USA > Michigan > Men of progress : embracing biographical sketches of representative Michigan men with an outline history of the state > Part 13
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Partisan divisions in the early days of the State (as indeed they have usually done) fol- lowed national lines-Whig and Democrat. The term Whig is of British extraction. The Whig party of Britain was the Liberal party, as distinguished from the Royalists, or Tories. At the time of the revolution parties were known by these terms. After the revolution the Tory party was unknown, and parties were for a time known as "Whigs" and "Particularist Whigs," the division being upon theories of government, as to whether the new government should be a strong, cen- tralized power, or one of only partial and lim- ited powers. In the organization of the gov- ermnent under the constitution, parties came to be known as Republican and Federalist. The Federalist party opposed the war of 1812, and went out of existence as a conse- quence. There was thereafter for some years substantially but one party, the Republican, the organization in time taking the name of "Democratic Republican," and later that of Democratie. At the second election of Mr. Monroe to the Presidency, in 1820, he re- ceived every electoral vote cast. National politics was largely faetional during the 1820 decade, the opposition to the Democrats being known as "Coalition" and "Republican," with
a contingent of anti-Masonry. The Whig party was revived (or a new party under that name was formed) in 1832, and these were the party divisions when Michigan entered upon statehood.
The first election for Governor was quite one-sided, Governor Mason receiving 7,558 votes, to 814 for his opponent, John Biddle. The contest in 1837 was much closer, Gov- ernor Mason's majority over his opponent, Chas. C. Trowbridge, being but 768 in a total vote of near 30,000. The financial and busi- ness depression consequent upon the collapse of the speculative and wildcat banking era brought a political revolution in 1839 under the ery of "Woodbridge and Reform," which was the watchword of the Whigs in the cam- paign, Gov. Woodbridge winning by a ma- jority of 1,158 votes. The result in 1840, under the memorable "log cabin and hard cider" campaign, varied but little in the rela- tive vote from the preceding year. Times were not mended, however, when the election of 1841 came round, and the Democrats were successful, with John S. Barry as their candi- date, by a plurality of 5,544. The "Liberty Party" (anti-slavery) made its first appear- ance at this election, with a vote of 1,223. The Democrats had things their own way, so to speak, for the next dozen years. The wise administration of Gov. Barry had lifted the State out of its financial embarrassment, and there was little disposition on the part of the people to try a new political experiment. The Democratic popular majorities up to 1852 ranged between the extremes of 3,807 in 1845 to 8,138 in 1852. The Legislature was preponderantly Democratic, and at one or two sessions almost solidly so. The Liberty party vote reached 3,639 in 1844. In 1848 the
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Liberty party had given place to the Free Soil party, which, with Martin Van Buren as its candidate, polled 10,393 votes. This move- ment was a diversion against Gen. Cass, the then Democratic candidate for President, and the increased vote (as compared with the Lib- erty party vote), was probably drawn about equally from the two other parties. Gen. Cass, however, carried the State by an ample margin-over 6,000. But the Democrats were in a minority of nearly 4,000 votes as against the combined Whig and Free Soil vote. This led to a coalition at the guberna- torial election in 1849, the two parties uniting upon Flavius J. Littlejohn as their candidate, but Governor Barry was again chosen by a majority of 4,297. The election in 1852 was contested on the same lines as in 1848, but the Free Soil party failed to hold its own, the vote being some 3,000 short of what it was in 184S.
But party politics had reached a crisis. The Whigs, at the election in 1852, carried but four out of the thirty-one States -- Ver- mont and Massachusetts in the north, and Kentucky and Tennessee in the south. Plainly enough, the party was doomed. The anti-slavery sentiment at the north received a fresh impulse. The "Know-Nothing" party, a secret organization, came into exist- ence. It combined equally opposition to Roman Catholic and to foreign immigrant influence in politics. It was the crystaliza- tion of a sentiment that had manifested itself in various forms, but chiefly known as "Na- tive American," for some years previously. The political disturbances in Germany, in 1848, had thrown a large German contingent into the cities. They were generally known as non-religious or infidel in sentiment, and were of free and convivial habits. As a German speaker at a political meeting was once heard to say, referring specially to this class of immigrants, "they love liberty and they love lager beer." This class of immi- grants, with their sentiments and habits, aroused a prejudice in the mind of the then average American. This sentiment was
equally antagonistic to the two factors men- tioned-the Roman Catholic and the Ger- man. The rapid growth of a party on the lines indicated was a phenomenon only com- parable to its rapid decline. It succeeded, however, in securing a comparatively large and influential representation in Congress and in securing control of a number of the State governments. It was by no means sec- tional, finding as strong a foothold in Mary- land and Tennessee as in Massachusetts. It held the balance of power in the lower house of Congress at its meeting in 1855, postpon- ing the organization of that body for some weeks, and finally resulting in the election of N. P. Banks to the speakership. It was ab- sorbed by the Republican party in the north- ern States, but at the south, under the name of the American party, as it was officially known, it continued as the only organized opposition to the Democrats, casting the clec- toral vote of Maryland for its candidate, ex- President Fillmore, at the Presidential elec- tion in 1856. In Michigan, at this election, an electoral ticket representing Mr. Fill- more's candidacy, was placed in the field, but rather as an independent movement than a partisan one, receiving 1,660 votes. The Know-Nothing party at the south was lost in the campaign of 1860, forming, as it did, a component of the "Constitutional Union" movement, under the candidacy of Bell and Everett, who carried the three States of Vir- ginia, Kentucky and Tennessee, the balance of the southern States, except Missouri, which voted for Douglass, going for Breckenridge, the seceding Democratic candidate. The Breckenridge vote in Michigan was only 805. As a reminiscence, it is worth the while to state in passing, that the only electoral votes received by Douglass were the ninc votes of Missouri and three in New Jersey, through a combination with the Republicans, by which the vote of that State was divided, all the other Northern States going solid for Lincoln, resulting in his election. While the so-called Know-Nothing or American party did not come to the surface as a political
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factor in Michigan, it was strong in numbers and in influence, without the aid of which it is extremely doubtful if the Republican party could have scored its first vietory in the State in 1854, with their then eompara- tively narrow margin of 5,000, and with ex-Gov. Barry again leading the opposition.
The repeal of the so-called Missouri com- promise (a slavery restriction measure ), 1853-4, gave a marked impetus to the anti- slavery sentiment at the North. The Free Soil party of Michigan held its State conven- tion February 22, 1854, and nominated a full State tieket, with Kinsley S. Bingham at the head for Governor. The Whig party in the State was utterly hopeless and helpless, and an alliance with the Free Soilers was early sought. This took the form of a pop- ular eall for a mass State convention to be held at Jackson, July 6, 1854, with the well understood if not avowed purpose of forming a new party. There was an informal under- standing with the leaders of the Free Soil party that if the new movement assumed a form that seemed to render such a step advis- able, their ticket was to be withdrawn. The call was by circulars, which were liberally signed, the greater proportion of the signers being, as may well be presmed, members of the Whig party, with Free Soilers and a eon- siderable contingent of Democrats. The convention met, as proposed, the new party was formed, taking the name of Republican, the Free Soil ticket was withdrawn, and a State tieket nominated, with Mr. Bingham at its head. George A. Coe, a man of ehar- acter and ability, who had made a record as a Whig member of the State Senate, was named for Lieutenant Governor. The Whigs. were further represented by Jacob M. How- ard for Attorney General. The Demoeratie contingent was recognized in the nominations for Secretary of State and Auditor General, and the Free Soilers by the State Treasurer and Commissioner of the Land Office. The tieket thus formed was elected by a majority in round numbers of 5,000, carrying with it three out of the four members of Congress to
which the State was then entitled, a working majority in both houses of the Legislature, and the County officers in most of the coun- ties. The new party movement afforded an apt illustration of practical polities. The party had no loeal organization. The Whig committees took the initiative in calling con- ventions, but so worded their calls as to in- vite the participation and co-operation of all who disapproved of the legislation that had so stirred popular feeling at the North. It was a political drag net that worked out its pur- pose. The local conventions were held and nominations made regardless of former party affiliations. New local committees were named, but in their subsequent action they forgot that they had been appointed as cont- mittees of the Whig party, which ceased to be known. They became part of the Repub- lican organization, which was thereafter to control the destinies of the State
As part of the political history of 1854, the ageney of the Whig party as a State or- ganization should not be overlooked. The hopelessness of a campaign conducted on the old lines was apparent to all, but there was an influential minority in the party that was unwilling to fall in with the new movement. The Detroit Advertiser, which had been up to this time the leading newspaper organ of the party in the State (although its position as sneh was being eontested by the Tribune ), led the opposition. What the party should do, if it did anything, was earnestly debated. A convention was finally called, which met at Marshall with a light attendance, but with the large majority plainly bent on playing into the hands of the new party in some form. There was no proposition to endorse the Jack- son nominations, but the next thing to doing so was to resolve not to make any nomina- tions. And thus ended the history of the Whig party in Michigan. There was a com- paratively small segment of the party that re- fused allegianee to the new regime, and who came to be known as the "Silver Grays." These generally found refuge in the Demo- cratic party. There was in Detroit an in-
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fluential following of this class, who, at the election of 1860, published a manifesto an- nonneing their support of Mr. Buchanan, the Democratic candidate for President. There were sixty-nine of the signers, who were thereafter known as "the famous sixty-nine."
The Republican party, from its first snc- cess, went on increasing its majorities. In 1856 it had in round numbers 17,000, and in 1860, 22,000. It met a check in 1862, by reason of some hostility that arose to Senator Chandler. The ground of this hostility was perhaps threefold. With many, the anti- slavery sentiment that looked to the extinc- tion of slavery in the South as the ultimate end to be reached as a result of the war, had not taken very deep root, and indeed there was much doubt as to how far and to what end the war should be prosecuted, and grave concern as to the future of the country. Mr. Chandler was thought by some to be too ag- gressive, and an unsafe leader. Then again there were those who thought that his habits were not such as to do credit to the State as its representative at the capital of the nation. Lastly, and possibly the more controlling con- sideration, was, that there were men in the party who felt that as professional men, whose ability and standing justly entitled them to leadership, they were being overlooked in the advancement of a man whose history, up to that time, had been bounded by the counting room. Whatever the motive, a movement was started by men influential in the Repub- lican ranks, the purpose of which was avow- edly to defeat the re-election of Mr. Chand- ler to the Senate. A mass convention was called, which met at Jackson in September, at which a State ticket was nominated. Byron G. Stout, a promising young man, who had been a member of the lower house of the Legislature, and its speaker, in 1857, was nominated for Governor. The Democratic State convention met in Detroit subsequently, and went through the formality of itself nom- inating the nominees of the Jackson mecting, although the action was by no means cordial on the part of many members.
The influence of the movement was, how- ever, manifest in the reduction of the Repub- lican majority of 20,000 in 1860 to less than one-third of the number in 1862, with Gov. Blair, the famous "war Governor," leading the party hosts. It is perhaps profitless to speculate upon what might have been, but had the Democrats, in that campaign, given to the ticket a cordial, earnest and united support, the probable result would have been the defeat of the Republicans, and Senator ( 'handler and Gov. Blair would have con- tributed nothing further to the history of the critical time in which they were actors.
The Democrats were not much in evidence again during the war, although ex-Lieut. Gov. Fenton, a war Democrat, who had held a col- oneley in the army, fell but 10,443 behind Gov. Crapo in 1864, when Lincol's ma- Jority was 17,982. The Republican majorities ran up to 30,000 at the next two elec- tions, although falling to 16,000 in 1870. The Prohibitionists made their first record as a political party in 1870, with a vote of 2,710, which dwindled to 1,231 in 1872, and reached 3,937 in 1874, but failed to assert itself at all at the next two elections.
An anomalous political condition arose in 1872. There was a "reform" impulse that precipitated itself in a gathering at Cincin- nati, at which several Michigan men of both parties were present. This gathering nom- inated Horace Greeley for President, who was also subsequently nominated by the Democrats. It was a bitter pill, which many Democrats could not swallow. They recalled Greeley's life-long hostility to everything that was Democratic in name. They treas- ured up his famous commentary that "all Democrats are not horse thieves, but all horse thieves are Democrats." A protesting conven- tion was held in Louisville, at which Charles O'Connor was named as a Democratic Presi- dential candidate. An electoral ticket and a candidate for Governor were named in Michi- gan, receiving but a light vote, less than 3,000. Mr. Greeley's vote was 77,000, in a total of 217,000. The party was paralyzed by the con-
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dition in which it was placed, and made prac- tically no contest, many of its leading mem- bers, either tacitly or openly, giving aid and comfort to the Republicans, deeming their overwhelming success the best possible protest against the action of the Democratie conven- tion in nominating Mr. Greeley. The Re- publicans accordingly scored a plurality of 56,644 for Gov. Bagley, with a few hundred less for Gen. Grant, who was running for his second term. Ex-Gov. Blair was the guber- natorial candidate of the allied Democratic and reform forces, and suffered not a little in the estimation of his former political asso- ciates for having placed himself, or having allowed himself to be placed, in that position, Gov. Blair was the Republican candidate for Judge of the Supreme Court at the election in 1881, and how far the feeling toward him contributed to the result at that time is of course matter of uncertainty, and at this day can only be judged of by comparative figures. The Democratie and Greenback coalition car- ried the State at that election on a light vote, Gov. Blair having 119,870 to 127,376 for his competitor, Judge Champlin. At the same election Judge Sherwood was elected to a vacancy on the Supreme bench by a vote of 124,639 to 122,330 for his competitor, O'Brien, showing a margin of 7,506 for Champlin over Blair, and of 1,309 for Sher- wood over his Republican competitor. But whatever feeling may have existed may be supposed to have been buried with the honors paid to Gov. Blair by the erection of his statue in front of the capital at Lansing, which was unveiled in the summer of 1898.
The tide which carried Gov. Bagley into the Governor's chair in 1872 suffered a re- action in 1874. It was an off year, when a light vote is usually looked for. A practical revision of the constitution (as referred to elsewhere) the preparation of which had been a favorite measure with Gov. Bagley, was to be voted upon at that election. It was for some reason regarded unfavorably by those engaged in the liquor traffic, who for the first time in the history of the State,
formed a State organization, the declared ob- ject of which was to agitate for the passage of a license law in place of the statutory pro- hibition then existing. This organization antagonized the proposed constitution, and with it Gov. Bagley, whose plurality shrank to 5,969.
Of the third parties that have sprung up from time to time, the Greenback party showed the most vigor. It made its first rec- ord in 1876, with Peter Cooper as its Presi- dential candidate, polling some 9,000 votes in the State. Two years later its vote reached 73,313, being only some 5,000 short of the Democratic vote. The combined vote of the two parties, however, exceeded the Republi- can vote by 25,000, the first time in the his- tory of that party when it found itself in a minority on the popular vote. This led to an effort at the fusion or combination of the two parties, which was effected at the State con- vention held at Lansing for the nomination of candidates for Judge of the Supreme Court and Regents of the University, preparatory to the spring election in 1879. The move- ment was unsuccessful, Judge Campbell being elected for a third term, with the Re- gents the same way politically. In 1880, being a Presidential year, there was no effort at fusion, Weaver, the Greenback candidate, polling 34,895 votes. But two years later a combination on Josiah W. Begole, for Gov- ernor, who graduated from the Republican into the Greenback ranks, was successful in defeating Gov. Jerome. The success was only on Governor, the balance of the Repub- liean State ticket being elected. Gov. Jer- ome's defeat was due to the cry that was raised against him that he was wedded to cor- porate interests, the catch phrase of "Rail- road Jerome" adhering to him.
In 1884 the Republicans had a close call in the State against a combined opposition. Benjamin F. Butler was the candidate of the Greenback party for President, and under his advice the candidates for electors were proportioned to the Democrats and Greenbackers according to their numbers,
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thus forming but one electoral ticket. The est reached at any time by that party. combination on the State tieket was also com- There was a faetional division in the Prohi- bition ranks in 1896 not necessary to dwell upon. Other minor by-plays in the game of party politics must be passed over. plete, with Gov. Begole at the head. The Republican electoral ticket pulled through by the narrow margin of 3,308, with Gen. Alger a few votes short of 4,000 for Governor. A fusion was again effected in 1886, with Geo. L. Yaple as the candidate for Governor, against Cyrus G. Luce, the latter winning by 7,432. The Greenback party from this time on seems to have disappeared, its elements to a greater or less extent being represented by the term "Union Labor" in 1888, with a vote of 4,388, by the term "Industrial" in 1890, with a vote of 13,198, by the term "Peo- ple's Party" in 1892 and 1894, polling re- spectively 21,417 and 30,012. At the two elections, 1896 and 1898, this element in our party polities was merged with the Demo- crats under the title of the "Democratic-Pco- ple's-Union-Silver" tieket.
In 1882 the Prohibition party was again in evidence, with a vote of 5,854, which . reached 22,207 in 1884, 25,189 in 1886, and 28,681 in 1890, the high-
The results that appear as the fruit of fusions or combinations between political par- ties and factions are suggestive. The plan failed in 1849, in the Whig-Free Soil cam- paign under Littlejohn as their candidate for Governor. It failed in 1862 under the guber- natorial candidacy of Byron G. Stout. It failed most disastrously in 1872 under the Greeley-Blair auspices. It failed at the judi- cial election in 1879. It was successful on the Governorship in 1882 from special eauses, but failed as to everything else at that elee- tion. It failed in 1884, in 1886, and in 1888. The election of Gov. Winans in 1890 was a Democratic and not a fusion vietory, due to special causes then existing. An analysis would also show the fusion successes at the spring elections in 1881 and 1885 as due to special causes. It has achieved nothing in the elections of 1896 and 1898.
THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC.
Historical Reference Local Option Laws-Prohibi- tion Laws-Non-license Clause of the Constitu- tion of 1850-The Taxation Law of 1875-Rate of the Tax Under Different Acts.
Historically speaking, the sale and use of liquor was not regarded as an evil to be leg- islated against. The advocacy of temper- ance as a moral question is old enough, but the plan of cnforeing temperance by legisla- tion as differing from other sumptuary laws, is of modern conception. Whenee arose the eustom of "licensing" the sale of liquor? may be asked. Equally pertinent would it be to ask whenee arose the custom of licensing hawkers and peddlers, hacks and omnibuses. Our customs are inherited largely from Eng- land. Aneiently the rights of overlordship there would permit or forbid the carrying on of any kind of traffic. Hence a permit or lieense had first to be procured. Inns or tav-
erns bore a special relation to the State and to the public. They were held subject to the quartering of soldiers in times of publie need. They were liable to harbor persons of bad character, and henee the need for their regu- lation and for their prohibition except upon permission given, and this permission was simply a license. The fee to be charged was an incidental matter, governed by varying considerations. As inns and taverns were vendors of liquors, the custom of requiring a license from all places where liquors were sold arose naturally and logically.
In the earlier days of the history of Michi- gan, the license system attained. The mu- nicipal authorities could grant or withhold a license and fix the amount to be paid where a license was granted. In many cases, espe- eially in the smaller towns, liquor was sold not only by taverns, but by stores and gro-
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ceries, openly and unreservedly, without license. Usually, in the smaller towns, when a lieense was granted, the fee was but nomi- nal, say two, three or five dollars. In Detroit the minimum fee was usually ten dollars, but ranging from that up to thirty or forty dol- lars, according to location and extent of busi- ness.
During the 1840 decade legislation hostile to the traffic began to be demanded. In 1845 a "local option" law was passed, which pro- vided for a popular vote at the spring elec- tions in the cities, villages and townships, on the question of granting license during the year to ensue. As the majority voted, "license" or "no license," so was it ordered for the year. This law died a natural death with the adoption of the constitution of 1850, which forbade the granting of license. Act 197, Publie Acts, 1887, was the "local op- tion" law of that year, made applicable to counties, to be determined by popular vote. This act was held invalid by reason of defec- tive title, and inoperative for various reasons. But by Aet 207, Public Acts, 1889, the same law was re-enacted with more elaborate pro- visions, which have been sustained by the courts.
The constitution framed in 1850 (the same with numerous amendments now in force ) contained the following clause, which stood as Section 47 of Article 4:
"The Legislature shall not pass any Act authorizing the grant of license for the sale of ardent spirits or other intoxicating liquors."
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