The history of Faribault County, Minnesota : from its first settlement to the close of the year 1879 : the story of the pioneers, Part 13

Author: Kiester, J. A. (Jacob Armel), 1832-1904
Publication date: 1896
Publisher: Minneapolis, Minn. : Harrison & Smith, printers
Number of Pages: 772


USA > Minnesota > Faribault County > The history of Faribault County, Minnesota : from its first settlement to the close of the year 1879 : the story of the pioneers > Part 13


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


societies and pure social and domestic life, and should exert a benign and elevating influence on all the surrounding and tributary country. It should not be a sink of iniquity where drunkenness, vulgarity, gambling, profanity and other vices and crimes, with ignorance, filth and social degradation, are the predominent fea- tures, a place where easy facilities and temptations are found, on every hand, to allure the unwary to wrong doing, a quagmire, a hole in which not only many of its own people are sunk, but one exercising a baleful influence on all the surrounding country, a place which, when anyone visits on business or pleasure, an anxious family, or friends at home, fear for him because he may return demoralized, despoiled and drunken. That our villages, larger towns and cities, shall ever be such places as they should be, is doubtless but a Utopian dream, but all experience and observation prove, that the longest step which can be taken toward such an accomplishment, would be the extermination of the use of and traffic in intoxicating liquors, and blessed be the hand, the head, and the heart, that helps so good a cause.


A powerful religious organization has incorporated in its fundamental law, the following declaration:


"Temperance in its broader meaning is distinctly a Christian virtue, enjoined in the Holy Scriptures. It implies a subordination of all the emotions, passions and appetites to the control of reason and conscience. Dietetically it means a wise use of suitable articles of food and drink, with entire abstainance from such as are known to be hurtful. Both science and human experience argee with the holy Scriptures, in condemning all alcoholic beverages as being neither useful nor safe. The business of manufacturing and vending such liquors is also against the principles of morality, political economy and the public welfare."


FIGURING UP.


Let us now see what we had this year in the way of crops and the value of property. The following statement was compiled by the county auditor from the assessors returns:


Wheat, acres 1,524


Bushels 27,087


Rye,


8 ..


166


Barley 66


35.


775


Oats,


536.


20,104


Buckwheat,“ 53


557


Corn,


1,141


41,293


Potatoes. 66


133


20,766


Beans,


12


202


Sorghum, 66


9. 600 gallons


Hay, (wild) 1,711


tons


Assessed value of property in the county :


Real


$232,530.00


Personal


30,565.00


Total


263,095.00


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HISTORY OF


Prices average as follows during the year: In the spring flour was $3.50 per hundred, butter 12} cents per pound, corn 50 cents and wheat $1.00 per bushel. In the fall flour $3.50 to $4.00 per hundred, pork 9 to 12 cents per pound, butter 12} cents per pound, corn 50 cents and oats 16 cents per bushel.


TIIE SECOND FAIR.


The fair of the Agricultural Society was held again at Winne- bago City and proved a gratifying success. The farmers manifested a disposition to make these annual exhibitions pleasant and profita- able. The interest in the society was now well established and growing, and the society bid fair to serve a good purpose.


THE BATTLE OF THE BALLOTS.


As the fall came on, politics began to interest the people. It was the year of a great presidential election and was the first presi- dential election at which the people of this county were permitted to vote on this question. Great interest too was manifested in our local politics. Several State and quite a number of county and dis- trict officers were to be elected. The presidential candidates were Abraham Lincoln, Republican; Stephen A. Douglas, Northern De- mocrat; John C. Breckenridge, Southern Democrat, and John Bell, Old Whig and Peace party.


The Republican District Convention met at Madelia, and nomi- nated for Senator Guy K. Cleveland, of this county, and A. Strecker, of another county, for Representative.


The Republican County Convention met at Blue Earth and nominated,


For Register of Deeds, J. A. Kiester.


County Auditor, A. Bonwell.


Surveyor. J. H. Welch.


Judge of Probate, A. Preston. ·


County Attorney, J. B. Wakefield.


County Commissioners, J. H. Dunham, J. B. Wakefield and Thomas Blair. No nominations were made for the offices of Clerk of Court and Court Commissioner. The Democratic candidates were:


For Senator, Andrew C. Dunn.


Representative. Wm. B. Carroll.


For Register of Deeds, L. W. Brown.


County Auditor, Geo. K. Moulton.


Surveyor, J. M. Wheeler. Judge of Probate, D. H. Morse.


Clerk of Court, Geo. B. Kingsley.


Court Commissioner, Andrew C. Dunn.


No nomination was made by the Democrats for the office of County Attorney.


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


The election was held on the 6th day of November, and the fol- lowing was the result:


Lincoln electors, 270 votes. Douglas electors, 63 votes.


For Senator, Guy K. Cleveland had 221 votes and Andrew C. Dunn 105. For Representative, A. Streeker had 246 votes and W. B. Carroll 87. For County Auditor, A. Bonwell had 270 votes and Geo. K. Moulton 64. For County Attorney, J. B. Wakefield (no op- position ), had 328 votes. For Surveyor, J. H. Welch had 264 votes and J. M. Wheeler 69. For Judge of Probate, A. Preston had 268 votes and D. H. Morse 65. For Register of Deeds, J. A. Kiester had 262 votes and L. W. Brown 74. For Clerk of Court, Geo. B. Kingsley (no opposition), had 126 votes. For Court Commissioner, Andrew C. Dunn had 91 votes and J. A. Kiester 102. For County Commissioners, J. H. Dunham, J. B. Wakefield and Thos. Blair were elected. The whole vote of the county was 336.


The presidential contest of 1860 was a bitter and exciting one, and on its issues depended, in a great measure, very stupendous re- sults. The antagonism between the free States of the North and the slave States of the South, had been growing stronger and stronger, from year to year. The cry of "disunion, secession" had long been heard, but grew loud and portentious in this campaign. It meant something. The Shibboleths of the campaign in the North were, free homers, free labor, free speech, free press and squatter sovereignty. The Republican party was in the minority, as against all outside of its ranks, but owing to the divisions among the oppo- sition, Mr. Lincoln was elected president. When this fact became known, intense excitement prevailed throughout the South. Seces sion conventions were called in various southern States, southern members of the cabinet and a number of senators and representa- tives in congress, from southern States, resigned their seats, and several forts, custom houses and other property of the general gov- ernment, in the South, were seized under State authority.


The year closed here, as throughout the whole nation, in gloom. Business became again depressed, another "money panic" prevailed, and currency became greatly depreciated, enterprise was paralyzed. and the people, full of forebodings, were watching and waiting. It was indeed evident that the dreaded hour, long threatened, had come, and a dreadful time-the awful import of which none then fully realized-aye, even the day of the battle of the bullets-was indeed near at hand.


"O, shame to men ! devil with devil damned Firm concord holds, men only disagree


Of creatures national, * * *


*


And live in hatred, enmity and strife


Among themselves, and levy cruel wars, Wasting the earth, each other to destroy."-Milton.


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HISTORY OF


If the reader will now recall to mind, the principal events of this year, the weather conditions, the scarcity of money, our sta- tisties of population, of live stock and farm products, the topics of local and public interest, discussed among the people, and will at the same time remember that there were then no railroads or tele- graphs and no newspapers in the county, that we had but two small villages then, that the settlements were confined to the timber, along the streams and about the lakes, and that the prairie lands were almost all unclaimed and vacant, he will have a very accurate mental picture of our county in 1860.


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


CHAPTER VII.


A. D. 1861.


THE GREAT REBELLION.


"Dissolve the Union! No, forbear, The Sword of Democles is there;


Cut but a hair and earth shall know A darker, deadlier tale of woe


Than history's crimson page has told, Since Nero's car in blood was rolled."


This year saw the beginning, but alas, notwithstanding all the hopes and promises at the time, not the end, of the great rebellion. The dark clouds of civil war-a war more gigantic and terrible than any yet known among men, were fast gathering, when the year opened, and cast their somber and ominous shadows over the whole land.


The mutterings of the gathering storm, now grown loud and fierce, were heard by the people of this county, as by all other loyal citizens of the land, with grief and indignation. But they, like the great majority of the people of the United States, both North and South, but little apprehended the tremendous carnival of blood and desolation, upon which the Nation was about to enter.


Though this county lay far out, at the time, on the frontiers and away from the great centers of activity, wealth and influence, the patriotic spirit of the people, was soon awakened. Recruiting for the army began very early, and every encouragement was given by the county and its people to the cause of the Union, from the very be- ginning until the close of the war, and we are proud to record the fact here, that the patriotism, courage and fortitude of no peo- ple ever surpassed that of the residents of this county, during the troublous times of the great rebellion and the terrible Sioux massa- cre, all of which will become evident as we proceed with this his- tory. Of the causes which led to the great civil war and the events which characterized it, belonging more properly to the domain of national history, but little need be said in this work.


It is sufficient to say here, briefly, in explanation, that from Co- lonial times, there had been gradually growing up in the Nation, between the North and the South, an apparent antagonism of inter- ests, political sentiments and social structure, which originated in


126


HISTORY OF


and was fostered by the institution of slavery in the Southern States of the Union. Human slavery was an anomaly in a free government like ours. The system was not only a violation of the precepts of natural and revealed law, but was directly at variance with all the fundamental principles of our political institutions. The system of free government and equality of political privileges for all, and re- spected free labor in the North, could not peaceably exist by the side of the system of slavery, with its aristocracy of masters and de- graded slave labor and other inherent evils.


Hence constant contention on the subject of slavery, its rights to protection and its right, under the constitution, to go into the free territories sprang up and constantly grew more and more bitter. The statesmen of the South soon conceived the idea that the union of the States was of little binding force or obligation, and they early taught the doctrine of absolute "State sovereignty" and the right of any State to secede from the Union when it chose. This pernicious doctrine of State rights was, in debate, overthrown by the statesmen of the North. Yet while the South was mainly united in its views and demands, the North was somewhat divided. In all the preliminary stages of the contest and during the rebel - lion the South had many sympathizers in the North. Numerous compromises on the subject were made but all was of no avail. Slavery was a sin against God, a crime against man and embodied within itself a host of intolerable evils, the result of the relation ex- isting between the absolute master and the absolute slave. It was repugnant to the progress and enlightenment and sense of justice and right of the age. It was well-named a "relic of barbarism" and was overliving its time in the world's history. Therefore com- promises, admitting its existence, settled nothing. No question is ever settled until it is settled right, and the only right settlement of the slavery question was its total abolition. All great evils, per- haps all evils are aggressive. Slavery was aggressive. It con- stantly demanded more and more. Southern leaders sought to make slavery national, while in fact it was never anything but a sectional institution. They became very arrogant, insolent and domineering everywhere, but especially in the national councils. The North could not agree to the extension of the evil, nor accede to the many other demands of the South. Southern statesmen determined to maintain their peculiar institution and its right to extension, its nationalization, and to dominate the politics and control the highest offices of the nation. If they could not do this in the Union, then they would dissolve the Union. They finally by falsehoods, specious arguments, the spread of a false publie sentiment and a great clamor, led the whole people of the South to believe that it was right and necessary for the slave States to secede. And this they


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


attempted. They organized a new government in February for the seceded States, and named it "The Confederate States of America," and they proposed to maintain themselves by force of arms, and proceeded to organize their armies, and early in the year they seized the forts, arsenals and navy yards situated in their States.


Such action was a violation of the constitution and laws of the nation, and the whole theory of the action was erroneous.


Another cause which led to and precipitated such action, was the lust for power of evil, ambitious and reckless. men, who led in the movement. They thought to obtain wealth, power and posi- tion by this act of dissolving the old Union and the establishment of a new government of which they should have control-a govern- ment built upon the basis of the slavery of a large part of its people. The attempt was rebellion against the supremacy and lawful author- ity of the nation, and the act was treason.


That the reader of the future, may, without consulting the more extensive authorities, have some idea of the views of the people of the Northern States, on the subjects of secession and disunion, the writer has thought proper to note here, very briefly indeed, some of the propositions maintained by them, on these, the most solemn and portentious questions which have ever agitated the American people.


The secession of the States of the South from the Union, was impolitic, impracticable and grossly unjust, to say nothing of the higher and constitutional objections. We may briefly refer to some of these considerations.


1. It sought to dissever a united, homogeneous, free and pros- perous people-a people who, though originally constituted of sev- eral different nationalities and assimilating the people of the many nationalities, subsequently flowing to it, had created a new nation- ality-the American-having a national language, one religion, a common literature, education and traditions, the same social and do- mestic characteristics, habits and customs, a common inheritance of political rights and substantially common interests, except as some of these conditions were modified by the existence of chattel slavery in the States of the South. And the people of this new nationality is destined, if earth and time shall endure but a little longer, to be- come the greatest race in intellectual, intuitive and physical power, which has yet appeared in the world.


2. Disunion would divide great religious organizations, moral and charitable associations, scientific societies, greatly impair many splendid educational institutions, and break up many social and family relations, creating bitter antagonisms among them all.


3. Disunion sought to divide territory which nature seems to have designed to be one. Great rivers, the outlets to the sea, the


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HISTORY OF


highways of a vast commerce crossed many States, the free naviga- tion of which was an indisputable right and which should never be- come subject in whole, or in part, to control and tolls imposed by rival, perhaps hostile nations. And the natural and manufactured products of this great territory were necessary to the comfort and welfare of the whole, and to be free from any interstate duties and restrictions, such as would exist and would be necessary for local protection, if this territory should be divided into two or more sep- arate and independent nations.


4. Disunion sought to sunder territory already long bound to- gether in commercial and pecuniary unity, by the iron bands of railroads, built through and interlaced over many States of the Union, thus disrupting and injuring them, without regard to the rights of the relative parts, or the public or private interests in- volved.


5. Disunion would ignore and make no provision for the vast interstate moneyed interests and corporation rights (in addition to those of railroads), and would render worthless and subject to re- pudiation, State and other public bonded indebtedness, involving hundreds of millions of dollars, in value, and the property rights of hundreds of thousands of innocent people.


Briefly stated, the right, so-called, of secession was based upon the assumption that the union of the States was but a league or con- federation of sovereign and independent States, or nations, and that any one of such States could dissolve the Union, that is, secede there- from at will. This doctrine had long been taught by a few of the statesmen of the South, but it is certainly a delusion. The impolicy of disunion is referred to above and now a word may be added as to the historical and legal, or constitutional phases of this so-called right.


There never was a time from the earliest colonial times to the day of the Declaration of Independence, when any colony was a sov- ereign and independent State, or nation, but while, for a time, the colonies were independent of each other, they were all the subjects of one nation-Great Britain.


And the colonies were united, when framing and promulgating the Declaration of Independence and long prior thereto, and were known by the name of the "United Colonies," then named States. And it was the representatives of the united not the separate, States of America, in general congress assembled, Congress representing the people, being the sovereign power which proclaimed, not by the anthority of the separate States, but "in the name and by the au- thority of the people of the colonies," or States. the Declaration of Independence; independence not of each colony of the others, but


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


the independence of the united colonies, now States, of the mother country-Great Britian.


It was not the independence of the separate States which was ac- knowledged by Great Britian by the treaty of 1783, or that which was recognized by the other States of the world, but it was the inde- pendence of the nation, the United (not the separate or sovereign) States of America.


The Constitution of the United States was proposed by the sep- arate States through their representatives in congress, but received its adoption, sanction and authority, by the whole people, for the purpose of forming "a more perfect union" "and legislating" "for the general welfare." "The people of the United States" did this sovereign act, in conventions of the people, not separate and inde- pendent States, by their legislatures, claiming sovereign powers. And the Union is one and indivisible, except by the whole people themselves. For back of all States or other political subdivisions, back even of the organization known as the United States, is the peo- ple, one entire people, the source under God, of all authority and power, the real sovereignty of the nation, and the Union is indis- soluble, except by the consent of the whole people.


The vast subsequent acquisition of territory, the Louisiana pur- chase, Florida, etc., purchased from other nations and from the Indians, were not acquired by any one State, then existing, or sub- sequently organized, but by the Nation-the United States-from the common funds of the Nation, and belongs to the whole people, the Nation, and such territories are used and occupied by the people therein for the purposes of the Nation, under the constitution, and cannot be diverted to the use of a separate sovereignty, without the consent of the whole people. And if any State or States, or terri- tories of the United States became vacant, every part thereof, and everything therein would be immediately subject to the control and disposal of the people of the United States.


The forts, arsenals, navy yards, custom houses, mints, coast defences, national hospitals and all other national property in the States or territories are the property of the Nation, and the State or territory wherein such property is situated, can acquire no prop- erty rights therein without the consent of the Nation. States in the Union are separate and independent only so far as indicated in and by the constitution of the United States. They are sovereign, sepa- rate from aud independent of each other and of the United States, in relation to their local, domestic or municipal affairs, but are not sovereign in a national capacity, and cannot, in these respects, or in any respects, pass any law, or do any act, in conflict with the National Constitution and the laws of the United States, made in pursuance thereof. States have their rights, which should be care-


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HISTORY OF


fully maintained, under the constitution and federal laws, but among these rights the so-called right of secession is not one, and no pro- vision has ever been anywhere made whereby a State may secede, or the Union be dissolved, for the Union was to be perpetual.


The general government had done no wrong to the States of the South ; had not even interfered with their peculiar institution of slavery. These facts were admitted by some of the southern lead- ers. As can easily be proved, the southern States had no excuse for their action, which an enlightened humanity or wise statesman- ship can ever approve. It was simply wild, willful and wicked.


There is such a right as the right of revolution, but there is no such right as that of rebellion. Rebellion is resistance to the exer- cise of lawful authority (and success does not sanctify it) and rebel- lion, sustained by arms is treason, pure treason, and such was the action of the seceding States.


Revolution is resistance to the exercise of unlawful, or usurped authority, authority exercised against protest and in defiance of con- stitutional and natural rights and legal limitations, and is a right inherent in all peoples, and such was the American revolution which secured the existence of this independent nation. And the real char- acter, the distinctions between rebellion and revolution should never be confounded.


But we have not yet reached the highth of the argument against secession and disunion. Disunion was death to this the greatest, freest, happiest, most prosperous nation the world or time had ever seen. United we could stand against all the world, in all that will ever be of real value to man, as an individual, or of true glory as a nation. Divided, we should be broken into two, but more probably, eventually into four, or six, different inimical nations, ly- ing contiguous, between which continual and innumerable jealousies and contentions would exist.


For among these there would be one, or more, aristocracies built upon the slavery of the masses of the people, where labor would be degraded, where the public life, sentiments and action would be arrogant, and exist upon a low plain of civilization. Such unfavorable conditions existing all about us, would create harassing apprehensions necessitating strong military equipments maintained by oppressive taxation. There would be alliances and intrigues with foreign powers whose interests it would be to foster and im- bitter our contentions, until wars should result, constant changes occur, peace and prosperity desert us, and finally, perhaps, when broken and weakened by our misfortunes, our liberties would be swept away, and either anarchy or despotism would rule the land. Judging by the past of nations, through all history, such a destiny was to be apprehended. The establishment of the Confederacy.


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FARIBAULT COUNTY, MINNESOTA.


would, indeed, endanger the peace and safety of the other States and nation, and this fact alone, was a sufficient warrant, by the laws of nations for the action of the general government, in putting down the rebellion.


Wise indeed were the words of the immortal Washington, when in his farewell address he spoke of the value of the Union and the necessity for its preservation.


He says: "It is the main pillar in the edifice of your real inde- pendence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize, and you should discountenance whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be dissolved."




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