
The Third Maine from nothing became an efficient, professional fighting force. It was a regiment which gave tone to the Army of the Potomac. It never per- formed badly; could always be relied upon; was often tested and never found wanting. It won a place on Fox's list of fighting regiments. It was a regiment of soldiers in the best sense of the word, "courageous, trained, disciplined, holding their reputations above their lives - men with a conscience about what they did, and a knowledge of what to do."
Hallowell did not furnish another company enlisted within her limits. After the first six Maine regiments were raised, the system for raising troops was changed. Regiments were raised at large. Many men went, but there were no further Hallowell units.
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THIRD AND NEW YORK THIRTY-
E-1
1 Maine Thed Encampment 2 \ \ Thirty eight Encampment.
3 Leesburg Turnpike.
5 Fort Howarth
1 Shooter's Ihll
G Potomac River
Photographed by E. L. WIRES. Sept. S. 1861.
The long list of soldiers and sailors who enlisted from Hallowell is of men in many regiments and bat- teries of many grades. Some went in the first burst of enthusiastic patriotism; some went knowing the risks and hardships, but knowing too that their country needed soldiers, some went under the urging of the draft. But whether they went from ignorant emotion, from knowledgeable patriotism, from greed for bounty, or from inability to provide the cash or substitute equivalents of the draft, every Hallowell soldier knew that he was facing major risks: of death or injury from enemy action on a scale never before or since known to this nation.
Every soldier enlisted in a combat arm. Only chance could deliver him from meeting the enemy face to face.
The business of war made Hallowell's erstwhile child an important military post. Augusta, as the State cap- ital was the seat of command, and the location of first
the training sites and then the hospitals and demobil- ization centers. The political division effected in 1797 prevented Hallowell from becoming more than just an- other town in the Civil War.
Just another town in those times, however, betokened a sacrifice of men and wealth to the national interest which has scarcely been known since. The residents of Hallowell joined many regiments - foot, horse and guns - until scarce a Maine regiment was not repre- sented by one man from Hallowell. The City furnished over 220 men to the Army and Navy for varying terms of enlistment - a very respectable proportion of the male population in a town of 2,500.
Never did the town fail to meet the standards set it by State and Nation, the demands of draft, bounty, assistance or soldiers' families for simple hospitality. Every level of society met the challenge. Of the sons of Governor John Hubbard, Capt. John was killed at
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Captain John Hubbard
Port Hudson only days before his intended marriage; Francis rose to be colonel of the Thirtieth Maine, a veteran regiment, and won a brevet as brigadier general at 26. So too, did many a laborer's family meet the challenge, and support itself on the thirteen dollars a month paid the Union private, many Hallowell men died, by disease or battle, a private or corporal, a ser- geant, a company officer.
The men who served always knew that they had taken part in a great upswelling of patriotism. They knew that they had devoted themselves to a great cause; and because neighbors served together, they knew those who had failed and those who had success- fully met the challenge. This ordeal marked the Civil War veteran in many ways. It was a great price to pay, but the Civil War brought the United States to maturity. The City of Hallowell did its full share in shedding adolescence.
The end of the Civil War found the United States with perhaps the most powerful fighting force on earth; and fortunately no enemy in sight. The westward mi- gration raised Indian problems, but however important to those directly involved, the Indians were never a threat to the security of the nation.
The Federal Government, perhaps preoccupied with its problems in the South and the West, gave little thought to the organization of the militia. It returned to its pre-war policy of complaint about the inefficiency of the State militias, and complete refusal to accept any
responsibility for it. The matter was again left to the States.
The Maine militia was slow in reorganizing after the close of the Civil War; and when it was reorganized, its requirements for units were small. Hallowell was situated near Augusta, the capital city and so a natural location for a state military unit. Nothing like the old militia system was ever tried. With the small number of units in the State, there has never appeared a need for one located at Hallowell. Those men with interests in military matters joined the Augusta Units; and again we must seek the Hallowell's military glory in the brave deeds of individual citizens, not in the deeds of Hallowell units.
There are many reasons for the change - improved communications; ever-increasing control by the Federal Government of the resources of its people; the greater complexity of war; and a hundred others. But no longer is the town or city of importance in the organ- ization of the nation for war. Even the State is of con- stantly decreasing importance. The people of a city are the same as ever they have been -- and Hallowell's men have served well in every one of the nation's wars. But they do not serve in a Hallowell outfit.
This is not at all to say that the Hallowell men of to- day or of 1941, 1917 or 1898 are less patriotic, less courageous, less self-sacrificing than the men who en- listed in Company E of the Third Maine. It's only to say that Hallowell, as a political body, had little part in military history after 1865.
-Frank E. Southard, Jr.
Civil War Memorial in Hallowell Cemetery
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