USA > Michigan > Michigan as a province, territory and state, the twenty-sixth member of the federal Union > Part 10
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It must be said, however, that the great expectations
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have not been realized. Women still vote for school inspectors, but only now and then one cares to take ad- vantage of the opportunity. At no time have there been enough women voters in any ward to produce any per- ceptible effect upon the result. The kind of men brought forward for school inspectors is no better than before. In two instances women were elected upon the board. They effected no reforms and did not cover themselves with glory, to any great extent. In fact, it seems to be gener- ally thought that the experiment was a failure. At least it has not been repeated, or even has one heard a sugges- tion in that direction.
The subject of indeterminate sentence of persons con- victed of crime has long been discussed by prison re- formers. Many good men have believed that much better results could be gained in the way of reforming those who were sufferers from bad environment, or who had yielded to temptation under fortuitous circum- stances if they they could be promptly taken in hand by wholesome influences and given an opportunity to strengthen their will power and their character under better conditions out of prison. In theory and in some actual cases this is undoubtedly so. But the trouble with the indeterminate sentence is that it lodges too great power in single hands and tempts the cunning to resort to trickery and deception. The legislature discussed the subject at considerable length. The bill, however, failed on its final passage. It was renewed a few years later with more favorable results. But, though in this instance it passed the legislature, the supreme court de- clared it unconstitutional. Later the constitution was amended to authorize such an act, but the measure sub- sequently passed was far from satisfactory to the pub- lic in its practical operation.
When the railroad aid legislation had been killed by
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the supreme court, steps were taken to secure legal ac- tion authorizing cities and villages to loan their credit to secure "public improvements." A railroad might be called a public improvement by a town which had none, but wanted one badly. But the state was now pretty well provided with railroads and there was no longer any pressure brought to bear on the taxpayers of any town for that kind of an enterprise. But there were other improvements, such as water works, electric light plants, factories, good roads, which were considered de- sirable. A law authorized such at the public expense. As to public utilities, such as water works and lighting plants, there could not be much question. But when it came to bonding the village to pay a bonus to a manu- facturing concern a different question was raised. Nev- ertheless, many villages have paid just such bonuses. Those have been fortunate which did not have occasion afterward to regret it.
Speaking of railroads, the time had now passed when they were to be given bonuses and favors of one kind or another. They were becoming rich and powerful and the people were growing restive under their exac- tions. We have already mentioned action by the leg- islature calling for a reduction of transportation charges and a uniform schedule based upon mileage. At this ses- sion of 1887 the subject of passenger fares was tackled. Though it failed then, it was successfully renewed two years later. The law reduced the fare on all roads organized under the general railroad act to two, two- and-one-half, and three cents per mile, based on the pas- senger earnings in the state. An exception was made of the roads in the upper peninsula, which were permitted to charge five cents per mile. This law could not, of course, be applied to the roads operated under special charters, such as Michigan Central, Lake Shore and
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Michigan Southern, and Detroit and Milwaukee. These special charters, however, were subsequently repealed, when the law became applicable. The law was tested by an appeal to the courts by the Grand Trunk Railway, but it was finally sustained by the supreme court.
On the 12th of June, 1889, the state dedicated its monuments erected on the field of Gettysburg in mem- ory of the men who fell there. Many states had erected monuments. Michigan, which had a large number of troops in that engagement, made liberal appropriations and suitable monuments had been erected at points on the field intimately associated with the operations of our troops during the battle. Governor Luce and his staff, a large representation of the state militia, and many vet- erans and citizens went to Gettysburg and participated in the dedication. An oration was delivered by General Luther S. Trowbridge and addresses were made by Ex-Governor Blair and by Governor Luce. The pro- ceeding and addresses were afterward published.
The legislature of 1885 passed a law making "stand- ard," or ninetieth meridian, time the legal time through- out the state. The importance of defining time lies in the fact that certain acts are sometimes required by law to be done at a specific hour. With an established time applicable to all parts of the state alike, no uncertainty could exist. But on the eastern side of the state "stand- ard" time was nearly thirty minutes behind sun time and was, therefore, quite inconvenient for many reasons. A determined effort was made in the legislature of 1887 to repeal this law, but it was unsuccessful. Standard time has remained to this day official time in all parts of Michigan alike. Most localities have also adopted it and adjusted their habits accordingly. When once they adapt themselves to the situation the inconveniences are found to gradually disappear.
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Other events of the time worthy of mention were the adoption of a constitutional amendment increasing the salary of the governor to four thousand dollars a year : the passage of a law consolidating the two Sagi- naws into one city, to take effect April 1, 1891; the passage of an act requiring the taking out of a license as preliminary to marriage, and the passage of an act creating the Home for the feeble-minded, which was afterward located and erected at Lapeer; also an act giving counties local option in the matter of prohibiting the liquor traffic.
The Rev. Thomas F. Davies of Philadelphia, was elected protestant episcopal bishop of Michigan to suc- ceed Bishop Samuel S. Harris, deceased. Upon the death of Moses W. Field of Detroit, a regent of the state university, the governor appointed Dr. Herman Kiefer to fill the vacancy.
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CHAPTER XI DEMOCRATS IN THE SADDLE
F OR the first time since the republican party was organized in 1854, a period of nearly forty years, the democrats were successful in a state election in 1890. The opposition ticket won out on governor by a small mar- gin in 1882, but on none of the other state officers. Governor Begole, who was then elected, was not a democrat; he was a life long republican who had held several important offices by grace of that party. He had, however, read himself out of it by disagreeing with its lead- ers on greenback and populistic questions. He was nominated for governor by the greenbackers, and the democrats, as a forlorn hope, fused and the united op- position was successful, so far as the head of the ticket was concerned. But the democrats got very little satis- faction out of it. Governor Begole's administration was mainly non-partisan. In important appointments he leaned to his friends who had separated from re- publican antecedents, as he had, on the greenback issue. The sop which the straight democrats received went but a little way in satisfying the desire for office.
In 1890, however, there was clearly a democratic triumph. Edwin B. Winans was elected governor by a plurality over James M. Turner, republican, of eleven thousand, five hundred and twenty. The other state of- ficers elected at the same time, all democrats, were John Strong, lieutenant governor; Daniel E. Soper, secretary of state; Frederic Braasted, treasurer; George W. Stone, auditor general; Adolphus A. Ellis, attorney gen- eral; George T. Shaffer, commissioner of land office; Ferris S. Fitch, superintendent of public instruction. Pe- ter B. Wachtel was chosen speaker of the house of rep- resentatives. The plurality on the offices below that of governor ranged from two thousand to thirty-five hun-
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dred. The Patrons of Industry appeared for the first time in this campaign. The party was made up of the old populist and labor agitators, re-inforced by the Farmers' Alliance. The strength of this organization was in the rural districts and it was able to poll over thir- teen thousand votes for Eugene A. Belden, its candidate for governor. It also elected six members of the state house of representatives and four members of the sen- ate, holding the balance of power in the latter body. The democrats controlled the state legislature on joint ballot, having in the house fifty-seven votes against thir- ty-seven republican votes, while the senate stood a tie with fourteen of each party and four Patrons of Indus- try. It turned out eventually that the Patrons of In- dustry in the senate voted solidly with the republicans, which gave that party control. This state of affairs was gall and wormwood, politically. Accordingly two con- tested seats were awarded to democratic contestants on an occasion when, owing to republican absentees, the democrats had control. This was consummated in the face of a loud and vigorous protest against it. But it stood, and this left the senate a tie politically, with the lieutenant governor, a democrat, holding the deciding vote. A tremendous excitement was stirred up over this course of procedure but it was, in view of all precedents, politically justifiable.
It is not easy to see what was gained by it in a parti- san sense. The only political question at issue which made it desirable to control both houses, was the re- districting of the state for congressmen and members of the legislature. Probably the democratic plan of districting, which was forced through as a party issue, was intended to work to the advantage of that party. But it is only another demonstration of the fact that it is not possible to see very far into the future politically,
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or in any other way. The congressional districts thus arranged were re-arranged by the republicans at the next session. The democratic gerrymander was an ex- cellent precedent for the republican gerrymander two years later. Beside that it proved to be of very little political advantage to the democrats, even in the single election of 1892, in which it was in force. The same may be said of the laying out of the senatorial districts. The increase of population naturally made a revision of the district lines necessary.
Whatever may have been the causes of the political upheaval in Michigan in 1890, it is certain that they operated beyond state lines. A tidal wave swept over the whole country, carrying the democrats into power in the national congress, as well as in many of the hith- erto strong republican states. In the national house of representatives the democrats elected Charles F. Crisp of Georgia speaker by two hundred and twenty-eight votes to eighty-three for Thomas B. Reed, republican, and eight for Thomas E. Watson, populist. Of the eleven Michigan members of this congress seven were democrats to four republicans, a reversal of a hitherto safe republican majority in at least four or five districts. It cannot be charged that the Republican defection was due to any dissatisfaction with the republican platform or any sudden fondness for democratic principles as enunciated in the platforms. The republicans declared for changes in the tax laws to provide for more equal and just assessments, to the end that all property, not exempted, shall contribute its equal share in maintaining the public burdens. They also favored a mortgage tax law so devised that one should be called upon to pay taxes only upon his interest in the property assessed.
It is to be noted that although the democrats made no declaration upon the question of taxation, Governor
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Winans devoted nearly the whole of his inaugural mes- sage to the legislature to the subject. He voiced in vigorous language the growing feeling throughout the state that there is no reason why the property of rail- road, mining, telegraph and telephone companies and other rich corporations should not be assessed upon the same basis as that of the private owner. While these wealthy corporations, many of them owned almost wholly by non-residents, escaped paying their fair share, the farmer, the manufacturer, the merchant, is assessed up to the full vaue of his property and is compelled to pay more than a just proportion of the cost of maintain- ing the government and institutions of the state. This question thus so clearly and cogently set forth by Gov- ernor Winans was then coming to the front. It has since occupied a large share of public attention. The feeling was becoming intense that some way should be found to bring the assessed valuation of all property, private and corporate, upon a fair and equal basis. More than one gubernatorial campaign has since been conducted on this issue. The governor also touched up- on the declaration in the republican platform in favor of mortgage taxation. But although this subject has been agitated in many legislatures since and efforts have been made to find an equitable method of distributing the burden as between the mortgagor and the mortga- gee, no plan has yet been found which appeared to be a satisfactory solution of the problem. The legislature passed a mortgage tax law, but the supreme court de- clared it unconstitutional.
The democratic platform in the campaign of 1890 declared for ballot reform. It also came out for the then moribund, and since wholly dead, democratic theory of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, the abolition of all national bank issues and the issue of cur-
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rency directly by the government. Governor Winans had nothing to say in his message upon the currency question, but he did come out squarely for ballot re- form. The necessity for this reform had long been ap- parent. The legislature of 1889 had attacked the sub- ject and had passed a law, which, altho' good as far as it went, did not go far enough. Governor Winans de- clared emphatically for the Australian ballot, or the blanket ballot upon which the names of all candidates of all parties should be printed or written. This ballot should not be distributed outside the voting booth, but to be used only inside the booth and under conditions which must assure absolute secrecy. This form of bal- lot should apply to all elections, and the ballot should be prepared by the county clerk, and not by any party committee. More expeditious methods of counting the ballots should be devised and there should be more cer- tainty that when a result has been declared it is the true result.
The legislature of 1891 took up this question earnest- ly and greatly improved the law passed by the preced- ing legislature. Most of the recommendations of the governor were incorporated in this act, especially those relating to the Australian ballot and the printing and handling of the ballot. This law was construed in the courts and the supreme court fully sustained it. It has since been modified in some small particulars, but has in its form and essence remained in force. This legis- lature also changed the method of choosing presidential electors by providing for their election by congressional districts, instead of upon a general state ticket. The ef- fect of this law in the presidential election of 1892 was to give Mr. Cleveland five electoral votes and Mr. Har- rison nine, whereas, under the old law, Mr. Harrison would have received the entire fourteen. It happened
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in this case that the final result was not affected, since Cleveland was elected without the five votes he received from Michigan, and would have been elected if Harri- son had received them. But one can conceive a situation in which the few votes thus obtained from congressional districts would be very important; especially so if any considerable number of states adopt the plan. At the legislative session of 1893, the republicans being then in control, they made haste to repeal the law and restore the former method of choosing presidential electors.
The arguments which the republicans made against the district election system was that it frittered away the strength and influence which the state might otherwise hold. A compact body of votes to be delivered as a whole to one or another candidate makes the state more important, not only in a political campaign, but also gives it greater influence in the preceding campaign for nominating a candidate. It appeared historically that the system of choosing electors by districts prevailed quite generally at the outset, but has now been aband- oned by all the states with one or two exceptions. The fact that experience has brought practically all the states in line for choosing electors upon a general state ticket is a good argument for that system. The repeal was carried through the legislature of 1893 by a strict party vote.
There is one important matter upon which the gov- ernor in his inaugural message protested, but without effect. He said the state is ridden with governing boards. He specified fifteen ex-officio and thirty other boards. The ex-officio boards are not a heavy burden, but the others draw more or less heavily upon the state treasury. Few if any of the members get salaries, but all get per diem and mileage. They have their secretaries and clerks who draw pay from the state. Every move costs
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money and the people have to foot all the bills. If the boards were a burden in 1891 that burden has been in- creased to an enormous extent in the intervening ten years. The number of boards has been multiplied be- yond all imagination. That is a dull session of the leg- islature when some member cannot find excuse to bring in a measure creating a new board. The politicians look upon this matter with complacency, for it provides places with more or less patronage attached for their proteges. Governor Winans' protest was timely, but it fell upon unheeding ears. If matters continue as they have been going it will not be long hence when some thick skinned reformer will produce effective measures for sponging a few of the more useless of them off the lists.
Edwin B. Winans was a native of Avon, N. Y., where he was born May 16, 1826. When eight years old he removed with his parents to Michigan. He re- ceived a common school education. At the age of twenty he entered Albion college where he remained two and one-half years. The excitement over the discoveries of precious metals in California gave him the gold fever. Giving up his college studies before completing the course he departed in March, 1850, by the overland route for California. He engaged in placer mining and. other enterprises until 1856 when he set up in bank- ing in the town of Rough and Ready. In 1858 he closed out his California interests and returned to Mich- igan. He settled upon a farm of four hundred acres in Hamburg, Livingston county, which continued to be his home for the remainder of his life. He served as a representative in the legislatures of 1861 to 64; was a member of the constitutional convention of 1867; was judge of probate for Livingston county 1877 to 81 ; a member of congress, 1883 to 86. He was endowed .
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with a fund of good sense, was broad minded and liber- al and took a fair view of every question presented for his consideration. He was not a political partisan in the narrow sense, though his views on most questions were those of the party with which he was affiliated. He enjoyed universal respect and esteem. His poor state of health during most of his term prevented his giving the close attention to public affairs which he would naturally desire. He did not long survive the close of the term. He was not a candidate for re-nomi- nation.
There was one untoward incident in the administra- tion of Governor Winans which must be alluded to. About the middle of December 1891, the secretary of state, Daniel E. Soper, was found to have been guilty of malfeasance and misfeasance in office. He tendered his resignation to the governor upon the demand of the latter and it was at once accepted. The governor ap- pointed an investigating committee which found that Soper had been guilty of most outrageous extravagance. The private offices of various state officials in the capitol were fitted up with expensive folding beds, furniture and rugs and used as lodging rooms by the officers. He purchased excessive supplies of various kinds. As an instance, he bought two car loads of paper on the eve of the expiration of a contract, when a new contract was about to come into effect at a lower price, upon which purchase alone upwards of six hundred dollars was lost to the state. He distributed seven hundred legislative manuals, worth one dollar each, to persons who paid nothing for them ; he got a "divy" on insurance policies issued upon property of the state; he required his chief deputy, Louis E. Rowley, to give up to him five hundred dollars of his salary. It was charged that the board of state auditors, of which Soper was a member, had been
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allowing themselves extra compensation, and when this was discovered all the officials, except Soper, refunded the excess. Upon the resignation of Soper the governor appointed Robert R. Blacker of Manistee, to fill the va- cancy. Governor Winans felt great grief and disap- pointment over the conduct of Soper. It reflected upon the good name of his administration and discredited his party, which was now in power for the first time in a generation. It must be said that the governor did not shirk his duty nor try to conceal facts, nor undertake the role of apologist. He faced the situation squarely and did his duty without flinching.
When elected to office Soper was a resident of New- aygo, where he was engaged in insurance business and in publishing a newspaper. He made no denial of the charges but undertook to explain away some of them. The charitable view of the matter was that his conduct was not the result of greed for personal profit, but rath- er of loose ideas of morality and a desire to have plen- ty of money to spend with boon companions in con- viviality. His personal habits were not entirely above reproach and it was a matter of some surprise to those who knew him that he should have been selected for such a position. He soon left the state and never re- turned.
One of the important acts of the legislature of 1891 was that requiring the Lake Shore and Michigan South- ern Railway to operate under the general railroad law of the state instead of its special charter. This made it ; amenable to the graded passenger fare law, the validi- tv of which had been affirmed by the supreme court. A few years later the special charter of the Michigan Cen- tral, the last of the special chartered roads, was repealed and the road was brought under the general law. In thus repealing the charter the legislature passed an act 1V-13
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authorizing the railroad company to sue the state to de- termine the damages which the state should pay for this repeal. This case is still pending.
In this year President Harrison appointed Henry B. Brown, who had been for some time judge of the United States District court for the eastern district of Michigan, to be associate justice of the supreme court of the United States. He also appointed Henry H. Swan of Detroit, to the district judgeship vacated by Judge Brown. Robert M. Montgomery of Lansing, was elected to the state supreme bench, and Henry Howard and Peter M. Cook were chosen regents of the state university.
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CHAPTER XII WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION
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T HE legislature of 1891 passed an act for the proper representation of Michigan at the World's Columbian Exposition, which it had been decided should be held at Chicago in 1892-3, to celebrate the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Columbus. This act pro- vided that the governor should appoint a board of six persons, two of whom should be women, to serve as a board of managers to care for the interests of the state in connection with the expo- sition. The governor was made an ex-officio mem- ber of this board. The law gave it authority to appoint such officers and agents as might be found necessary to carry out the objects in view. An appro- priation of one hundred thousand dollars was made by this act, which the board was authorized to expend un- der the provisions set forth with reference to the same. The governor appointed as such board I. M. Weston of Grand Rapids; E. H. Belden of Horton; J. W. Flynn of Detroit; Wellington R. Burt of Saginaw ; Mrs. John A. Pond of Hillsdale ; Mrs. J. A. Valentine of Lansing. Mr. Burt resigned shortly after his appointment and James A. Cooper of Lake Linden was appointed to his place. A few months later he resigned and Peter White of Marquette was appointed to fill the vacancy. This board elected I. M. Weston president; E. H. Belden, vice president, and Mark W. Stevens of Flint, secretary.
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