USA > Maine > Knox County > South Thomaston > History of Thomaston, Rockland, and South Thomaston, Maine, from their first exploration, A. D. 1605; with family genealogies, Vol. I > Part 5
USA > Maine > Knox County > Rockland > History of Thomaston, Rockland, and South Thomaston, Maine, from their first exploration, A. D. 1605; with family genealogies, Vol. I > Part 5
USA > Maine > Knox County > South Thomaston > History of Thomaston, Rockland, and South Thomaston, Maine, from their first exploration, A. D. 1605; with family genealogies, Vol. I > Part 5
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49
# Ancient Dominions of Maine, by Rufus K. Sewall, p. 98, who quotes Prince's New England Chronology, p. 15.
VOL. I, : 3
:
26
HISTORY OF THOMASTON,
CHAPTER III. .
GRANT OF THE PATENT, AND ATTEMPTS TO SETTLE FRUS- TRATED BY INDIAN WARS.
1630. THE Council of Plymouth in England, which had been established for settling and governing New England, being now in danger of dissolution by royal authority, made various and hasty grants to different adventurers of nearly the whole territory between the Piscataqua and Penobscot, in the expectation that its acts already past would be respected after the Council itself should cease to exist. One of these was the grant made of the lands on the river St. George's, March 13th, 1629, O. S. March 23d, 1630, new style, to Beauchamp and Leverett, called "the LINCOLNSHIRE, or MUSCONGUS PATENT," or grant. Its extent was from the seaboard, between the rivers Penobscot and Muscongus, to an unsurveyed line running east and west and so far north as would, without interfering with any other patent, embrace a territory equal to 30 miles square. This grant contained a reservation to the King and his successors of "one-fifth part of all such Oar of Gold and Silver as should be gotten and obtained in or upon the Premises." It was procured ex- pressly for the purposes of an exclusive trade with the natives, and contained no powers of civil government. It seems to have owed its existence to the rapacity of certain merchant adventurers in England who had formed a copartnership with the puritan exiles when in Holland, and agreed to transport them to America; but who, dissatisfied with the slow returns caused by the conscientious adherence of these pilgrims after their arrival at New Plymouth, to the regulation prohibiting the sale of gunpowder and ardent spirits to the Indians, were perpetually undermining their trade by sending out other less scrupulous agents and companies to compete with them, their own partners, in that infant settlement. The most active of these merchants were James Shirley and Timothy Hatherly of Bristol, Eng. When in later years the greater part of this Muscongus grant passed into the hands of Gen. Samuel Waldo, it, or at least his portion of it, was called the WALDO PATENT, and is the origin of all or most of the land titles in this vicinity. The grant was made "to Thomas Leverett of Boston in the county of Lincoln ( England.) gentleman, and John Beauchamp of London, gentleman," or "salter," as styled in Bradford's History of the Plymouth settlement,
---
27
ROCKLAND AND SOUTH THOMASTON.
which lay so long hidden and unknown in manuscript, and which was first published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1856. By that work it appears that Beauchamp never came to this country, but was merely one of the com- pany that sent over the Mayflower: though rather a sleeping partner, who had little to do with its management, and, like the pilgrims of Plymouth, complained that he never could obtain any settlement with Shirley and Hatherly for the rich cargoes of furs sent them from that struggling colony. Lev- erett, an alderman in the city of his residence in old England and a member of Mr. Cotton's church there, came over with that clergyman and others, including his own wife and two daughters, to Boston in New England, in the ship Griffin, Sept. 4th, 1633." These two, Beauchamp and Leverett, seem to have been selected as men of substance and probity sufficient to bear the dignity of patentees and give a plausible character to the grant, and at the same time not likely to greatly trouble themselves or the rapacious Bristol merchants who were to be associated with them, in the traffic to be car- ried on. The company thus formed, having persuaded the reluctant Plymouth pilgrims and their faithless agent, Isaac Allerton, then in England, to join in the enterprise, immedi- ately appointed Edward Ashley their agent, and Capt. Wm. Pierce an assistant. These were sent over in the spring of the same year, 1630, in a small new-made vessel, named the "Lyon," of which the said Pierce was master, with five la- borers, one of them a carpenter, and well furnished with provisions and articles of trade, which moreover were in- creased in the autumn by a supply of corn and wampum from Plymouth colony. They arrived here safely, in June, and es- tablished a truck-house on the eastern bank of St. George's River, five miles below the head of tide-waters. This must have been in Thomaston, probably on or near the site of Wm. Vose's house, at the foot of Wadsworth street. Here posses- sion and traffic were continued down to the first Indian war, in 1675; and Waldo's petition of 1731 affirms that " consid- erable settlements and improvements" were made here. Ashley's agency, however, was of short continuance ; for, being an unprincipled young man, he was disrelished and dis- trusted by the good people of Plymouth colony, and, having confirmed their opinion by conspiring with Allerton to defraud
* Communication of Rev. J. L. Sibley, Librarian of Harvard College. Mr. Palfrey, in his elaborate history of New England, seems to intimate that he came "later " than Cotton ; but this could hardly be, as he was, Oct. 10th, 1633, chosen ruling elder of Boston in New England.
28
HISTORY OF THOMASTON,
them as well as the partners over the water, he was at length sent by them to England a prisoner. After a confinement there some time, in the Fleet prison, he was released, but eventually perished by shipwreck on his return from a beaver trading rovago to Russia. How long Pierce, who seems to have been rather a ship-master than a commercial agent, making frequent voyages across the Atlantic, remained con- nected with the traffic here, we are unable to state .*
1635. Although the French claimed to extend the bounds of Acadia as far as Pemaquid, and actually broke up the trading houses which the Plymouth people had established at Machias and Biguyduce, now Castine, the company main- tained this frontier possession on the St. George's. Here, many English vessels, sent out to the new and thriving colony of Massachusetts, often stopped on their return, attracted by our rich and gigantic forest growth ; as, according to Winthrop, several cargoes of masts were taken in here in 1634 and 1635. Aside from these casual visitors, and those stationed at the trading house, one lonely white man, at least, had al- ready made his abode here; as about this time or a little later there were said to be two settlers at St. George's, de- nominated " farmers ;" one of whom, Philip Swaden on the east side of Quisquamego, was undoubtedly located within the limits of the future Thomaston, and, with or without a family, constituted its whole stationary population. The other, "Mr. Foxwell on the west side of St. George's at Saquid or Sawkhead Point," was probably in Cushing, at or near Pleasant Point which is still called by our Indians Sunk- heath.t
During all the changes of jurisdiction from 1635 to 1688, made by royal government, and the cession and retrocession of the French province of Acadia by treaty, together with the assumption of the territory by the expanding colony of Massachusetts, and the grant of it by king Charles to James, Duke of York, to whose government at New York it was made an appendage, very little mention of our river St. George's is made, except incidentally as a boundary between the short-lived divisions and provinces established mostly on paper only. Under the Duke's rule, the only port of entry
* Bradford's Hist. p. 275, et passim. - Prince's Ann &c.
+ Richard Foxwell. according to Mr. Willis ( Hist. of Portland, 1 Vel. Mº. His. Soc. Coll., p. 29,) was at Blue Point, Scarboro, in 1635, and the following year at Saco sent two large packets of beaver and other furs to Boston. Could this, or some kinsman, engaged in the same business, he the solitary dweller at Saquid Point ?
4
29
ROCKLAND AND SOUTH THOMASTON.
as well as the only seat of justice, east of the Kennebec, was Pemaquid; where all vessels were obliged to enter and clear, and all civil and criminal causes to be tried by officials ap- pointed by the Duke's governor at New York. The only memorial of this government in connection with St. George's River and the subject of this work is the case of John Alden of Boston, whose ketch named the "Guift" with her cargo " was seized in St. George's River to the Eastward, . . . for trading in these parts with the Indyans or others, contrary to the order of this [the Duke's] Government," but which, on his pleading ignorance of the order and of the ducal jurisdic- tion extending so far, was ordered, June 12th, 1678, to be restored to him." The Patentees' establishment here proba- bly remained little more than a trading house and fishing station. After the death of Beauchamp, Leverett, in right of survivorship, succeeded to the whole patent. On Leverett's death at Boston, Mass., April 3d, 1650, and of his wife six years later, the patent passed into the hands of their son, Capt. John Leverett, afterwards Governor of Massachusetts Colony and a distinguished man. He was frequently employ- ed by Massachusetts in her eastern affairs, especially at and after the conquest of Acadia by the English in 1654; and had probably kept an eye to the effect these changes might have on his interest here, where possession was maintained by traffic with the natives, till the trading house and all the set- tlements on Matinicus, Monhega .. , and the neighboring coast westward, were broken up by King Philip's or the First Indian war, which terminated in 1678.
1696. After this, the coast and islands lay desolate, and we are not aware that the territory whose history we trace was trodden by the foot of any white man but once, for more than forty years; though it is not improbable that some tran- sient fisherman or fur trader may have touched at its coast. Capt. Church, in his fourth expedition against the eastern Indians, 1696, anchored his vessel at Monhegan, and, embark- ing at night with his men in whale-boats, by dint of hard rowing arrived at Owl's Head by daybreak; but, finding no trace of the enemy there, except a trail of a week old, he re- embarked and pursued his way up the Penobscot.t George's
* Pemaquid Papers from Sec. of State's office, Albany, N. Y., in Vol. 5 Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., p. 22.
+ Sowall's Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 215, who erroneously calls it Church's Second expedition. Church himself gives no name, but de- scribes the place as " a point near Penobscot " from which they " got into their boats and went by Muscle-neck and so amongst Penobscot islands,
3 *
30
HISTORY OF THOMASTON,
River is thus described, probably from second-hand informa- tion, by Cadillac about 1692 in a memoir to the French Gov- ernment concerning their settlements and the neighboring coast. "From Pentagouet (Penobscot) to the St. George's River it is cight leagues. The river is not very safe, on ac- count of numerous rocks. It furnishes excellent oak for ship building. To enter, you must steer N. N. W. There are three fathoms water. . . . This river has always served as boundary from east.to west between the French and Eng- lish."* The land at St. George's, as far up as the lower falls or head of tide waters, had been sold in May, 1694, by Madockawando, the brave and wise chief of the Tarratines, or Penobscots, to Sir Wm. Phips at Pemaquid, who seems to have had no knowledge at the time of the Muscongus Patent.
1719-20. John Leverett, the venerable President of Harvard College,t who, since the death of his father, Hudson Leverett, and grandfather, Governor John Leverett, had be- come the proprietor of this patent, now, the second Indian war being happily over, seriously contemplated its re-occupa- tion and settlement. But, considering the enterprise too formidable for a single individual, he, Aug. 14, 1719, asso- ciated others (sometimes spoken of as the "Ten Associates") with him, and divided the grant into ten shares ; one of which was given to Spencer Phips, adopted son and heir of Gov.
* getting up to Mathebestuck's hills," where they landed the next morning and hid their boats.
* Me. Hist Soc. Coll., Vol. 6, p. 282. Cadillac's description hardly ap- plies to the character of the George's River, unless confined to its upper waters as formerly navigated by the Indians and their French allies.
t Thomas Leverett, the patentee, came to Boston, Mass., 1633, where he was selectman, &c., and died April 3, 1650. His wife, Ann, died Oct. 16, 1656. Their children, 1, Jane, 2, Ann, married - Addington, 3, John, bap. Ju. 7, 1616, elected lieut. of Ancient and Hon. Artillery Co. 1848, its Captain 1652. '63, and '70, Major General of the colony 1663 and '66, Speaker of the House 1651, '63, and '64; assistant '65 and '70; agent of colony to England 1655, where Charles II. knighted him, but the knowl- edge of which he kept secret till death; was dept. governor 1671-3, and Governor, 1673-9; married Hannah, daughter of Ralph Hudson; 2d, Sarah daughter or sister of Maj. Robert Sedgwick ; and died of the stone March 16, 1679, aged 62, being buried with great ceremony. Gov. John's children were: - 1, Hudson. born May 2, 1640; married Sarah Payton, 2d, -; residence Roxbury, and died Dec. 16, 1714; 2 to 7. six daughters, names unascertained. Hudson's children by Ist wife, John (2d) grad. H. U. 1680; married Margaret (Rogers) Berry, 2d. Sarah (Crisp) Harris, 1722; was president of IL. U. &c., and died May 3, 1724. By 24 wife, 2, Thomas Hudson ; residence Boston, a barber. President John's children by Ist wife, 1. Sarah. born Nov. 12. 1700 ; married Prof. Ed. Wigglesworth, and died 1727; 2. Mary, born Oct. 29, 1701 ; married Col. John Dennison, 2d, Nat. Rogers ; and died J. 25, 1756. See Savage's Gen. Dict. The Gen. Register, &c.
31
ROCKLAND AND SOUTH THOMASTON.
Wm. Phips, in exchange for the Indian title from Madocka- wando. It was subsequently divided into thirty shares ; and others, called "the Twenty associates," two of whom were Jonathan and Cornelius Waldo of Boston, were admitted into the company as tenants in common, under mutual obligations for procuring settlers for two towns of 80 families each, and making preparations for their accommodation. For this pur- pose, in 1719 and '20, they erected two strong block-houses on the eastern edge of St. George's River, with a covered way to the water side, and a large area between them en- closed by palisades. The spot chosen was at the river's bend or codde, as Weymouth would say, in what is now Thomaston in front of the mansion of the late Gen. Knox; and was to be the nucleus around which they intended to form a settlement, or town, to which they gave the name of LINCOLN. They also built a double saw-mill, probably on that branch which has ever since from that circumstance been called Mill River or Mill Creek ; bought a sloop " to transport people and their effects" hither, employed other vessels and a number of men in the undertaking; introduced neat cattle; and erected near thirty " frames for houses." They were engaging persons to begin the settlement, and had made overtures to a young clergyman by the name of Smith to settle with them. The Indians, contending that these lands were theirs, and that Madockawando had no right to dispose of them, "daily re- sorted there in great numbers, and oft-times threatened those employed in building and clearing the land, who used several stratagems to get them from off those lands."# In conse- quence of their jealousy and hostile disposition, the company put under command of Capt. Thomas Westbrook, one of the "twenty associates," a garrison of twenty men, which they maintained here for above twelve months, and furnished with "great and small Artillery to defend themselves and the workmen."
1722. This discontent -of the Indians, fomented no doubt by the Jesuits and other French agents, spread from tribe to tribe, and, in 1722, broke out into open hostilities, named " Lorewell's or the fourth Indian war." After attacks on the settlements westward, an assault was made by them, June 15th, upon the fort and beginnings here; when 200 Indians surprised and burnt the company's sloop, killed one and took six men prisoners, "and these immediately made up in a body to the block-houses and the next day attacked them
* Petition of Leverett and the associates to the General Court.
32
HISTORY OF THOMASTON,
-
for several hours and used several devices to have burnt them but were defeated by the courage of the men," and with- drawing " burnt their saw-mill, a large sloop, and sundry houses, and killed many of their cattle."" The story of the next attack, which was made only two months later, may per- haps be better given in the words of Capt. Westbrook, who in his letter to Gov. Shute, dated Falmouth, Sept. 25, 1722, after detailing his voyage from Boston to Arrowsic, writes, - "I was willing to make my best way to St. George's, fearing ye Enemy might attack it. Tuesday, about 5 o'clock, we Came to Sail, and Came to the mouth of St. George's River on Wednesday morning; and not having a fair wind went up in Five whale boats to the Fort, Which I found in good order, the Indians having attacked it ye 24th of August,t and killed 5 men yt were out of the Garrison. They continued their assault 12 days and nights furiously, Only now and then un- der a flagg of Truce they would have persuaded them to yield of the garrison, promising to give them good quarters and send them to Boston. The defendants' answers were, that they wanted no quarters at their hands, Daring them contin- ually to come on, told them it was King George's lands and that they would not yield them up but with the last Drops of their blood. The Indians were headed by their fryer, who talked with them under a flag of truce and likewise by two Frenchmen as they judged them to be. They brought with them five captives that they took ut St. George's, 15th June last, and kept them during the siege, but, upon their break- ing up, sent one of them, Mr. John Dunsmore, to the fort to know whether they would ransom them or no. Our people made answer they had no order so to do, neither could they do it; upon which Mr. Dunsmore returned to the Indians and they carryed the captives back to Penobscot Bay, and then frankly released three of them, viz. : - Mr. J. Dunsmore, Mr. Thomas Foster, and Mr. Wm. Ligett. One Joshua Rose, yt was taken at the aforesaid time and place and whom the Indians had left behind at Penobscot, made his escape and after six Days travell, arrived at ye Fort ye second day after the siege began, -he being obliged to make his way Through ye body of ye Indians to Gett to the fort and was taken up at one of the Ports. I now detain the four captives afore- said to be as Pilots to Penobscot.
" Thos. Westbrook.
* Petition to General Court. Jan. 27, 1731-2.
1 Sept. 4th, N. S. although Williamson, and Mansfield after him, ( Hist. and Descrip. of N. E.) make it in July.
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ROCKLAND AND SOUTH THOMASTON.
" P. S. The Captives informed me that the most part of ye Indians' food, during ye time of ye Siege, was seals, which they caught daily, keeping out a party of men for that pur- pose. The Garrison at St. George's has expended most of their ammunition during the late siege, and I desire your Excellency to send ye first opportunity, 4 or 5 barrels of gunpowder with ball, swan-shot, and flints, answerable; for the Indians are resolved to take the fort, if possible."
It will be perceived that no mention is made of any under- mining of the fort in order to blow it up, as we learn from tradition and other sources was attempted during this siege: but which was frustrated by heavy rains and a caving in of the earth upon them; neither of the enemy's loss of twenty men, -which is well authenticated and mentioned in Waldo's petition of 1731.+ These omissions were probably made in consequence of Westbrook's brief stay of one and a half hours only, he having hurried away to his sloop and set sail that the Indians should not hear of his visit and get wind of his intended expedition against them up the Penobscot.
This fort having been supported thus far by the Proprietors of the patent at their own expense, it had been proposed by President Leverett, that, as the country was in a state of war and the work needed for the general defence, Massachusetts should make it a public garrison. This was accordingly done; and Capt. Westbrook returned, soon after the siege, with two sloops and a re-inforcement of 45 men.
1723. Westbrook, now Colonel and Commander-in- Chief in this quarter, in February of this year, made his de- structive onslaught upon the Indians at Penobscot, and, having burnt the whole village, returned to the fort here, with the loss of his chaplain, Rev. Benjamin Gibson, and three men, whose bodies on his arrival were buried at the fort. Sup- posing this blow at the enemy would prove an effectual check, and much sickness prevailing also among the soldiers, the lower House of the General Court, on the 6th of Sept. 1723, voted " that it is not for the service of the Province to sup- port the Block-house at George's River, and that no further pay or subsistence be allowed to the men that are posted there." The Council, not wishing to see this frontier post thus abandoned to the foe, non-concurred ; and a spirited con- troversy sprang up, the House deeming it an assumption of
* Original letter, Secretary's Office. Boston ; Pay-roll of the garrison, on which Jos. Hunter, Jos. Mackamog, and James Nigh are marked killed. Aug. 24th.
t See Journal of House of Representatives under date Jan. 27, 1731-2.
34
HISTORY OF THOMASTON,
power in the executive to continue in pay a force which had been authorized only till the preceding May session. Various votes were passed and non-concurred in by each house, till at length, on a representation that the Proprietors of the pa- tent were willing, rather than have it abandoned, to maintain the garrison at their own expense, a compromise measure was adopted reducing the force to ten men; and, Dec. 17th, the Lieut. Governor was desired to post 12 men and a sergeant there. This was done, none too soon; for, on Christmas day, 1723, the Indians made an attack upon the fort. Sixty in number, and encouraged by information obtained from two prisoners taken, that the fort was in a defenceless state, they prosecuted the siege for thirty days, with a resolution that well-nigh amounted to madness. They seemed to be flushed with the absolute certainty of compelling a surrender. But Capt. Wm. Kennedy, who was now the commanding officer, being a man of intrepid courage, held out till Col. Westbrook arrived and put the enemy to flight. One of the prisoners spoken of was Jas. McFaden, who was afterwards ransomed for £17 .*
1724. After this, probably more interest was felt in maintaining this post, and in the spring of 1724 the command of it was given to Capt. Josiah Winslow, who graduated at Harvard University in 1721, and was the grandson and great- grandson, respectively, of the two Governors Winslow of Plymouth. The prestige of his youth, character, and family, raised high hopes of his efficiency here, and added great poignancy to the grief caused by his untimely fate, which is thus related by the celebrated Cotton Mather at the close of a sermon which he preached and printed on the occasion. " Being left at George's Fort in command of the garrison there, on the 30th of April, 1724, he went from thence with 17 men in two whale-boats, down to an Island, called The Green Island, some miles below the Fort, hoping to come on some Indians there, inasmuch as there had several times been seen Indians going thither in a Canoe, it being a notable Fowling place. He was observed for diverse Hours before he went upon this action, to retire very Serious and Pensive ; and no doubt full of such Thoughts as might have a Tendency to Prepare his young Soul. . . . And he let fall Words to the Company which he left, that seemed somewhat Presagious of what he was going to. When they came to the Island, they haled up their Boats among the Bushes, and lay close
* His petition : House Journals.
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ROCKLAND AND SOUTH THOMASTON.
all the night, and the next day until almost Night. Not see- ing any Indians, they then went off the Island in their Boats, when the sun was about two Hours high, (Friday) in the Afternoon. Thus Divine Providence ordered it, that this was what might be called a launching into the Mare mortuum. After their going down to this Island, a great Body of Indians of the Penobscot Tribe (with some others) .. . to the num- ber, as was judged, of 200 or 300 men, came down the River in their Canoes and lodged themselves with their Canoes on both sides of the River betwixt the Island and the Fort. Here they lay undiscovered by ours, as ours were by them, until they (Winslow's party) put off in their boats from the island. After they had come some distance from the Island, Capt. Winslow being in the foremost Boat, and Sergeant Harvey in the other, there came a Flock of Fowl within Shot of Har- vy's, at which one of the Men imprudently made a shot, and knocked down a Fowl in the water. Harvey turning to take up the fowl, Capt. Winslow advised him that it was best he should not follow the fowl, but that they should keep together ; for, said he, we know not what we may meet with before we reach the Fort. Harvey replied, 'Syr, if you will go easy upon your Oars, I will be' presently up with you.' But fol- lowing the Fowl too long, and going too near one side of the River, the Indians let fly upon Harvy and killed three of his men. Serg. Harvy found himself obliged immediately to land ;* where he was quickly killed, and all the men with him except three of our Christian Indians that were with him in this expedition who found their way to escape and got safe into the Fort. Harvy fought with abundance of Courage ; and so did the men that were with him. The Wolves found that they had Lyons to engage withal. When the Indians fired upon Harvy, Capt. Winslow, though he had gone slowly on his oars, was got near half a mile ahead ; but secing the Indians fire upon Harvy, his Manly, friendly, ingenuous, and courageous Heart could not bear to leave them in their dis- tress; but immediately put about his boat that he might hasten to their succor. Before he could get near them, he found himself surrounded with between 30 and 40 canocs whereof several had four or six men apiece aboard, which came off from both sides of the river and attacked him with great fury. They set up hideous Yelling and Howling, ex- pecting thereby to have daunted him, as to have taken our
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