USA > Maine > Cumberland County > Portland > Portland by the sea; an historical treatise > Part 5
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THE OBSERVATORY, CONGRESS STREET
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the interior of the country, and most of all com- prehended the limitless resources of the Western continent. At once he developed an ambitious and far-sighted plan, as appears by the old records, to make conquest of all the English settlements and substitute for them the complete domination of France. Under his direction a widely extended campaign was organized for the accomplishment of this purpose. He seems to have considered even then that upon Casco Bay was to be found the natural seaport of the Canadas.
New France had a compact military and relig- ious organization. Its rigid rules for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants kept the white popu- lation there small in point of numbers, and it was to some extent inharmonious, but all was under strict control and in discipline, efficient. The French influence with the Algonquin Indians of Maine had grown to be paramount. In the West this influence was offset by the relentless hostility against the French of the then five nations of the Iroquois, but in this part all the native tribes were ready to respond to the call of the Canadian governor. The stress of the European war re- quired the concentration of all the resources of France there, and King William upon his part could afford practically no assistance for the colonies. On this side of the ocean, therefore, America became a battle ground by itself. The broad field of military activities included Fal- mouth with most destructive effect.
The Indians, urged on by their French asso- ciates, immediately became aggressively hostile.
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Prosperous groups of families had become estab- lished at Purpooduck-Fort Preble Point, --- Stroudwater, Capisic and at Back Cove, as well as upon the Neck. In early September, 1689, a large force, estimated at about seven hundred of mixed Indians and French, advanced by land and water upon Falmouth. Major Benjamin Church of Plymouth colony, with volunteer troops of English and friendly Indians, had shortly before arrived to act for the protection of the place. September 21, 1689, a pitched battle ensued, principally on the Brackett farm, the so-called Deering front field northeasterly of present Deering Avenue, and within Deering's Oaks, then a part of the farm. It was fought in frontier fashion. Capt. Anthony Brackett was killed at his house and about twenty-one others were slain or wounded. The enemy having met so warm a reception and having suffered serious losses, with- drew and made no further attacks that year. Church's battle was regarded as a notable exploit, and for the time undoubtedly saved the town. The enemy had apparently departed and Church, after holding a council of war and making such arrangements as the feeble character of the settle- ments around Casco Bay could afford, was obliged to return to his home colony.
Early in the following year, as the French records further show, Count Frontenac began his great offensive. It was well planned. The ad- vance was in three divisions, the Eastern, the Central and the Western, and included Massa- chusetts and New York. In the West the fierce
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opposition to the French, persistently maintained by the Mohawks and others of the Iroquois tribes, proved to be quite as much of an obstacle as the defensive of the English themselves. The Algon- quin families who occupied the Eastern parts were completely dominated by their white friends in New France. The detachment sent for the con- quest of Maine advanced by the difficult route up the Chaudiere River and down the Kennebec by way of Norridgewock. The scason before a war party commanded by one Hertel had captured the strong fort at Old Pemaquid, which was an event of much importance, and Eastern Maine was rendered bare of English inhabitants.
Falmouth was regarded in Canada as the principal objective in this section. The command of the large aggregation assembled for its capture was entrusted to one Portneuf. Early in the spring a large part of the Hertel forces joined this band and for some time they were concealed in the wide area of unbroken forest, gathering provisions by hunting and assembling warlike supplies. It was intended to capture the place by a surprise attack like those which resulted in the destruction of York and Salmon Falls. This plan was in a measure frustrated by the unruly impatience of some of the red allies who could not forbear to kill and scalp an unlucky Scotchman whom they happened to meet. Apparently a con- siderable part of the settlers outside of the Neck became apprehensive and left their homes. Those about Falmouth were by no means aware of the extent of the French preparations. The estab-
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lished governments in New England had been overthrown by the law courts of King James and the people generally were carrying on according to the old forms in the way of voluntary combina- tions, but there was little of regular authority or unity.
Soon after the first of May, 1690, the force of French and Indians under Portneuf, together with those who had swept over Eastern Maine, appeared at Casco. Whether they were all In- dians was not known, as the Frenchmen dressed and painted themselves like their savage helpers. They were, as Cotton Mather expressed it," Indian- ized French and Frenchified Indians," but the control of the white men was manifest in their systematic tactics which differed from the inde- pendent action by groups characteristic of the natives when by themselves. The Casco settlers who had not abandoned their homes took refuge at Falmouth Neck. It had its Fort Loyal, a large palisade fortification with eight cannon, and there were besides a village aggregation of buildings and four blockhouses. Within the stockade were probably about a hundred men beside women and children.
May 16th it was observed from the fort that some cattle in a pasture were gazing at a lane fence adjoining the woods on Munjoy Hill in a frightened manner. Lieutenant Thaddeus Clarke with thirty volunteers of "the stoutest young men" set out to investigate. Seeing men, appar- ently Indians, behind the fence they raised a cheer and ran to the spot. Had these been red
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warriors they would naturally have run to shelter, but the French officers held the line steady and at the first discharge Lieut. Clarke and half of his men fell. Then a wild rush by the hidden focs followed, with the result that only four wounded men escaped and succeeded in reaching the fort.
A general attack was then made upon the garrisons and nearly all of the houses were burned. Finding themselves greatly outnumbered the men in the blockhouses when night came withdrew under cover of darkness to Fort Loyal. Next morning Portneuf besieged the fort in form. Obtaining tools from the places captured he opened trenches from the shelter of the bank below and advanced under cover toward the walls of the stockade. The local situation was highly favorable to their design. The enemy could work securely beyond the reach of the English guns and they lost scarcely any of their men, while the defenders were steadily picked off. The can- non were useless against the trenches. For five days and four nights the relentless progress con- tinued. The condition of the people within the palisade became desperate. The loss of the thirty of their most valiant young men was irréparable. The food supply was inadequate and the stock of ammunition was nearly exhausted. The enemy outnumbered them five to one. A heavy machine loaded with combustibles was constructed and pushed from behind against the wooden walls of the fort. Captain Davis then raised a flag of truce and asked for a parley. He still believed they were Indians and asked if there were French-
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men among them and if they would give quarter. Portneuf answered that they were French and would give good quarter. Davis asked for delay which was refused. Then it was proposed that the inmates of the fort should have liberty to march to the next English town south and have a guard for their protection. This was agreed to by the commander of the French, who held up his hand and made oath by the great and ever- living God that all the several articles should be truly performed.
The gates were then opened and the arms surrendered, but the defenceless garrison was im- mediately abandoned to the Indians, who remorse- lessly murdered all of the men except Captain Davis and some thought to be officers. The women and children were reckoned as religious booty. They, with the commanding officer and the few other men and larger boys, were taken by a twenty-four days march along the rugged river route through the woods to Quebec. In Canada Captain Davis was well treated but was told that the Falmouth people were rebels against James II, their lawful king, and were entitled to no consideration. The triumph of Frontenac's forces in Maine was overwhelming. The example made of Fort Loyal was like that of the sack of Louvain in the World War. The Scottow fort in Scarboro was abandoned as were the defences of Saco, and the tide of French conquest continued so far as Wells, near the southern limit of Maine.
For a long series of years after 1690 Falmouth had no history to relate. The next year the so-
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called Province Charter of 1691 from William and Mary was issued to the province of Massa- chusetts Bay. It included within its aggregation the Colony of Plymouth, the Gorges Province of Maine and the so-called Acadia between the Ken- nebec and the St. Croix rivers.
Although Maine was united with the Province of Massachusetts Bay, substantially all of its territory, including Falmouth which had then become the most prominent locality within its limits, was completely dominated by the French and their eager red allics. The old Bay province was herself in distressful situation. A great offens- ive expedition against Quebec, under command of Sir William Phipps, which was undertaken as a measure of defence by assailing the source of the French operations, had sailed just prior to the time of the taking of Fort Loyal. Its preparation had strained their resources to the utmost, and it had ended in disastrous defeat and failure. The loss in men and ships was appalling, and it had brought almost complete financial ruin in its wake. An issue of paper currency was made which only increased the complication. It was a time of poverty and almost political revolution. The exultant French and Indian combination raided the whole frontier so far as Connecticut and even awakened fear in Boston. England with a great continental war upon her hands bestowed no attention upon her colonies.
We hear of occasional temporary visits made within the ample harbor of the abandoned town. In 1692 an expedition under Sir William Phipps
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and Captain Church made a passing stop therc and buried the bleaching bones of those who perished within and around the ruined fort. Frontenac had upon his hands a desolating warfare in the west with the Mohawks and the confederate nations whom the French called "bloodhounds of the earth" and was obliged to recall most of his regulars from Maine. It is a comprehensive statement of the situation to say that the French were able to prevent English occupation within the interior, while the English with their superior sea power could and did destroy any attempted French settlements along the coast.
In 1697 came the peace of Ryswick between France and the nations opposing her, but it settled nothing in America. War parties directed by the French prowled along the whole frontier. Fronte- nac died the next year, but others of less ability still attempted to carry out his plans for a chain of outposts in the rear of the English settlements from the great lakes to New Orleans.
The contest between the two countries was renewed in 1702 by the so-called Queen Anne's War. Here a few of the old proprietors had straggled back. Nine families established them- selves at Spring Point near present Fort Preble, and some of the Jordan descendants came back to Spurwink. In August, 1702, there was a gen- eral invasion by small war parties. The hamlet at Spring Point was assailed and all of the little community killed or captured. Twenty-two of the Jordans, it is said, were slain or made prisoners. The Neck at that time was wholly unoccupied.
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The very name of Falmouth disappeared and that part was called Old Casco, as distinguished from the places below which were referred to as New Casco. At New Casco in 1700 a truck stockade was erected where the memorial now stands on the Country Club grounds, for trade with the Indians. It had no special name. Here a treaty was made in 1703 which was not regarded, as after two months the war again raged. The whole locality was known generally as "deserted Casco."
For the ten following years there were constant murders and burnings along the borders of the tormented frontier of Massachusetts. Maine, north of Wells, was abandoned, except garrisons at Saco, Scarboro and a few other places. The dissipations of the court of Louis XIV and the ill fortunes of his armies compelled him to make the humiliating peace of Utrecht in 1713. This for the time ended the conflict between New England and New France, but in the treaty relinquishment of Maine by France was the "weasel word," Acadia without bounds stated, and this gave opportunity for continued har- assment there. Yet the way was opened for a new beginning at Falmouth and the establishment upon a solid foundation of Portland by the sea.
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THE SECOND SETTLEMENT.
T HE second settlement of present Portland was to all intents an entirely new under- taking. The place in 1716, without a single fixed inhabitant, was in condition like that of Boston eighty-six years earlier. The people there at that date had formed a compact municipality of rising five thousand and could tell of the efforts of their grandparents in establishing a self-govern- ing community. Here, with natural advantages that in the beginnings were inferior to none, could be shown only a record of ambitious projects ending in complete failure. It is true that the facility of access and its prominent location rend- ered the place open to hostile attack, but the main reason for non-success is to be found in the crippling contests of ambitious rival claimants which made it impossible for the common people to obtain personal reward for their efforts or to acquire, until too late, a voice in the conduct of their own affairs. All of Maine had been like a pawn in a political game of chess between rival forms of government and intolerant religious beliefs until it had become too weak and dis- organized to avoid the final catastrophe.
To us of the twentieth century it seems like relating a romance to tell of the establishment of a community devoted to the idea, that government
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by kings is a divine institution, that a sovereign can do no wrong and that passive and unquestion- ing obedience without asserting any rights of their own is the supreme duty of other men. Yet this was the exalted ideal which it had been attempted to set up and perpetuate in Maine with the added increment of church autocracy.
After the abandonment and prior to the time of the peace treaty with France there had been within the limits of Old Falmouth only one place of regular occupation. This was the before- mentioned stockade at New Casco in the present town of Falmouth. It had no other name than Casco Fort and was a truck station, so-called, erected in the year 1700 for commerce with the Indians. It covered a considerable space, being 250 by 190 feet in area surrounded with a high palisade fence and having "a covert way" leading to a block house and wharf on the shore. The building of this station throws light upon the condition of Indian affairs. It was set up pursuant to an agreement to maintain a trading house stocked with supplies for the natives and to keep an armorer to repair guns in exchange for furs. This shows that the savages had become dependent upon the white man's utensils and wares and that the French could not without much difficulty make transportation by way of the rugged Norridgewock trail.
The new Casco fort, in spite of supposed neutrality, was attacked in a treacherous manner in 1703 after the beginning of Queen Anne's War. The garrison was commonly composed of only
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about thirty regular militiamen. Major John March appears to have been the first commander. The next year Col. Church of Massachusetts rec- ommended that it be abandoned as of practically no value, but Gov. Dudley, the King's appointed Governor of the province, persisted in keeping up the English occupation. Major Samuel Moody succeeded Major March in 1707. The House of Representatives refused to maintain it, claiming that the station was without profit or use even after the peace had come, and in 1716 the entire demolition of the stockade and the houses therein and the removal of all the stores belonging to the government was ordered.
Major Moody, the commander of the fort, had acquired high appreciation of the natural qualities of the place, and when the order to raze the fort was issued he petitioned for leave to remain. Upon the records of the province council it appears that "Capt. Samuel Moody, late commander of his Majesties fort at Casco Bay has petitioned that he might have liberty to build a fortification at his own expense, to be furnished with arms and ammunition at his own charge at the town of Falmouth, commonly called Old Casco, for him- self and the inhabitants there, being in number fifteen men besides women and children." Most of these, if not all, had been living within the stockade walls of the old fort. Of date July 20, 1716 Capt. Moody's petition was granted. Promptly thereafter he put up a house fronting the beach at about the present corner of Fore and Hancock Streets. Lieut. Benjamin Larrabee, the second
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in command at the fort, also built a house for himself at the corner of Middle and Pearl Streets. Others erected houses in the vicinity. At first there were but few additions to their number. Two years later there were fourteen families who had established themselves.
The inhabitants of the previous settlement and others claiming under them, finding their ancient possessions were being taken up by new comers, were stimulated to action. The General Court, having in mind the resettlement of Maine, had already appointed a committee "to lay out town platts in regular and a defensible manner." Thirty-six, calling themselves "old proprietors," petitioned the General Court for liberty to rebuild the ruined place, asserting that individuals upon their own volition were making encroachments and plundering the wood and timber. The com- mittee proceeded to Falmouth in July, 1718, and made a very favorable report, stating that it was a most agreeable place, with a fine navigable river, guarded from the sea by numerous islands, com- modious for fishery and for mills and with good land for husbandry, and with prospects for a flourishing town. All the ancient landmarks, how- ever, were gone. The report was accepted and the town was reincorporated and the old bound- aries located and established. To the courage and foresight of Major Samuel Moody, therefore, belongs the credit of placing upon a firm and enduring foundation our present Portland. Some- thing more than two years later, March 10, 1719, "a generall meeting" to organize the town under
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the new act of incorporation was held. Five selectmen, a clerk and two surveyors of fence were elected and also a representative to the General Court. The municipality has since that time proceeded upon its orderly way.
The second settlement, which was the real beginning of the municipality, started slowly, but it had at last reached a basis of Americanism, and government by the people. The Neck, Old Casco, had become an almost forgotten wilderness, but the gifts of nature which attracted the atten- tion of the legislative committee were their own advertisement. An attempt to resurrect the ghosts of the old controversies concerning land titles to disturb the prospects of the new community was set on foot. The well-known Danforth deed, given by the Colony of Massachusetts Bay when it ac- quired the Gorges charter, authorized certain persons as trustees to apportion the lands accord- ing to their discretion, and they had done so to a considerable extent. The persons who asserted that they were lawful representatives of those old trustees and heirs of their grantees, and called themselves the Old Proprietors, claimed full au- thority over the place and the admission of new settlers. Others who had come and occupied holdings after the new incorporation and had taken part in the town meetings according to Massachusetts Province laws, designated them- selves "the New Proprietors" and demanded rec- ognition of their authority. The territory in- cluded within the limits of Old Falmouth was large and valuable. The controversy became
أنحـ
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heated and appeals to the courts were taken, suggestive of the ruinous contentions of the earlier days. It is pleasant to relate that good sense and a spirit of conciliation finally prevailed. The rights of those occupying in good faith were al- lowed by common consent; new apportionments were determined by the whole body of inhabitants; a system of land grants agreeable to all was established, so that peace and good feeling resulted. Even the long slumbering claim of Rev. Robert Jordan's heirs were quieted by conveyance to the public for a nominal sum from Dominicus Jordan "in behalf of all the Jordans." Quit rents were numbered with forgotten things and Falmouth people thereafter owned their homesteads in fee.
It seems almost a contradiction of terms to say that after the peace treaty between England and France the Indian wars continued with a degree of ferocity greater than before, and that the new growth of Falmouth was for a long time impeded by these implacable hostilities. The old French official reports, now accessible, state clearly the reason. The pressure by the Canadian officials to get possession of America by making interior connections in rear of the English occupations continued, but their efforts had only feeble support from the home country which even then was subject to conditions that culminated in the disaster of the Revolution. The national resources. of France were being depleted by the orgies of waste and demoralization which marked the reign of Louis XV, and the poverty and suffering brought upon the people left but little of means or patriotic
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impulse there to support the military efforts which their more enterprising colonists were attempting.
In the East the Canadians were able to control the natives, so that a constant warfare was kept up under direction of disguised French leaders, and when the doubly harassed Indians would fain make peace, as repeatedly they did, savage bands were sent from the St. Francis and Becancourt missionary villages near Quebec to make murder- ous raids, which broke up the peace and brought upon the Maine Indians the reputation of utter treachery. The location of Falmouth upon the sea afforded for it the protection which came from the superiority of the English along the ocean front but, as it was more of a seaport than a producing region, the impossibility of maintaining stable settlements away from the shore restricted the use of its more particular advantages.
In 1722 the raids and atrocities had grown so pronounced that the Governor and Council made public declaration that a condition of open war- fare existed. Three garrisons were then estab- lished in Falmouth. The following year the whole frontier line of settlements was harassed with random but deadly attacks. These seemed plainly to have their origin in the French-Indian outpost actively maintained upon the Kennebec. In August, 1724, an English expedition, conducted stealthily through the forest, made a sudden attack upon the French military and missionary village of Norridgewock. The immediate com- mander of the detachment was Lieut. Jeremiah Moulton of York with his ranger band. Moulton
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was a boy four years old when York was surprised and destroyed by the French and Indian attack in 1692. He saw the general massacre there. His father was killed, the church and houses burned, and he was himself taken a captive to Canada. The assault upon Norridgewock was a counterpart of that upon York. No quarter was asked or given. The tribe was substantially annihilated. Father Rale, the missionary leader, unselfish in loyalty to his Church and King, died like the devoted hero that he was, musket in hand, trying to rally his startled and disorganized red children.
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