USA > Maine > Cumberland County > Portland > The history of Portland, from 1632 to 1864: with a notice of previous settlements, colonial grants, and changes of government in Maine > Part 41
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In 1727 the road from the Main street down the hill by the mile post, to Back Cove creek, was laid out four rods wide ; it was named Grove street in 1858. In 1736 the road round Back Cove, three rods wide, was laid out and accepted by the town.
Streets on the Neck now Portland, previous to the revolution, with the original and subsequent names.
Original name.
Intermediate name.
Present name.
Back. The
Queen. M
Broad.
King.
Congress. India.
Back Cove road.
Country road.
Main.
Chub. From Middle to Fore.
Fleet.
Turkey Lane. Newbury.
Fiddle. Fish.
Essex.
Fore. The
Exchange. Fore.
Greele's Lane.
Jones's Lane.
Congress. Hampshire.
Sumner. Franklin.
Hampshire. Plum.
478
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
Lane. Middle-to Clay Cove. Lane to Mariner's Spring. Lane .- Middle to Center. Lime Alley. Love Lane. Middle. The
Franklin.
Spring. Free.
Lime street.
Center. Middle.
Pearson's Lane. Smith .- King to Washington.
Willow.
Congress.
Thames .- King to Old Ferry.
Commercial.
In 1803 the representatives were instructed by the town to apply to the General Court for a lottery to raise money to pave the streets. They were not successful.
CHAPTER XVIII.
REVOLUTION-CAUSES OF EXCITEMENT-STAMP ACT-ITS REPEAL-SUGAR ACT-NEW DUTIES LAID- MILITARY FORCE EMPLOYED-COLLISION WITH THE TROOPS-REPEAL OF DUTIES-NON-IMPORTATION AGREEMENTS-DUTIES ON MOLASSES AND TEA-TEA DUTY ENFORCED AND TEA DESTROYED-PROCEED INGS IN FALMOUTH-BOSTON PORT BILL-CONVENTION AT FALMOUTH-PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.
Few towns in the colonies felt more ardently, and none suf- fered more severely in the cause of independence, than Fal- mouth. Although she carried on a profitable trade directly with Great Britain by means of the mast ships and other lum- ber vessels, and an indirect one through the West India Islands, her inhabitants were not detered by any mercenary motives from expressing their sentiments freely in relation to the meas- ures of the mother country.
The French war which terminated in 1763, had been carried on at a vast expense, and although it resulted gloriously to the English arms by the expulsion of the French from all their possessions in the northern part of America, yet it had made large additions to the national debt of England. It was to relieve that country from future embarrassments of this sort, which suggested to her government the scheme of raising a revenue in America to be applied for its government and de- fense.
The first act which was adopted with this view was the re- vival of the sugar act, as it was commonly called, in 1764. This imposed a duty upon sugar, Indigo, coffee, wines, silks, molasses, etc., of foreign growth and manufacture, and required
480
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
that the net proceeds of the tax should be paid into the treas- ury of England. A former act laying duties on some of the articles enumerated had existed since 1733, but never having been strictly observed, little revenue had been realized from it. The ministry now gave particular instructions to the officers of the customs in America to enforce the law rigidly. It was on this occasion that public attention was first directed to the right of parliament to impose taxes upon the colonies. James Otis wrote a pamphlet on the subject, in which he denied the right, and the representatives of Boston were soon afterward instructed to use their exertions to procure the repeal of the act ; in them it was observed, "if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands ? Why not the produce of our lands and every thing we possess and make use of? This we apprehend anni- hilates our charter to govern and tax ourselves."
The House of Representatives of Massachusetts took the same side of the question and made a statement of the rights of the colonies on the subject of taxation, which, with the pamphlets of Mr. Otis, and other papers of a similar character were sent to England and published. These bold views of in- dependency created alarm in the British Ministry, and hastened on measures which tended still more to widen the breach.1
The stamp act followed in February 1765, to go into effect on the first of November following. The news of its passage roused the feelings of the people, already sufficiently excited by the expectation of some measure of the kind, to exaspera- tion, which broke out in mobs and vented themselves in show- ing up the authors and supporters of the obnoxious measure in the most contemptuous manner. The colors of the vessels were displayed at half mast, the bells were tolled muffled, and
1 A letter writer in London Feb. 10, 1765, remarks: "Several publications from North America lately made their appearance here, in which the independency of the colonies is asserted in pretty round terms. Some scruple not to affirm that sentiments like these will oblige government here to think of steps that may check such haughty republican spirits."-Boston Eve. Post, May 27, 1765.
481
THE STAMP ACT.
the act was printed with death's head upon it. The assem- blies of Virginia and Massachusetts being in session, denounced the system, and the latter proposed to the colonies a meeting of delegates, to make a general and united "representation of their condition to his majesty and implore relief."
Boston was the center of excitement, her mobs and town meetings struck terror into the provincial government and the advocates of royal power. The houses of secretary Oliver who had been appointed stamp officer and of the officers of the customs were attacked and injured, and that of Lieutenant Gov. Hutchinson was entirely destroyed. Every stamp officer throughout the country, unable to resist public opinion, resigned his commission, and when the time arrived for the act to go into operation, there were neither stamped papers to be found nor officers to execute it.
The General Court assembled on the 23d of October ; the representative from Falmouth, Col, Samuel Waldo, was by vote of the town, "directed to use his utmost efforts to pre- vent the stamp act taking place in this province." Mr. Waldo was not friendly to the popular party and was not again elected a member. The house, by a strong majority expressed its en- tire disapprobation of the act, and attempted to pass a resolve that all courts should proceed in business without using stamped papers, in the same manner they had done before the passage of the law ; in this however they were defeated by the governor who prorogued them before the passage of the resolve. Some courts were opened as usual, and the custom-house officers in Boston issued clearances without being stamped. In this county the justices of the inferior court assembled at Fal- mouth, January 1, 1766, and proceeded to business without stamps.1
It is probable that the custom-house officers in this town had
1 "1766, January 1. The justices met at Freeman's and resolved to go on with courts as heretofore, though stamps are not to be had."-Deane's diary. The jus- tices were Jeremiah Powell, Enoch Freeman, and Edward Millikin.
482
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
either procured some stamped papers or refused to grant clear- ances without them ; for on the 8th of January, 1766, a mob assembled and threatened the custom-house, and January 25, another mob collected and burnt some stamped clearances.1 A brig had that day arrived from Halifax, which brought a small parcel of these papers and lodged them in the custom-house. As soon as the inhabitants had notice of the fact, they assembled in a body, marched to the custom-house and demanded to have the whole given up to them immediately, declaring that an article so odious to all America, should not be kept there. Af- ter receiving them, they were carried through town on the end of a pole and then committed to a fire prepared for the purpose amidst the acclamations of a great concourse of people .?
The uneasiness in England produced by these disturbances was very great, and united with the representations of the merchants and manufacturers on both sides of the water, whose pecuniary interests were in danger, produced the repeal of the obnoxious act in March, 1766. Information of this event reached Boston May 16, and was received at Falmouth the same day by the arrival of a mast ship in thirty days from London ; which was confirmed by an express from Boston the day but one after. Nothing had probably produced throughout the colo- nies so ardent and sincere a joy as this, in which no town more heartily joined than the inhabitants of ours. Mr Smith says, "May 19, our people are mad with drink and joy ; bells ring- ing, drums beating, colors flying, guns firing, the court-house illuminated and some others, and a bon fire, and a deluge of drunkenness."3
1 Smith and Deane's diaries.
2 Boston Evening Gazette, February 3, 1766.
3 An article in the Boston Evening Post of June 2, gives the following account of the reception of the news at Falmouth. On Sunday noon an express arrived from Portsmouth with a confirmation of the great and glorious news, for whom a handsome collection was made, which seemed to change the countenances of all ranks of people, and every friend to liberty was filled with pleasure and satis-
483
STAMP ACT REPEALED.
Government seized the occasion of the present joy to procure from the colonies an indemnity to the persons whose property had been destroyed in the late commotions. The General Court evaded the subject on the ground that they were not authorized to appropriate the money of their constituents for such pur- poses ; the governor prorogued them to give them an oppor- tunity to receive instructions on the subject. The majority of the towns either voted to compensate the sufferers or left it to the discretion of their representatives ; but Falmouth, at a meeting of the inhabitants on the 3d of September, voted "that the representative be directed to signify, that it is the opinion of the town of Falmouth, that the inhabitants of one town ought not to be assessed to reimburse the inhabitants of another town for any riotous proceedings of the inhabitants of another town."i The house determined against an unqualified compensation, but added to their bill of indemnity a grant of free pardon to all who had been engaged in the riots.
The sugar act now only remained to interrupt the friendly intercourse of the two countries. Before the passage of this act, smuggling had been extensively carried on under the eyes and with the knowledge of the officers of the customs, but now its penalties were rigidly enforced. Several cargoes of wines and sugars had been seized in Boston and Salem, and consid- erable excitement was produced, though not of so universal
1 Jedediah Preble, a staunch whig, had been chosen without opposition to suc- ceed Samuel Waldo as representative.
faction, on which occasion an anthem was sung after service at church. The morning following was ushured in with every demonstration of loyalty and joy that could possibly be expressed, such as ringing of bells, firing of cannon at the fort and on board the shipping in the harbor, having all their colors displayed, beating of drums, etc., when many loyal toasts were drank, viz., The Queen- The Royal Family-The great Pitt-Conway-Barre, etc .; and on Tuesday the same noble spirit appeared. In the evening the houses of the town were beau- tifully illuminated, fire works played off, bon fires erected, etc. The whole con- cluded with so much order and decorum, that it did great honor to the town."
484
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
and fatal a character as had distinguished those of the former year. On the 7th of August the collector of Falmouth seized a quantity of sugar and rum belonging to Enoch Ilsley for breach of the act; in the evening a number of persons assem- bled, attacked the house of the comptroller where the collector then was, with clubs and stones, until past ten o'clock, during which time the property was removed by the people beyond the reach of the custom-house officers.1 Gov. Bernard issued a proclamation August 18, offering a reward of fifty pounds for the discovery of the persons engaged in this riot .?
In the summer of 1767, while the colonies were resting from the agitation into which they had been thrown by past acts of the British Legislature, Parliament was preparing new causes of excitement. She could not relinquish her scheme of rais- ing a revenue in America, and beside passing an act laying duties upon glass, painters' colors, tea, and paper, in the course of this summer, the proceeds of which were appropriated to- ward making a more certain and adequate provision for the charge of the administration of justice and the support of civil government in such of the colonies as it should be necessary, she passed another, asserting a right "to make laws of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." The government also established a board of commissioners for the receipt and management of the customs in America, and fixed the salaries of certain officers which Massachusetts had refused to do.
The passage of these acts occasioned at first no violent out- breakings like those which followed the stamp act, but rather
1 Boston Evening Post, August 25.
2 July 11, 1768. About thirty men armed with clubs, axes, and other weapons attacked the jail in this town and rescued two men, John Huston and John San- born, who had been convicted at the last supreme court for a riot. The gov- ernor offered a reward of twenty pounds for the discovery of any persons engaged in this riot .- Essex Gazette, August 9. These persons were probably im- plicated in the mob for the recovery of Mr. Ilsley's sugar.
485
CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION.
a policy to enlist the manufacturers and merchants of England in their favor, by addressing their pecuniary interests. For this purpose the people came to a firm determination to abstain from the use of all the dutiable articles and of all foreign superflui- ties, and to encourage by all their influence and means, domes- tic manufactures of every kind. Boston took the lead in this measure, and our town, December 4, 1767, by the following vote, heartily responded to the course proposed : "Voted, that this town highly approves of the measures of the town of Bos- ton to encourage home manufactures, and that the town will at all times endeavor to suppress the use of foreign ones and encourage industry and economy agreeably to the plan pro- posed by the town of Boston ; and that the selectmen be directed to return the thanks of this town to the town of Boston for their seasonable and very laudable attention to, and concern for, the happiness and welfare of this province as well as of the whole continent."
The strict execution of the revenue act, accompanied by the vexatious circumstances which usually attend upon such scenes, at length produced new mobs and riots in the seaport towns, which led government to call to its support a naval and mili- tary force. The very intimation by the government on the 8th of September, that a body of troops had been ordered to Boston, produced a greater degree of indignation and alarm than had been caused by any other measure./ A. town meeting, the great engine in those days, was immediately summoned in Boston, which recommended that a convention of committees from all the towns in the province, should be held at Faneuil- hall, to concert and advise such measures as the public peace and safety required. Although this was a stronger step than had ever been taken, yet the recommendation met a hearty response from the principal towns in the province, and a con- vention -numerously attended assembled in Faneuil Hall on the 22d of September. An express from Boston reached here on the 18th, and on the 21st of that month, the inhabitants
486
HISTORY OF PORLAND.
held a meeting and appointed Gen. Preble as their delegate to attend the convention. He was instructed, however, very cau- tiously, to do nothing illegal or unconstitutional, but to use every endeavor within the limits of legitimate resistance to procure a redress of grievances. The result of the convention was much more moderate than the friends of government an- ticipated ; they calmly enumerated their grievances, declared their loyalty and that of the people, and advised all to avoid tumultuous expressions of their feelings, and to yield obedience to the civil magistrate. It is evident that many were restrained by the apprehension of having taken an unconstitutional rem- edy, and were disposed to avoid the consequences of it by recommending moderate and conciliatory measures. They however, firmly expressed their opinion that the civil power without the aid of a standing force was fully adequate to sup- press all tumults and disorders.1
On the 28th of September two regiments arrived in Boston and landed about one thousand men without opposition. A sullen stillness succeeded the first arrival of the troops ; they probably struck intimidation into the minds of the people. But a firm resolution of resistance followed ; the introduction of the troops was looked upon as a dangerous infraction of their rights, and as an attempt by mere force to dragoon them into submission. The sympathy of the whole continent was enlisted in favor of Boston, and her cause was regarded as that of the country. Both the General Court and the town refused to furnish the troops with quarters and supplies, al- though the governor repeatedly applied to them for that purpose ; they told him that there were suitable barracks at the castle already provided, and they use in their reply this strong language, "your excellency must excuse us in this ex- press declaration, that as we cannot, consistently with our honor
1 In February, 1769, Parliament declared that the proceedings calling the con- vention were subversive of government, and showed a disposition to set up an authority independent of the crown.
487
MILITARY FORCE CALLED FOR.
. or our interest, and much less with the duty we owe our con- stituents, so we shall never make provisions for the purposes in the several messages above mentioned."' At the same ses- sion they passed certain resolutions which while they professed the firmest allegiance, amounted almost to a declaration of independence ; one declared "that the sole right of imposing taxes on the inhabitants of this his majesty's colony of the Massachusetts Bay, is now and ever hath been legally and con- stitutionally vested in the House of Representatives with the consent of council;" etc. Another, "that the standing army in this colony in a time of peace, without the consent of the General Assembly of the same, is an invasion of the natural rights of the people;" etc.
The continuance of the troops in Boston was a constant source of vexation to the people ; it brought home upon them an unremitted pressure of servitude; they could not wink out of view the fact that the soldiery were placed over them as a guard to keep them in order. Consequently it was the most earnest prayer of their numerous petitions to the throne, that they might be removed. Difficulties were often occurring be- tween the inhabitants and the soldiers, which kept alive con- tention and made the burden of their presence more oppressive. At last in one of the tumults in the streets in Boston, the sol- diers fired upon the citizens March 5, 1770, and killed five men. This catastrophe aroused the people to the highest pitch of excitement, and they demanded a total and immediate re- moval of the troops from Boston. It was deemed prudent to comply ; the troops were removed to the castle on the 10th of March, and the officers and soldiers guilty of the firing were committed for trial.
After the removal of the troops, the public mind became more composed, and nothing material occurred to excite it for a
1 Hutchinson, vol. iii, p. 248.
2 Hutchinson, voll. iii. p. 498.
488
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
considerable length of time. The English government seemed desirous to restore quiet in the colonies by any sacrifice short of relinquishing the right of Parliament to legislate over them. They abandoned the scheme of raising a revenue in America, and in April 1770, they rescinded the duties upon all articles except tea. This attempt to reconcile the colonies was as short- sighted as it was ineffectual ; it was not for the amount pro- duced by the duties that the people contended, but for the prin- ciple ; and as long as a single article continued to be taxed by Great Britain for the purpose of revenue, they considered their constitutional rights violated. No further notice of the repeal of the duties was taken, than to declare a dissatisfaction that any was retained, and as no cause was offered to produce any public excitement, the right and principle only became sub- jects of political discussion and speculation. A controversy however was kept up almost without cessation between Gov. Hutchinson, who had succeeded Gov. Bernard, and the House of Representatives, upon the rights of the colonies, the construc- tion of charter and other principles of government, which gave opportunity to disseminate doctrines that gradually prepared the minds of the people for the crisis which was approaching.1
One mode of resistance adopted not unsuccessfully by the colonies, was, by non-importation agreements, to appeal to the commercial interests of the mother country. These had been entered into and enforced with great unanimity and effect. In consequence of these combinations, the value of exports from Great Britain had greatly fallen off during the preceding troubles ; in 1769, it was less by seven hundred and forty-four thousand pounds sterling, than in 1768. A letter from London
1 The governor was fond of making a display of his constitutional learning, for which the government at home did not thank him. Hutchinson himself re- marks that, "Dr. Franklin wrote the speaker, that the ministry would not thank the governor," and "it was recommended to the governor to avoid any further discussion whatever upon those questions, the agitating of which had already produced such disagreeable consequences."
-
489
NEW ENLISTMENTS.
in March, 1769, states, that "the exports to America are so amaz- ingly decreased within a year past, that some dependents on the custom-house do not make a fourth part of the perquisites they formerly did."' In 1770 these agreements were again pressed into service against the obnoxious survivor of the late revenue act, and were signed by great numbers all over the country.2 Falmouth, as on all other occasions lifted her voice in the common cause, and voted "that this town will do what lies in their power to discourage the purchasing of foreign tea, and to discourage the using of it in their respective families."
The country enjoyed a comparative degree of quiet for two years, with an occasional out-breaking of the people ; in 1770 a number of people in Gloucester, Cape Ann, seized a custom- house officer, tarred and feathered him and otherwise severely used him. In November, 1771, certain persons in this town mobbed Arthur Savage, the controller; three of whom, Sand- ford, Stone, and Armstrong were taken on a warrant from Judge Lyde of the superior court in December, and committed for trial. A fortnight before this transaction, a schooner be- longing to William Tyng, arrived from the West Indies, and the custom-house officers having detected them in smuggling the cargo, seized the vessel ; whether there was a connection between these two acts we are not able to determine. The mob was not sustained by public opinion here. Mr. Savage went to Boston after this affair, and it is believed that he did not return ; Mr. Child who discharged his duties, wrote to him on the subject as follows : "I believe the generality of people are very sorry that you were so ill treated."3
1 Massachusetts Gazette, June 5, 1769.
2 "June 26, 1770. Non-importation agreement signed by great numbers."- Deane's Diary.
3 The following memorandum of Mr. Savage's proceedings after the mob, is detailed by Enoch Freeman, Esq., Judge of the inferior court, as follows :
"Ye next day after Mr. Savage was mobbed, he came to Moody's, ye court at dinner, I call'd out, went below, found Mr. Savage and his kinsman Bill Savage,
32
490
HISTORY OF PORTLAND.
The people throughout the country had been in the constant habit of evading the sugar and molasses duties, which were high, for many years. The duty on molasses was six pence a gallon ; this, if enforced, would have amounted to a prohi-
when Arthur desired me to take Bill's depositon, I read it, being wrote on two pieces of paper, and found no name mentioned in it but Mr. Titcomb, except Mr. Savage and his wife. I said that I expected he had a complaint against some of ye mob, and wanted a warrant which I would give him in a moment but as to taking that deposition in two pieces of paper, and wherein a gentle- man's name was mentioned in a manner that might be taken to his disadvantage, thought it was not fair, and I did not choose to do it without he was notified or present, but advised him to go up stairs and lay it before ye Court, which he did not then incline to do, and said to me, then you refuse to take it. I told him I did, unless Mr. Titcomb was notified. I asked him what use he could make of ye deposition ; he said he should send it to ye commissioners, and it would have a tendency to discover the mob. How can that be, said I, if you can't tell who they were, how can the commissioners ? If you that are on ye spot can't discover who they were, how can ye commissioners, that are one hundred and thirty miles off ? And after some such like discourse, wherein I told him the act of ye mob was universally as far as I could learn abhorred and detested, I went up chamber and he desired me to ask Mr Powell to step down, which I did, and he went, and after some time returned and told me that he had sent for Mr. Titcomb, and he was below with Mr. Savage, and desired me to go down again, I went down and Mr. Savage was gone. And in about an hour after Mr. Collector Waldo, Mr. Savage and Bill came up into court, and Mr. Savage laid ye said deposition or ye same two papers on the table, and asked ye Court to give Mr. Bill Savage his oath to ye same ; ye Court desired to know what it was, accord- ingly it was read, and thereupon observations were made by ye Court, and ye Court were unanimously of ye opinion that it was improper to take said deposi- tion, without Mr. Titcomb was present to interrogate ye deponent, and that Mr. Titcomb should also be interrogated by Mr. Savage upon oath, etc. so that ye whole truth might go to ye commissioners together. Ye Collector Waldo said to me in Court, can a justice refuse to swear a man to any deposition that he may offer ? I told him, I thought a Justice had a right to refuse, if he thought there was an impropriety in it, and in some there might be great absurdity ; up- on ye whole Mr. Savage did not apply to me or ye Court for a warrant against any one of ye mob, and I then supposed ye only reason was that he did not know any of them, as he signified to the Court as well as to me. But it seems that as soon as he got to Boston, he was able to swear to three of them, and procured a warrant from ye Chief Justice to have them apprehended ; and accordingly two of them were brought before me, and I laid them under one hundred pound
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