History of Houston County, Including Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota, Part 33

Author: Edward D. Neill
Publication date: 1882
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 547

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The evidence of that conspiracy comes to us, in part, from the relation of one who was present at

the infamous council. Comparing the statement of the narrative with the known occurrences of the times, that council preceded the attack on the Government stores at the Upper Agency, and was convened on Sunday night; the attack on the Upper Agency took place the next day, Monday, the 4th of August; and on the same day, an at- tempt was made to take Fort Ridgely by strategy. Not the slightest danger was anticipated. Only thirty soldiers occupied the post at Fort Ridgly, and this was deemed amply sufficient in times of peace. But we will not longer detain the reader from the denouement of this horrible plot.

Our informant states the evidences of the de- crees of the council of the 3d of August, thus:

"I was looking toward the Agency and saw a large body of men coming toward the fort, and supposed them soldiers returning from the pay- ment at Yellow Medicine. On a second look, I observed they were mounted, and knowing, at this time, that they must be Indians, was surprised at seeing so large a body, as they were not expected. I resolved to go into the garrison to see what it meant, having, at the time, not the least suspicion that the Indians intended any hostile demonstra- tion. When I arrived at the garrison, I found Sergeant Jones at the entrance with a mounted howitzer, charged with shell and canister-shot, pointed towards the Indians, who were removed but a short distance from the guard house. I inquired of the sergeant what it meant? whether any danger was apprehended? He replied indif- ferently, "No, but that he thought it a good rule to observe that a soldier should always be ready for any emergency."

These Indians had requested the privilege to dance in the inclosure surrounding the fort. On this occasion that request was refused them. But I saw that, about sixty yards west of the guard house, the Indians were making the necessary preparations for a dance. I thought nothing of it as they had frequently done the same thing, but a little further removed from the fort, under some- what different circumstances. I considered it a singular exhibition of Indian foolishness, and, at the solicitation of a few ladies, went out and was myself a spectator of the dance.

"When the dance was concluded, the Indians sought and obtained permission to encamp on some rising ground about a quarter of a mile west of the garrison. To this ground they soon re- paired, and encamped for the night. . The next

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EVIDENCE OF CONSPIRACY. .

morning, by 10 o'clock, all had left the vicinity of the garrison, departing in the direction of the Lower Agency. This whole matter of the dance was so conducted as to lead most, if not all, the residents of the garrison to believe that the In- dians had paid them that visit for the purpose of dancing and obtaining provisions for a feast.

"Some things were observable that were unu- sual. The visitors were all warriors, ninety-six in number, all in undress, except a very few who wore calico shirts; and, in addition to this, they all car- ried arms, guns and tomahawks, with ammunition pouches suspended around their shoulders. Pre- vious to the dance, the war implements were de- posited some two hundred yards distant, where they had left their ponies. But even this circum- stance, so far as it was then known, excited no suspicion of danger or hostilities in the minds of the residents of the garrison. These residents were thirty-five men; thirty soldiers and five citi- zens, with a few women and children. The guard that day consisted of three soldiers; one was walk- ing leisurely to and fro in front of the guard- house; the other two were off duty, passing about and taking their rest; and all entirely without ap- prehension of danger from Indians or any other . . foe. As the Indians left the garrison without do- ing any mischief, most of us supposed that no evil was meditated by them. But there was one man who acted on the supposition that there was al- ways danger surrounding a garrison when visited by savages; that man was Sergeant Jones. From the time he took his position at the gun he never left it, but acted as he said he believed it best to do, that was to be always ready. He not only re- mained at the gun himself, but retained two other men, whom he had previously trained as assistants to work the piece.

"Shortly before dark, without disclosing his in- tentions, Sergeant Jones said to his wife: 'I have a little business to attend to to-night; at bed-time I wish you to retire, and not to wait for me.' As he had frequently done this before, to discharge some official duty at the quartermaster's office, she thought it not singular, but did as he had re- quested, and retired at the usual bour. On awak- ening in the morning, however, she was surprised at finding that he was not there, and had not been in bed. In truth, this faithful soldier had stood by his gun throughout the entire night, ready to fire, if occasion required, at any moment during that time; nor could he be persuaded to leave that

gun until all this party of Indians had entirely disappeared from the vicinity of the garrison.

"Some two weeks after this time, those same In- dians, with others, attacked Fort Ridgley and, af- ter some ten days' siege, the garrison was relieved by the arrival of soldiers under Colonel H. H. Sib- ley. The second day after Colonel Sibley arrived, a Frenchman of pure or mixed blood appeared before Sergeant Jones, in a very agitated manner, and intimated that he had some disclosures to .make to him; but no sooner had he made this in- timation than he became extremely and violently agitated, and seemed to be in a perfect agony of mental perturbation. Sergeant Jones said to him, 'If you have anything to disclose, you ought, at once, to make it known.' The man repeated that he had disclosures to make, but that he did not dare to make them; and although Sergeant Jones urged him by every consideration in his power to tell what he knew, the man seemed to be so com- pletely under the dominion of terror, that he was unable to divulge the great secret. 'Why,' said he, 'they will kill me; they will kill my wife and children.' Saying which he turned and walked away.

"Shortly after the first interview, this man re- turned to Sergeant Jones,. when again the Ser- geant urged him to disclose what he knew; and promised him that if he would do so, he would keep his name a profound secret forever; that if the information which he should disclose should jead to the detection and punishment of the guilty, the name of the informant should never be made known. Being thus assured, the Frenchman soon became more calm. Hesitating a moment, he in- quired of Sergeant Jones if he remembered that, some two weeks ago, a party of Indians came down to the fort to have a dance? Sergeant Jones replied that he did. 'Why,' said the French- man, 'do you know that these Indians were all warriors of Little Crow, or some of the other lower bands? Sir, these Indians had all been selected for the purpose, and came down to Fort Ridgely by the express command of Little Crow and the other chiefs, to get permission to dance; and when all suspicion should be completely lulled, in the midst of the dance, to seize their weapons, kill every person in the fort, seize the big guns, open the magazine, and secure the ammunition, when they should be joined by all the remaining war- riors of the lower bands. Thus armed, and in- creased by numbers, they were to proceed together

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HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

down the valley of the Minnesota. With this force and these weapons they were assured they could drive every white man beyond the Missis- sippi.'

"All this, the Frenchman informed Sergeant Jones, he had learned by being present at a coun- cil, and from conversations had with other Indians, who had told him that they had gone to the gar- rison for that very purpose. When he had con- cluded this revelation, Sergeant Jones inquired, 'Why did they not execute their purpose? Why did they not take the fort" The Frenchman re- plied: . Because they saw, during all their dance, and their stay at the fort, that big gun constantly pointed at them.'"

Interpreter Quinn, now dead. told the narrator of the foregoing incidents that Little Crow had said, repeatedly, in their councils, that the Indians could kill all the white men in the Minnesota Val- ley. In this way, he said, we can get all our lands back; that the whites would not want these lands, and that they could get double annuities. Some of the councils at which these suggestions of Lit- tle Crow were made, dated, he said, as far back as the summer of 1857, immediately after the Ink- paduta war.

On the 17th day of August, 1862, Little Crow, Inkpaduta, and Little Priest, the latter one of the Winnebago chiefs, attended church at the Lower Agency, and seemed to listen attentively to the services, conducted by the Rev. J. D. Hinman. On the afternoon of that day Little Crow invited these Indians to his house, a short distance above the Agency. On the same day an Indian council was held at Rice Creek, sixteen miles above the Lower Agency, attended by the Soldiers' Lodge. Inkpaduta, it is believed, and Little Priest, with some thirteen Winnebago warriors, attended this council. Why this council was held, and what was its object, can easily be imagined. The de- crees of the one held two weeks before had not been executed. The reason why the fort was not taken has been narrated. The other part of the same scheme, the taking of the agency at the Yellow Medicine, on the same day the fort was to have fallen, will be alluded to in another chapter. It then became necessary for the conspirators to hold another council, to devise new plans for the exe- cution of their nefarious designs upon the whites.

The Acton tragedy, forty miles distant, had taken place but a few hours before this council was con- vened. On Monday, the 18th of August, these

Acton murderers were seen at the mill on Crow river, six miles from Hutchinson, with the team taken from Acton; so that these Indians did not go to the Lower Agency, but remained in the country about Hutchinson. One of the number only returned to the Agency by the next morning after the council at Rice Creek had been held. All that followed in the bloody drama, originated at this council of Death, over which Little Crow presided, on Sunday afternoon, the 17th day of August, 1802, on the evening of the same day of the Acton murders. The general massacre of all white men was by order of this council, to com- mence at the Agency, on the morning of the 18th, and at as many other points, simultaneously, as could be reached by the dawn of day, radiating from that point as a center. The advantage gained by the suddenness of the attack, and the known panic that would result, was to be followed up until every settlement was massacred, Fort Ridgley taken, both Agencies burned, New Ulm, Mankato, St. Peter, and all the towns on the river destroyed, the whole country plundered and devas- tated, and as many of the inhabitants as were left alive were to be driven beyond the Mississippi river. The decree of this savage council, matured on a Christian Sabbath, by Indians, who were sup- posed to be civilized, so immediately after atten- tively listening to the gospel of peace, filled the measure of the long-cherished conspiracy matured by Little Crow, until it was full of the most hope- ful results to his polluted and brutal nature. "Once an Indian, always an Indian," seems in this instance to have been horribly demonstrated.

CHAPTER XXXIL.

CHANGE OF INDIAN OFFICIALS-PAYMENT OF 1861- REPORT OF AGENT GALBRAITH-UPPER AND LOWER BANDS-SUPPLIES-ATTACK ON THE WARE- HOUSE-BENVILLE RANGERS RETURN TO FORT RIDGELY.

The change in the administration of the Gov- ernment in 1861, resulting, as it did, in a general change in the minor offices throughout the coun- try, carried into retirement Major William J. Cul- len, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Superintendency, and Major Joseph R Brown, Agent for the Sioux, whose places were filled respectively by Colonel Clark W. Thomp- son and Major Thomas J. Galbraith. Colonel

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MAJOR GALBRAITHI'S REPORT.

Thompson entered upon the duties of his office in May of that year, and Major Galbraith on the first day of June. In that month the new agent and many of the new employes, with their fami- lies, took up their residence on the reservations.

These employes, save a few young men who were employed as laborers, were, with two excep- tions, men of families, it being the policy of the agent to employ among the Indians as few un- married men as possible.

During that year nothing occurred on the res- ervations of an unusual character more than the trouble with which the Agents had always to deal at every semi-annual gathering at the Agencies. We say "semi-annual," because they came in the summer to draw their annuities, and again in the autumn for their winter supply of goods.

It has been usual at the payment of annuities to have a small force of troops to guard against any untoward event which might otherwise occur. The payment to the lower bands, in 1861, was made in the latter part of June, and to the upper bands about the middle of July. These pay- ments were made by Superintendent Thompson in person.

The Sisseton bands came down to the Agency at a very early day, as had always been their habit, long before the arrival of the money, bringing with them a large body of Yanktonais (not annuity Sioux), who always came to the payments, claiming a right to a share of the an nuities issued to the Indians.

These wild hunters of the plains were an un- failing element of trouble at the payments to the upper bands. At this last payment they were in force, and by their troublesome conduct, caused a delay of some days in the making of the payments. This was, however, no unusual occurrence, as they always came with a budget of grievances, upon which they were wont to dilate in council. This remark is equally true of the annuity Indians. Indeed, it would be very strange if a payment could be made without a demand, on the part of the "young men," for three or four times the amount of their annual dues.

These demands were usually accompanied by overt acts of violence; yet the payment was made; and this time, after the payment, all departed to their village at Big Stone Lake They came again in the fall, drew their supply of goods, and trent quietly away.

It so turned out, however, that the new agent,

Galbraith, came into office too late to insure a large crop that year. He says:

"The autumn of 1861 closed upon us rather un- favorably. The crops were light; especially was this the case with the Upper Sioux; they had little or nothing. As heretofore communicated to the Department, the cut-worms destroyed all the Sisetons, and greatly injured the crop of the Wapatons, Medawakantons, Wapakutas. For these latter I purchased on credit, in anticipation of the Agricultural and Civilization Funds, large quantities of pork and flour, at current rates, to support them during the winter.

"Early in the autumn, in view of the necessitous situation of the Sisetons, I made a requisition on the department for the sum of $5,000, out of the special fund for the relief of 'poor and destitute Indians;' and, in anticipation of receiving this money, made arrangements to feed the old and in- firm men, and the women and children of these people. I directed the Rev. S. R. Riggs to make the selection, and furnish me a list.

. "He carefully did this, and we fed, in an econ- omical, yea, even parsimonious way, about 1,500 of these people from the middle of December until nearly the first of April. We had hoped to get them off on their spring hunt earlier, but a tre- mendous and unprecedented snow-storm during the last days of February prevented.

"In response to my requisition, I received $3,000, and expended very nearly $5,000, leaving a deficiency not properly chargable to the regular funds, of about $2,000.

"These people, it is believed, must have per- isbed had it not been for this scanty assistance. In addition to this, the regular issues were made to the farmer Indians in payment for their labor. * * * * * * * *

"In the month of August, 1861, the superinten- dents of farms were directed to have ploughed 'in the fall,' in the old public and neglected private fields, a sufficient . quantity of land to provide 'plantings' for such Indians as could not be pro- vided with oxen and implements. In pursuance of this direction, there were ploughed, at rates ranging from $1.50 to $2,00 per acre, ac- cording to the nature of the work, by teams and men hired for the purpose, for the Lower Sioux, about 500 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, about 475 acres. There were, also, at the same time, ploughed by the farmer Indians and the depart- ment teams, about 250 acres for the Lower, and

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HISTORY OF THE SIOUX MASSACRE.

about 325 acres for the Upper Sioux. This fall ploughing was continued until the frost prevented its further prosecution. It was done to facilitate the work of the agricultural department, and to kill the worms which had proved so injurious the previous year. * * *

"The carpenter-shops at both Agencies were supplied with lumber for the manufacture and re- pair of sleds, wagons, and other farming utensils. Sheds were erected for the protection of the cattle and utensils of the depertment, and the farmer Indians, assisted by the department carpenters, erected stables, pens, and out-houses for the pro- tection of their cattle, horses and utensils. * * Hay, grain, and other supplies were provided, and, in short, every thing was done which the means at command of the agent would justify.

"The work of the autumn being thus closed, I set about making preparations for the work of the next spring and summer, and in directing the work of the winter. I made calculations to erect, during the summer and autumn of 1862, at least fifty dwelling-houses for Indian families, at an estimated average cost of $300 each; and also to aid the farmer Indians in erecting as many ad- ditional dwellings as possible, not to exceed thirty or forty; and to have planted for the Lower Sioux, at least 1,200 acres, and for the Upper Sioux, at least 1,300 acres of crops, and to have all the land planted, except that at Big Stone Lake, inclosed by a fence.

"To carry out these calculations, early in the the winter the superintendents of farms, the black- smiths, the carpenters, and the superintendents of schools were directed to furnish estimates for the amount of agricultural implements, horses, oxen, wagons, carts, building material, iron, steel, tools, and supplies needed to carry on successfully their several departments for one year from the open- ing of navigation in the spring of 1862.

"These estimates were prepared and furnished me about the 1st of February. In accordance with these estimates, I proceeded to purchase, in open market, the articles and supplies recommend- ed.

"I made the estimates for one year, and pur- chases accordingly, in order to secure the benefit of transportation by water in the spring, and thus avoid the delays, vexations, and extra expense of transportation by land in the fall. The bulk of purchases were made with the distinct understand- ing that payment would be made out of the funds

belonging to the quarter in which the goods, im- plements, or supplies, were expended."

"Thus it will be seen that, in the spring of 1862, there was on hand supplies and material sufficient to carry us through the coming year. * * Thus, to all appearance, the spring season opened propitiously. * To carry out my original design of having as much as possible planted for the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lac qui Parle as early in the month of May, 1862, as the condi- tion of the swollen streams would permit, I visited Lac qui Parle and Big Stone Lake, going as far as North Island, in Lake Traverse, having with me Antoine Freniere, United States Interpreter, Dr. J. L. Wakefield, physician of the Upper Sioux, and Nelson Givens, assistant Agent. At Lac qui Parle I found the Indians willing and anxious to plant. I inquired into their condition and wants, and made arrangements to have them supplied with seeds and implements, and directed Amos W. Huggins, the school teacher there, to aid and in- struct them in their work, and to make proper distribution of the seeds and implements furnished, and placed at his disposal an ox-team and wagon and two breaking-teams, with instructions to de- vote his whole time and attention to the superin- tendence and instruction of the resident Indians during the planting season, and until the crops were cultivated and safely harvested.

"I also found the Indians at Big Stone Lake and Lake Traverse very anxious to plant, but without any means whatever so to do. I looked over their fields in order to see what could be done. After having inquired into the whole matter, I instructed Mr. Givens to remain at Big Stone Lake and su- perintend and direct the agricultural operations of the season, and to remain there until it was too late to plant any more. I placed at his disposal ten double plough teams, with man to operate them, and ordered forward at once one hundred bushels of seed corn and five hundred bushels of seed potatoes, with pumpkin, squash, turnip, and other seeds, in reasonable proportion, together with a sufficient supply of ploughs, hoes, and other implements for the Indians, and a black- smith to repair breakages; and directed him to see that every Indian, and every Indian horse or pony, did as much work as was possible. * *

"On my way down to the agency, I visited the plantings of Tahampih'da, (Rattling Moccasin ), Mazasha, (Red Iron), Mahpiya Wicasta, (Cloud Man), and Rattling Cloud, and found that the

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MAJOR GALBRAITH'S REPORT.

Superintendent of Farms for the Upper Sioux had, in accordance with my instructions, bcen faithfully attending to the wants of these bands. He had supplied them with implements and seeds, and I, left them at work. On my arrival at the Agency, I found that the farmer Indians residing there- abouts had, in my absence, been industriously at work, and had not only completed their plowing, but had planted very extensively. The next day after my arrival at the Agency, I visited each farmer Indian at the Yellow Medicine, and con- gratulated him on his prospect for a good crop, and spoke to him such words of encouragement as occurred to me.

"The next day I proceeded to the Lower Agency, and then taking with me Mr. A. H. Wagner, the Superintendent of Farms for the Lower Sioux, I went around each planting, and, for the second time, visited each farmer Indian, and found that, in general, my instructions had been carried out. The plowing was generally completed in good order, and the planting nearly all done, and many of the farmer Indians were engaged in repairing old and making new fences. I was pleased and gratified, and so told the Indians-the prospect was so encouraging.

"About the first of July I visited all the plant- ings of both the Upper and Lower Sioux, except those at Big Stone Lake, and found, in nearly every instance, the prospects for good crops very hopeful indeed. The superintendents of farms, the male school teachers, and all the employes assisting them, had done their duty. About this time Mr. Givens returned from Big Stone Lake, and reported to me his success there. From all I knew and all I thus learned, I was led to believe that we would have no 'starving Indians' to feed the next winter, and little did I dream of the un- fortunate and terrible outbreak which, in a short time, burst upon us, * * *

"In the fall of 1861, a good and substantial school-room and dwelling, a store-house and black- smith-shop, were completed at Lac qui Parle, and, about the first of November, Mr. Amos W. Hug- gins and his family occupied the dwelling, and, assisted by Miss Julia La frambois, prepared the school-room, and devoted their whole time to teaching such Indian children as they could in- duce to attend the school.

"The storehouse was supplied with provisions, which Mr. Huggins was instructed to issue to the children and their parents at his discretion. Here

it may be permitted me to remark to Mr. Hug- gins, who was born and raised among the Sioux, and Miss La frambois, who was a Sioux mixed- blood, were two persons entirely capable and in every respect qualified for the discharge of the duties of their situation, than whom the Indians had no more devoted friends. They lived among the Indians of choice, because they thought they could be beneficial to them. Mr. Huggins exer- cised nothing but kindness toward them. He fed them when hungry, olothed them when naked, attended them when sick, and advised and cheered them in all their difficulties. He was intelligent, energetic, industrious, and good, and yet he was one of the first victims of the outbreak, shot down like a dog by the very Indians whom he had so long and so well served. * * * * *

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History of Houston County, Including Explorers and Pioneers of Minnesota, Part 33

Author: Edward D. Neill Publication date: 1882 Publisher: Number of Pages: 547

Author: Edward D. Neill
Publication date: 1882
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 547