USA > Missouri > Johnson County > The history of Johnson County, Missouri : including a reliable history of the townships, cities, and towns, together with a map of the county; a condensed history of Missouri; the state constitution; an abstract of the most important laws etc > Part 8
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In 1846 congress declared that " a state of war exists between Mexico and the United States." Soon after this, the Mexicans crossed the Rio Grande, and occupied the disputed territory. On this ground they were met by Gen. Taylor, and in two memorable engagements defeated with terrific losses.
As soon as the conduct of the Mexicans became known in St. Louis, the "St. Louis Legion," under the command of Col. A. R. Easton, left for the scene of action, recruited by many volunteers and with a universal God-speed from the citizens.
At the same time an expedition was being planned for the invasion and possession of New Mexico and California, the command of which was placed entirely in the hands of Gen. Kearney. The governor of Missouri was called on for one thousand volunteers to join the regulars at Leaven- worth, and constitute the forces of Kearney, the whole to be called the " Army of the West. "
" No difficulty was experienced in procuring volunteers; indeed, it was a service for which there was a general rush. "
The complement of companies was soon made up from the counties of Clay, Lafayette, Jackson, Cole, Howard and Callaway. On arriving at Fort Leavenworth, an election was held, and Alexander W. Doniphan chosen colonel.
The valorous conduct of these volunteers has long been the subject of unusual comment in history. Officers and privates fought nobly, and the praises of their gallant heroism yet ring down the swiftly flowing years. The name of the " Army of the West " was crowned with honor through the devotion of Missourians.
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Across the desert wastes, between Fort Leavenworth and Santa Fe, under hot winds and with bad water, marched the Army of the West. The Mexicans everywhere fled upon the approach of Kearney, who soon made himself master of the country, and leaving Doniphan in charge, pro- ceeded to California.
A memorable engagement, known as the battle of Brazito, or Bracito, which occurred after the departure of Gen. Kearney, is thus graphically described:
With the object of opening a communication with Gen. Wool, at Chihuahua, Col. Doniphan left Valverde with about 500 men; and after a three days' journey through a desert country, arrived near the town of El Paso. Near this place they encamped on the road. Just when they had all dispersed, and when the rear guard was six miles behind, they were attacked by a large body of Mexicans, with cavalry and artillery. Doniphan's men had not time to saddle their horses, but drew up rapidly in front of their encampment, determined to fight on foot. A black flag, with skull and cross-bones upon it, was sent to the American com- mander, and an intimation given that there would be no quarter. They then opened their fire and charged handsomely, but they were driven back. A few of Doniphan's men then ran up to the Mexican line and secured their cannon. This desperate act made the Mexicans " perplexed in the extreme." They then knew the character of their foes. More of the Americans coming up, the Mex- icans were soon put to flight. Their whole force numbered 1200 men, and they lost about 200 in killed and wounded. Doniphan's force was 500 men, all of whom were not engaged, and he only had seven men wounded; none killed. The arms, provisions and stores of the Mexicans fell into the hands of the victors.
The battle of Sacramento resulting in the capture of the city of Chihua- hua, was a great American victory. Col. Doniphan, in this engagement, with 924 men, fought and overcome 4000 Mexicans. The action of the Missouri forces throughout was brilliant. From an official report by M. Lewis Clark (major commanding battalion Missouri Light Artillery), to Col. A. W. Doniphan, we extract the following:
It is with feelings of gratitude to the Ruler of all battles, that I have now the honor to report, that not a man of my command has been hurt, nor any animals, with the exception of one horse killed under Lieut. Dorn, and of one mule belonging to the United States, shot under one of the cannoniers; neither has a gun or either carriage of my battery been touched, except in one instance, where a nine-pound ball struck the tire of a wheel, without producing injury. This isa fact worthy of notice, that so little damage was done to a command greatly exposed to the enemy's fire, and of itself made a point of attack by the enemy, if I may so judge by the showers of cannon and other shot constantly poured into us, as long as the enemy continued to occupy his position. I might call your attention to the individual instances of personal courage and good conduct of the men of my command, as well as of the intrepid bravery, cool and deter- mined courage of many of your own regiment, and Lieutenant-Colonel Mitchell's escort, who charged with us upon the enemy's works, were it not impossible in any reasonable space, to name so many equally worthy of distinction; and did I not presume that other field-officers on that occasion, would report the proceed- ings of their own commands, and the praiseworthy conduct of their own officers and men.
Another regiment, to reinforce the army of the west, was sent out from
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Missouri in 1846 under the command of Hon. Sterling Price, (member of congress from Missouri, resigned.) At Taos he met the enemy, and in a battle that raged intensely from morning until night, won a victory that caused a total loss of the enemy of 282. Col. Price's loss was fifteen killed and forty-seven wounded.
In August, 1847, another requisition was made by the president for 1000 men, and though the force was raised in an incredibly short time, the pres- ident countermanded the order before a march was ordered.
Another engagement, March 16, 1848, in which Colonel John Ralls, of Ralls county, commanded the Americans, is to be noted. The battle was fought at Santa Cruz de Rosales, and the Mexicans were defeated with a loss of three hundred and thirty killed and many wounded.
The Missouri forces were stationed in New Mexico after this latter engagement, and remained there either until the close of the war or until they were mustered out of service.
Among those who won proud laurels in the Mexican war was Gen. James Shields, of Missouri. The campaign of Scott was ornamented by no more heroic officer.
The year 1849 brought death and disaster to the now prosperous and populous city of St. Louis. The Asiatic cholera again broke out, and with renewed violence, the terrible scourge raged until almost one tenth of the inhabitants were swept away.
On the evening of the 19th of May, the steamer " White Cloud," lying at the wharf, was fired by an incendiary or by some unknown cause. The flames spread so rapidly that it was at once seen that nothing could save the vessel. Other boats, to escape the imminent danger, cut their cables and floated out into the stream. At the same time the fastenings of the burning "White Cloud" were loosened, and the effort, intended to save them, proved only their destruction. The whole fleet was soon in flames, and a line of fire leaped up a mile in length. Merchandise stored upon the levee caught fire and communicated it to the city: Blocks upon blocks of buildings were destroyed, and ere the demon was subdued, the loss had reached three millions of dollars.
The city presented indeed a desolate appearance. It seemed as if unseen forces had combined to destroy it. Notwithstanding the pending gloom, re-building was commenced. Brave hearts and willing hands soon repaired the damage. Handsomer buildings took the place of the old. Streets were widened, new systems of sewerage introduced, and in a few years no trace of the destroyer remained.
In the beginning of this chapter allusion was made to the deep interest Missourians had in national politics and the issues at stake, and the rea- sons why the acts of the state were pivotal in the sense of their determin- ing power over these national issues. The slavery question had never
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been settled. The rights of the states and the nation had never yet been sharply defined, and slavery was now the cause which threw the com- monwealth into a fever-heat of controversy.
Previous to the convening of the sixteenth general assembly, in 1848, the famous Wilmot-Anti-Slavery Proviso had been introduced into the national congress. The act opened up the slumbering fires of political animus, and the great deep of public opinion became terribly agitated. The proviso prohibited the introduction of slavery into the new western territories.
So great was the excitement that on January 1st, 1849, Corty Wells introduced into the state senate a series of resolutions touching the ques- . tion. These were referred to the committee on federal relations. On January 15th the following substitute for the resolutions was reported from the committee by Claiborne F. Jackson. This substitute, which was but a modification of Mr. Wells' resolutions, is known in history as the "Jackson Resolutions :"
Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Missouri, That the federal constitution was the result of a compromise between the conflicting interests of the states which formed it, and in no part of that instrument is to be found any delegation of power to congress to legislate on the subject of slavery, excepting some special provisions, having in view the prospective abolition of the African slave-trade, made for the securing the recovery of fugitive slaves; any attempt therefore, on the part of congress to legislate on the subject, so as to affect the institution of slavery in the states, in the District of Columbia, or in the terri- tories, is, to say the least, a violation of the principles upon which that instru- ment was founded.
2. That the territories, acquired by the blood and treasure of the whole nation, ought to be governed for the common benefit of the people of all the states, and any organization of the territorial governments excluding the citi- zens of any part of the Union from removing to such territories with their prop- erty, would be an exercise of power, by congress, inconsistent with the spirit. upon which our federal compact was based, insulting to the sovereignty and dig- nity of the states thus affected, calculated to alienate one portion of the Union from another, and tending ultimately to disunion.
3. That this general assembly regard the conduct of the northern states on the subject of slavery as releasing the slave-holding states from all further adherence to the basis of compromise fixed on by the act of congress of March 6, 1820; even if such act ever did impose any obligations upon the slave- holding states, and authorizes them to insist upon their rights under the consti- tution; but for the sake of harmony and for the preservation of our federal union, they will still sanction the application of the principles of the Missouri compromise to the recent territorial acquisitions, if by such concession future aggressions upon the equal rights of the states may be arrested and the spirit of anti-slavery fanaticism be extinguished.
4. The right to prohibit slavery in any territory, belongs excusively to the people thereof, and can only be exercised by them in forming their constitu- tion for a state government, or in their sovereign capacity as an independent state.
5. That in the event of the passage of any act of congress conflicting with the principles herein expressed, Missouri will be found in hearty co-operation
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with the slave-holding states, in such measures as may be deemed necesssary for our mutual protection against the encroachments of northern fanaticism.
6. That our senators in Congress be instructed and our representatives be requested to act in conformity to the foregoing resolutions.
The resolutions were taken up seriatim in the senate and passed by large majorities.
On being reported to the house they were referred to the committee on federal relations, from a majority of which, George C. Bingham, of Saline county, returned a substitute. The substitute was opposite in character to the resolutions. It conceded the authority of con- gress to prohibit slavery in the territories, claimed that no laws could be . enacted, rightfully, which would affect the institution in the states; that patriotism and duty and honor, whispered ever to the people to guard eternally the sacred compact of states. The substitute was rejected; ayes, 62; noes, 20. The resolutions were then adopted separately. The final vote upon the whole series stood, ayes 53; noes 27.
This action of the general assembly of Missouri was indeed a bold one, and gave rise to the most feverish and impassioned discussion. Taking into account the general view of slavery, it was in keeping with the sen- timent of the majority of the people. Still there was an element of oppo- sition, and also of conservatism. Age had made slavery "time-honored."
The popular ferment, however, was to be increased. The eminent statesman, Thomas H. Benton, opposed the resolutions bitterly, and appealed from the legislature to the people. A complete canvass of the state was made. All his wonderful powers of rhetoric and exhaustive argu- ment were brought into requisition. He claimed that the result of the "Jack- son Resolutions" would be ultimate disunion, that in spirit they were contrary to the " Compromise " of 1820, and to subsequent acts endorsing the prin- ciples of that Compromise. " He maintained that the spirit of nullification and disunion, of insubordination to law and of treason, lurked in the ' Jackson-Resolutions,' especially in the fifth; that they were a mere copy of the Calhoun Resolutions, offered in the United States senate, February 19, 1847, and denounced by him, at the time, as firebrands and intended for disunion and electioneering purposes," says Mr. Switzler, who was at that time a member of the state legislature, from Boone county. Benton's speeches were electrical and brilliant, and he soon had a large following. In the end, however, the democratic party became divided. He did not prosecute his plea before the people without opposition. Among those who condemned his course, and besieged his policies, may be mentioned David R. Atchison, Louis V. Bogy, John B. Clark, Sr., and Claiborne F. Jackson.
Excitement ran higher than ever before. It was the beginning of the great struggle. Ardent patriotism joined hands with slanderous invective.
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The state was ablaze. Men forgot business in the vortex of mad dis- cussion. The foundations for the battle of blood were laid. The sceptre of democracy was to pass into other hands. The cloud of disunion that skirted the horizon of destiny, though now but a speck, from these begin- nings, was to grow, until the lowering mass obscured the sunlight of peace.
CHAPTER XIV.
Election of Thomas H. Benton's Successor-Various Sessions of the Legislature -- Organi- zation of Kansas and Nebraska-Resume of Progress.
The close of the preceding chapter detailed the appeal of Benton to the people on the subject of the Jackson resolutions. There were two fac- tions among the democrats, Benton and anti-Benton, according as they opposed or favored the "resolutions." During the campaign of 1850, and at the time Benton made his wonderful canvass, he was also electioneer- ing for a return to the United States senate. While his speeches were. masterly and exhaustive, they were laden with the bitterest sarcasm and irony, and filled with personal invective. In view of the fact that the sixteenth general assembly would elect Mr. Benton's successor to the senate, great importance attached to the election of its members. Three tickets were in the field, the whig, Benton, and anti-Benton. The rupture in the democratic ranks gave many victories to the whigs who appeared at the session convening on December 30, 1850, with a larger force than ever before. Varying success attended the wings of the democratic party. Austin W. King was governor; Thomas L. Price, (democrat) was pres- ident of the senate; Nathaniel W. Watkins (whig) was speaker of the house.
The joint convention, to elect a United States senator, met on January 10, 1851. Terrible strifes waged between the two wings of democracy. Angry debates and stormy caucuses consumed the time until the 30th, and no choice was made. Steadfastly the whigs adhered to their candidate, knowing that the chasm between the democrats could never be bridged over. Desperation marked the two factions, dubbed "Hards" and "Softs." Finally, on the fortieth ballot, worn out by the fury of the con- flict, each side gave way, and the whigs were triumphant, and Henry. S. Geyer, of St. Louis, was elected. The vote stood, Geyer 80, Benton 55, Stringfellow 18, scattering four.
Benton's service was ended. His career was one of the most remarka- ble ever recorded in the annals of our country. For thirty years had he guided with vigorous intellect and eloquent speech the destinies of Mis- souri and the west. His name and fame had become national, and while not without his faults, his love for the principles in which he believed, won
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for him the grateful reverence of thousands of hearts. History now cher- ishes his memory for his great independence, and his matchless devotion to that which he believed to be right.
On August 30, 1852, a special session of the seventeenth general assembly was called by a proclamation of Gov. King. The object of this call session was to pass upon matters concerning internal improve- ments in the state. It was in its purpose a railroad convention. Resolu- tions were passed accepting grants of land by congress to aidin the con- struction of various railroads, the most important being the Hannibal & St. Joseph. The legislature did not adjourn until December 25.
The cause of this protracted session was not the transaction of legiti- mate business. The organization of the house consumed most of the time. The slavery question was revived and discussed long and ably by the most talented men of the state. The fight over the speaker- ship was as if the life or death of faction or party depended upon it. A compromise, by which a Benton democrat became speaker for the special session only, was effected after extended wrangling.
Of the work accomplished at the regular session of the seventeenth gen- eral assembly, very little can be said. The assembly met on Monday, December 27, 1852, and a final adjournment was had on February 24. There was another intense struggle over the speakership. Among the leaders are names afterward to be distinguished by bearing high honors. The friends of Benton were Frank P. Blair, B. Gratz Brown, John D. Stevenson. The anti-Benton leaders, C. F. Jackson, R. M. Stewart, J. F. Benjamin, strenuously upheld the famous "resolutions," while the whig forces were led by such men as James O. Broadhead, Samuel H. Woodson, and Charles H. Hardin. Reuben Shelby, the speaker of the extra session, was re-elected. The newly elected governor and lieutenant-governor, Sterling Price and Wilson Brown, were inaugurated. Storms of angry discussion swept constantly across the proceedings.
The session of the eighteenth general assembly, which met December 25, 1854, passed with little to record above the usual routine of business. William Newland, a whig, was elected speaker: David R. Atchison's term of office expired, and the duty of electing his successor devolved upon this assembly. The candidates were: D. R. Atchison, Thomas H. Benton, A. W. Doniphan. Atchison was anti-Benton in politics, and Doniphan was a whig. Atchison and Doniphan usually ran about even, while Benton fell about ten votes behind. After twenty-five ballots, Wil- liam Scott, of the supreme court, and Sterling Price, then governor, were successively substituted for Atchison, but with no avail. So firm were the parties, that after a recess, from March 5 until the ensuing November, the status of each was substantially the same, and the assembly adjourned sine die, December 13, without making a choice. The same furor of
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partyism existed, and, though eloquence and statesmanship of a high order existed, the slavery question came no nearer a settlement.
The winters of 1854-5-6 were rife with wild political turmoil. The national congress was almost chaotic. The people of all the states were vehemently applauding or bitterly denouncing, as victory came to or went from their champion leaders: The cause of all the excitement was the admission of Kansas and Nebraska.
It is not our purpose here to narrate the various actions and attempts at legislation, pro and con, hinging upon the question of slavery, which occu- pied congress during the years mentioned. History itself, at this time, can only fittingly give results. The great current of underfeeling cannot now be rightly appreciated. Since the world began, good men have honestly held opposite opinions, and have been willing, times without number, to sacrifice property and life in their maintenance. We, of to-day, can only approximate the earnestness felt in this great question. Even those who passed through it all, can now only look back with wondering eyes. Peace can scarcely comprehend war.
Missouri, from its position, beheld in the settlement of the plan of organization of Kansas and Nebraska along her western border, some- thing of vital moment to her interests. In 1854 a bill passed congress after an animated debate of some three weeks' duration, which declared the "compromise " of 1820 "superseded " by the legislation of 1850, and made inoperative thereby, explained, however, by the following amend- ment: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States."
This changed the seat of war to the territories themselves, and here the battle waxed hot.
The effect of this change upon the peace and dignity of Missouri is sad in the extreme. So high ran the riot of opinion along her western boundary that scenes of violence and even bloodshed were enacted. Within the territory of Kansas civil war itself broke out, and the birth of the state was amid the throes of a disrupted commonwealth. The sympa- thy of Missourians with the pro and anti-slavery parties materially strengthened the conflict.
It was during this struggle that the question of discontent among the states took shape. There was no longer any doubt as to the "bone " of contention; and while it was possible, viewed from to-day, to have restored harmony and still have preserved the union, yet precipitate action hurried the nation to the doom of rebellion.
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The final outcome of the Kansas troubles was its admission as a free state.
It is right and proper here to notice the prominent part which James S. Green played in the debates in congress. Mr. Green was elected in 1857 to succeed Thomas H. Benton. He became the antagonist of Mr. Doug- las, and one of the most noted of the pro-slavery leaders.
In 1856 the nineteenth general assembly elected Trusten Polk, then governor of the state, to succeed Geyer in the United States senate. James S. Green was also re-elected. Until the special election for gover- nor, Hancock Jackson, lieutenant-governor, filled the chair. In 1857 R. M. Stewart, of Buchanan, was elected over James S. Rollins, of Boone, by 334 majority.
We have now brought our sketch to the eve of the mighty struggle of the states, the terrible war of the rebellion. Forty years have elapsed since the admission of Missouri into the union, during which time her population has vastly increased, civilization has widened to the bounda- ries, manufactures have sprung up in multiplied places, railroads exist, agricultural products are abundant, and the wealth of the state heralds her name abroad. We have shown the progress of the settlement of the wonderful valley-the onward march of the European, bearing in his hand the torch of liberty and law. We have shown the retreat of the red man, and the tenacity with which he held to his special hunting- grounds, his treachery and ultimate ruin. In government, the gradual growth of order has been depicted. Colonization has been developed according to natural laws. The appearance of steam has been heralded. The complimentary visits of those whose words of praise became oracles of future good, have been recorded. The desolation of fevers and wars has been painted. The work of the fire demon has been noticed. The desperate encounter with Mormonism has been seen. The white banner of education has been hailed with delight. The fierce heart-throbbings of patriotism, the sharp clashings of mind over opinion, the battle of words and the war of ideas, have all been photographed. The importance of the institution of slavery has been faithfully enunciated.
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