USA > Maine > The history of the state of Maine; from its first discovery, A. D. 1602, to the separation, A. D. 1820, inclusive, Vol. II > Part 12
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OF MAINE.
CHAP. IV.]
CHAPTER IV.
Lovewell's war-Motives of the French-Condition of the Indians -Their political relations to the English-Their reprisals- Their attack upon St. George's fort-Brunswick burnt-Heath's exploit-War proclaimed against the eastern tribes-Force raised -Officers-Part of Georgetown burnt-Indian village at Penob- scot burnt-Sickness and losses of the English-Mohawks urged to join them-St. George's fort beseiged-Troops in pay-The enemy's attacks upon the towns-Battle at the river St. George- Capt. Winslow killed-The Indians seize upon the eastern vessels -Pursued, they abandon them-Norridgewock taken-Rale kil- led-Commissioners sent to Canada-Lovewell's successes-Coch- ran's exploit-Lovewell's 3d Expedition-His celebrated fight at Pegwacket [ Fryeburgh]-The war-Thoughts of peace-Indian village at Fort Hill [ Bangor] destroyed-Affray with Castine the younger-A negotiation-Peace -- French displeased -- An outrage by the northern Indians at Kennebunk-Letters from the Indians-Losses in this war.
THE fourth Indian war, begun in 1722, and since denominated A. D. 170 the Three years' or Lovewell's war, was carried on by the natives to 1722. themselves, principally, against the provincials of New-Hamp- war. Lovewell's shire, Maine, and Nova-Scotia. As there was at this period a well settled peace, between the English and French crowns, the Canadians durst not take any open part in the controversy, through fear of being charged with violating the treaty. But, they Motives and affected to represent the Indians as an independent people, and the French, conduct of secretly incited them to drive the English settlers from the frontiers and the reviving plantations. By acts and pleas of exclusive friend- ship, they had enchained the confidence of the savages, in bonds not easily broken ; while the basest passions still lay at the bottom. Stript of the disguise, the dark designs appeared in bold relief and deformity. Old prejudices and ill-will towards the English, were only sleeping embers, even in the calms of peace. The French, having been in possession of the country eastward of the Pe- nobscot, were fully determined either to recover it, or to keep the
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A. D. 1720 settlements in perpetual check. By a kind of magic, the rulers to 1722. of Canada artfully moved the springs behind the curtain ; and Rale, la Chase, le Masse, and other Jesuit missionaries, gave am- ple proof of their skill in political intrigue, as well as that of mul- tiplying converts.
Condition of the Indians.
The eastern tribes were manifestly in a sad dilemma. They were situated between the Colonies of two European nations, often at war with each other, and seldom under the influence of mutual fellowship. In their frequent negotiations, and individual parleys and conversations with the English, they were frank to open their whole hearts. They knew themselves to be ignorant and needy, and to be viewed as a savage race of men. But why, one enquired of them, 'are you so strongly attached to the ' French, from whom you can never receive so much benefit as ' from the English ?' A sachem gravely answered, " because the " French have taught us to pray unto God, which Englishmen " never did."
Their view's.
A summary of thoughts and expressions dropped by Indians, at different times, will shew their views .- ' Frenchmen speak 'and act in our behalf. They feed us with the good things we 'need ; and they make us presents. They never take away our ' lands. No, but their kind missionaries come and tell us how to ' pray, and how to worship the Great Spirit. When the day is dark- 'ened by clouds, our French brothers give us counsel. In trade ' with them, we have good articles, full weight, and free measure. " Indians and white men have one Great Father. He has given 'every tribe of us a goodly river, which yields us fine salmon ' and other fish. Their borders are wide and pleasant. Here " the Indians from oldest time, have hunted the bear, the moose, " the beaver. It is our own country, where our fathers died, 'where ourselves and our children were born ;- we can never ' leave it. The Indian has rights and loves good as well as the ' Englishman :- Yes, we have a sense, too, of what is kind and ' great. When you first came from the morning waters, we took ' you into our open arms ;- We thought you children of the sun ; '-We fed you with our best meat .- Never went a white man ' cold and starving from the cabin of an Indian. Do we not ' speak truth ?
' But you have returned us evil for good. You put the flam- 'ing cup to our lips ; it filled our veins with poison ; it wasted
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CHAP. IV.] OF MAINE.
' the pride of our strength. Ay, and when the fit was on us, A. D. 1720 'you took advantage-you made gains of us. You made our to 1722.
' beaver cheap ; then you paid us in watered rum and trifles .-
' We shed your blood ;- we avenged your affronts. Then you ' promised us equal trade, and good commodities. Have chris- ' tian Englishmen lived up to their engagements? Never,-for ' they asked leave of our fathers to dwell in the land, as brothers. ' It was freely granted. The earth is for the life and range of ' man. We are now told the country spreading far from the sea, ' is passed away to you forever,-perhaps for nothing,-because of ' the names and seals of our Sagamores. Such deeds be far from ' them. They never turned their children from their homes to ' suffer. Their hearts were too full of love and kindness-their ' souls too great. Whither should we go? There is no land so ' much our own-none half so dear to us. Why flee before our ' destroyers? we fear them not-sooner far, we'll sing the war ' song,-and again light up the council-fires : So shall the great ' spirits of our fathers own their sons. To take our lands from ' us, the English lawmakers and rulers themselves, as some ' folks tell us, have long ago forbidden you. All the forts and ' mills, built again, are contrary to treaty, and must be laid low. ' The white men shall give more place to Indians,-so shall the ' lines and extent, we require to see established, be where we ' please to have them.'
The season for reconciliation was past, and the means aimed Reconcilia . at such an end, were all fruitless. Partition lines could not be tion imprac- established : For the Indians, unable to read or write, were quite ticable. unacquainted with the purport or effect of the instruments, which their chiefs had sanctioned by subscribing their marks, or family ensigns. They had no better records, than faint inscriptions upon the tablets of memory made at the time, which were soon ef- faced. There was a jealousy entertained also of spurious deeds. The Indians supposed that all the conveyance, which a Saga- more intended, was merely a consent given during his life, to al- low the applicant a right of residence, in common with his tribe. In attempting to do more, they thought he transcended his pow- ers. If therefore, the purchasers would retain the lands after his decease, they must pay anew the consideration. Whereas the English, on the contrary, believed that the Indian title was VOL. II. 15
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A. D. 1720 entirely extinguished to all the tracts upon the Androscoggin, to 1722. the Kennebeck and other rivers, which the Sagamores had by their deeds conveyed.
'The politi- cal relations
Still it was difficult to determine with precision what was the of the colo- true relation, in which the Indians stood to our Provincial nists and In- dians. government. They claimed and inhabited territories, which the charter embraced ; yet, in all negotiations and sales, their rights were acknowledged. They also acted in treaty as an in- dependent people ; nor was there a pretext, that they could be justly driven away by force, while they were quiet. Oftentimes, they had solemnly declared themselves, subjects of the British crown. Hence, in war, they were called rebels, and in negotia- tion, they acknowledged themselves to have deserved the name, without having any adequate idea what it imported : while in peace, they had no concern with our institutions. They neither sought nor enjoyed any of our civil privileges, as citizens, except unmolested security. An Indian was never known to seek re- dress of an Indian, through the medium of our laws. To ask alms,-to trade,-or to fight,-was' all the intercourse they wish- ed to have with the English colonists.
Prospect of war.
Determined still to prevent a rupture, if possible, the govern- ment in the first months of the year 1722, invited the Indians to another conference, where it was apprehended, the French em- issaries would not presume to be present ; but the message was treated with derision. The attempt to seize their holy Father had opened a deep and bleeding wound ; hostilities appeared to be inevitable ; and two thirds of the provisional forces, enlisted or detached, and put under the command of Col. Thaxter, were retained either in service, or as minute-men, till spring.
June 13. als by the Indians.
Meanwhile, the Indians made preparations for war. Their First repris- first act of violence was, June 13; when a party of sixty, prob- ably from the Canibas and Anasagunticook tribes, appearing in 20 canoes, on the northern margin of Merry-meeting bay,* took nine entire families. It seems, these were seized as reprisals, for all the prisoners were soon dismissed, except five of the men, namely, Hamilton, Hanson, Trescott, Love, and Edgar, who were retained as indemnities for the safety and return of the four
* Perhaps about Pleasant-point, and about Fulton's point, near the head of Muddy river .- 3 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc. p. 141.
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hostages holden by the English ; being ultimately sent to Canada, A. D. 1722. at which place, their friends paid an unreasonable ransom for their liberation. At Damariscove, a small party of six, headed by Capt. Samuel, boarded a fishing vessel ; and when they had pin- ioned Lieut. Tilton and his brother, they beat the unfortunate skipper and men unmercifully. At length, one getting loose, re- leased the other, and they and the fishermen taking weapons, fell suddenly upon their assailants, mortally wounding two, and throwing one overboard .*
tacks on the
Next the Indians endeavored to surprise the fort at St. George's Their at- river-continuing the attack until it was found impossible to force fort at St. a surrender. Here also they burnt a sloop and took several pris- river. George's oners. In July, a larger body from Penobscot, renewed the attack ; and being spirited up by a friar, who appeared among them, they prosecuted the siege with unremitting perseverance, twelve days. But they were unable to excite any fearful appre- hensions, till they had made considerable progress in undermining one side of the fortification. However, the heavy rains caused the banks of the trenches to cave in upon them, and put an end to the enterprize. In this descent, we lost five men, and they twenty. John Leverett, and other proprietors of the Waldo patent, who had erected and manned the fortress, at their own expense, and "projected the settlement of several towns" within their territo- ries, proposed to make it a public garrison. The proposal being accepted, government sent thither 45 men, and the necessary munitions of war ;f and at length gave the command to Colonel Thomas Westbrook,}
A vessel bound from Annapolis to Boston, touched at Passa- At Passa- maquoddy for water, having on board several passengers. Unin- maquoddy. formed of the late hostilities, as soon as they and the crew were ashore, they were made prisoners by a mixed party, consisting of 10 or 12 Indians, and about an equal number of Frenchmen. In making arrangements to divide the cargo, they sent the master to the sloop ; when the wind springing up fresh and fair, he and the people on board cut the cables and fled to Boston. Those left were afterwards released on payment of ransom.§
* Penballow's Indian wars .- 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 250 .- 4 Charlevoix, p. 120. + 10 Mass. Rec. p. 380 .- See ante, A. D. 1719.
# Com. Rep. [A. D. 1811.] p. 60.
¿ Some were killed in the vicinity of Pemaquid about the time the war
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A. D. 1722, Every fort was particularly marked for destruction. A man At Casco, was shot, July 12, on Casco neck, (if the authority be under- stood,) and the English driven into the garrison. But the Indians were pursued, at night, by a party under Captain Starman, and several of them killed .* About the same time, they made a bold descent upon Fort George and the settlement at Brunswick ; Brunswick burnt. setting the "village" on fire, which was reduced to ashes.t The enemy then withdrew to Kennebeck, where they celebrated their successes by a great dance.
A feat of Harman, and his compan. ions.
Capt. John Harman, then at Kennebeck, hearing of these events took a company of 34 men, from the forces posted on the fron- tier about and above Georgetown,# and proceeded with them up the river. Late in the night they saw fires in the woods, appar- ently not far from the river ; and on going ashore, they happen- ed to strike on the very spot, where the Indians had hauled up eleven of their canoes. Dazzled by the glare of the light, Har- man and his men, ere they were aware, actually stumbled over some of the Indians' bodies, as they lay around the fires, buried in sleep, and the more deadened by the fatigues of the preceding dance and other exercises. In ten minutes, the brave pursuers dispatched 15 of them, and took their guns, without the loss of a man, Startled by the noise, a party of the Indians, more remote, rose and fired thither several guns, though without effect, Har- man, on his return, found the body of one Moses Eaton, mangled in a most barbarous manner, which he removed to a convenient distance and gave it a decent burial,
All the east. ern tribes concerned in the rup- ture.
These several attacks, including the one mentioned short of two years since at Canseau,§ gave satisfactory evidence, that all the tribes eastward of the Merrimack, were accomplices in these outrages. The inhabitants on the frontiers were panic struck ; and the country was generally disposed to take arms im- mediately. But the General Court, even to the end of their spring session, thought it more judicious, still to extend to the In- dians the cup of conciliation. The friends of the English cap- tives were importunate to have measures taken for their redemp-
broke out. John Pierce says, " I took a vessel and thirty men and brought " my father's family away" from Muscongus .- Depo. in Report, p. 111-13. * Smith's Journal, p. 10. t See ante, A. D. 1715.
# Probably at Fort Richmond .- See ante, A. D. 1719.
§ Ante, Ang. 7, 1720.
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tion without postponement ; and the Indian hostages were sent A. I). 1722. eastward, for the purpose of effecting an exchange. Both in and Doubts as to the war. out of the legislature, there were men, who doubted whether a war upon the natives would be right, or even justifiable. 'Not ' to mention the waste of blood and treasure, always incident to ' this arbitrament in the last resort, -- we have been (as they ex- ' pressed themselves) derelict, both as to moral and stipulated du- ' ties .- We have not performed our engagements towards the In- ' dians, in the establishment of trading houses, and the prevention ' of frauds and extortions, according to our treaty-promises. The " measures of strong drink dealt to them are a scandal to our re- ' ligion, and a reproach to our country.'
On the contrary, it was said, if the Indians had suffered wrong, July 25. they had not sought to government for redress, as it had been War pro, claimed agreed in the articles of treaty. They had chosen rather to take against the eastern In, vengeance into their own hands ; and therefore, after Brunswick dians. was burnt, the Governor and Council resolved, July 25, that the "eastern Indians were traitors and robbers," and declared war against them and their confederates as the king's enemies. The declaration premised, that in return for the kindness and forbear- ance of government, they had lately, with the utmost treachery, " proceeded to plunder, despoil, and take captive many of his " Majesty's good subjects ; to assault, take, burn, and destroy "vessels upon the seacoasts, and houses and mills upon the land ; " to wound some, and in a most barbarous and cruel manner mur- "der others ; and in a way of open rebellion and hostility, to " make an audacious and furious assault upon one of his Majes- " ty's forts, when the king's colors were flying." But still it sub- joined, that should any of those, who have not been concerned in these perfidious acts, be desirous to put themselves under the pro- tection of government, the privilege would be extended to them for the space of forty days. It also forbade all friendly Indians, to stir from their places of residence, unless attended by some one of the men designated for the purpose.
The General Court, meeting August 8th, pronounced the de- August 8. claration of war expedient, and promised "all necessary and 1000 men timely assistance." It was determined to take into employ two raised. more armed vessels, and a large additional number of whale-boats ;
A force of
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A. D. 1722. and to keep constantly under pay about a thousand men .*__ In distributing their service, 100 were stationed at York, 30 at Falmouth, 20 at North-Yarmouth, 10 at Maquoit, 25 at Arrow- sick, and 25 at Richmond fort. A large scout of 300 was ap- pointed to destroy the Indians' strongholds and habitations at Pe- nobscot ; and a body of 400, to range perpetually, by land or water, through the eastern country, especially upon and between the rivers Kennebeck and Penobscot. A bounty of £15 was of- Bounties of- fered for every scalp taken from a male Indian 12 years old and fered. upwards, and £8 for every captive woman or child. Troopers in suitable numbers were detached to act as videttes, and ample provision was made for supplies. Every company, or troop, en- tering into the public service, on a sudden alarm, was entitled to a bounty of £30, a reward for prisoners taken, and a division of their plunder among themselves. Afterwards the government offered to every volunteer, who would enter into the service with- out pay or rations, £100 for a scalp ; and if he only had rations, £60 ;} and also promised pensions to all, who should be wounded.
The other New-England governments, not being seasonably consulted, afforded no assistance, and the burdens of this war The princi- rested almost solely upon Massachusetts, New-Hampshire and pal officers. Maine. Col. Shadrach Walton, and Col. Thomas Westbrook, had successively the senior command ; they and Captains Pen- hallow and Sayward, being New-Hampshire men.# Major Sam- uel Moody belonged to Falmouth, and Captains Jeremiah Moul- ton, John Harman and Lewis Bane, to York ; these several gen- tleman being the principal officers of all the forces raised and put under pay.
There was at this time, however, some distraction or impolicy The war in ția. Nova Sco- in the management of the war. For while Capt. Southwick in the Province sloop, was sent into the waters of Canseau, (Nova Scotia,) against the Indians, who exhibited an uncommon bold-
* The wages were, per month to a Captain, £7; Lieutenant, £4; Ser- geant, £2, 188. ; a Corporal, £2, 5s. ; a private, £2. The currency was to sterling, as 2} to 1 .- 2 Belk. N. H. p. 45.
t They were to have articles at the original invoice. No soldier to have more than his allowance in rum, nor exchange his arms .- 10 Mass. Rec. p. 419-20.
Į A small part only of the forces, was raised in that government .- 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 256.
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ness, in seizing, or attacking vessels ; the General Court appear- A. D. 1722. ed highly dissatisfied with Col. Walton-a favorite of the Com- mander-in-Chief. Nay, popular prejudice was ready to look upon the Governor, as the evil genius of the war. While he was advising and planning an expedition under Walton, to Penobscot, a large body of 4 or 500 St. Francois and Mickmak In- dians, fell upon Arrowsick, [Georgetown,] Sept. 10, early in the George- Part of morning, determined to reduce the garrison and destroy the vil- town burnt. lage. Happily the purpose was in part frustrated, by a discharge of musquetry from a small guard, which Capt. Penhallow had ordered out to protect the neighboring husbandmen, while they gathered their corn. Three of the enemy were wounded and one killed ; and the inhabitants, apprized of their danger by re- port of the guns, effected a safe retreat with most of their sub- stance, into the garrison. The Indians, then falling upon the cattle, killed fifty head, and set twenty-six houses on fire, which were consumed. In a new assault upon the fort, they made no im- pression. Our loss was only one man, Samuel Brooking, who was shot through a port-hole. At night, arrived Col. Walton and Capt. Harman, with thirty men, who were joined by about forty from the garrison, under Captains Penhallow and Temple ;* and all proceeded to encounter the enemy. A smart skirmish ensued, which lasted till our forces perceived the danger of being outflanked and overcome by superior numbers ; when they re- treated to the garrison, and the Indians, after dark, retired up the river. On their way, they met Capt. Stratton in the Province sloop, whom they mortally wounded ; and proceeding to fort kill Capt. Richmond, offered the garrison a profusion of insult, and then insult Rich- paddled up the river to their head-quarters at Norridgewock. mond fort. The burning of the greater part of Georgetown, which had been resettled only six years, filled the inhabitants with every discour- agement .- Though after this, a few individuals in different places were taken off by the particular aim of skulking Indians; the last one that fell in Maine, during the autumn, was a man at Berwick.
* Capt. Robert Temple had some military command at Arrowsick. He had been an officer in the Irish army ; and came over with a large num- ber of families to settle in the country ; but this war prevented .- 2 Hutch. Hist. p. 268.
The enemy Stratton and
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Causes of our ill suc- cess.
A: D. 1722. The ill success of the war, being imputed in part to laxness in military discipline, a committee was appointed to ascertain the number of effective men on our frontiers, and of those absent on furlough ; and to examine into the condition of our troops. Their report, when made, contained representations exceedingly unfa- vorable to the reputation of the officers. It stated, that soldiers in great numbers were allowed to be absent on furlough 6 or 8 weeks at a time ; that many of them were indulging intemperate habits ; and that the garrisons were remiss, both in their watches and their discipline. For ' we,' added the Committee, 'walked ' through the town of Falmouth twice in one night, without being ' hailed, though there were several military companies in the 'place .*
A. D. 1723. Walton suc- ceeded by Westbrook.
As soon as the Governor left the Province, Colonel Walton was displaced ; the chief command of the eastern forces given to Colonel Thomas Westbrook ; and a better disposition made of all the military. +
His expedi- tion to Pe- nobscot.
The expedition to Penobscot river was revived, and the con- duct of it entrusted to that commander. He left Kennebeck, Feb. 11, at the head of 230 men, and with small vessels and whale-boats, ranged the coast as far eastward as Mount Desert. On their return, they proceeded up Penobscot river ; and, March 4, came to anchor, probably in Marsh bay. From this place, they set out to find the fort; and after five days' march through the woods, they arrived abreast of several Islands, where the pilot supposed the fort must be. 'Being obliged here,' says the Colonel, ' to make four canoes to ferry from Island to Island ;} 'I dispatched 50 men upon discovery, who sent me word on ' the 9th, that they had found the fort and waited my arrival. I ' left a guard of 100 men with the provisions and tents, and pro- ' ceeded with the rest to join the scouting party. On ferrying ' over, the Indian fort appeared in full view ; yet we could not ' come to it by reason of a swift river, and because the ice at the
* 10 Mass. Rec. p. 426.
t Westbrook supplied the garrisons at Winter-harbor, Captain Ward ; at Spurwink, under Lieutenant D. Jordan ; and John Brown's garrison at Saco Falls .- Folsom, p. 218.
# Was not this place the lower Stillwater in Orono, 6 miles above Ken- duskeag ?- Why were canoes wanted in February ?- Rev. Mr. Smith says, "February 1, a summer day."- It might have been an open winter.
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heads of the Islands would not permit the canoes to come round ; A, D. 1723. " therefore, we were obliged to make two more, with which we " ferried over. We left a guard of 40 men on the west side of " the river, to facilitate our return, and arrived at the fort, by 6 ' of the clock in the evening. It appeared to have been deserted, 'in the autumn preceding, when the enemy carried away every ' article and thing, except a few papers. The fort was 70 yards* 'in length, and 50 in breadth, walled with stockades 14 feet ' in height, and enclosed twenty-three " well finished wigwams," 'or as another calls them, " houses built regular." On the ' south side, was their chapel, in compass 60 feet by 30, hand- ' somely and well finished, both within and on the outside. A ' little farther south, was the dwellinghouse of the priest, which ' was very commodious .- We set fire to them all, and by sun- 'rise next morning, they were in ashes. We then returned to "our nearest guards, thence to our tents ; and on our arrival at our transports, we concluded we must have ascended the river ' about 32 miles. We reached the fort at St. George on the 20th, with the loss of only four men, Rev. Benjamin Gibson 'and three others, whose bodies after our arrival here, we inter- 'red in usual form.'t
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