USA > Missouri > Johnson County > The history of Johnson County, Missouri : including a reliable history of the townships, cities, and towns, together with a map of the county; a condensed history of Missouri; the state constitution; an abstract of the most important laws etc > Part 9
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And now, with forty years of history as varied almost as that of the nation itself, there hangs above Missouri, as over the nation, the black gloom of fratricidal war.
It will not here be out of place, before we enumerate the various statis tics of Missouri in 1860, to glance for a moment at the republic itself.
The following English estimate will be read with interest:
The United States were colonized a century later than Spanish America; but their brilliant and rapid progress shows, in a striking light, how much more the prosperity of nations depends on moral, than on physical advantages. The North Americans had no gold mines, and a territory of only indifferent fertility, (true
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of New England,) covered with impenetrable woods; but they brought with them intelligence, industry, a love of freedom, habits of order, and a pure and severe morality; armed with these gifts of the soul, they have converted the wilderness into a land teeming with life, and smiling with plenty; and they have built up a social system, so pre-eminently calculated to promote the happiness and moral improvement of mankind, that it has truly become the envy of nations. The characteristic facts in their condition are the non-existence of titles, of priv- ileged classes, of corporations in our sense of the term, of a landed aristocracy, of mendicity except to a very limited extent, and of an endowed church. The cheapness and efficiency of the government, the universality of education, the omnipresence of its periodical press, the high feeling of self-respect which exists in the very humblest classes, and the boundless spirit of enterprise which per- vades society from top to bottom. The higher classes are less polished than in England, the middle are, perhaps, less carefully instructed; but the American people, taken collectively, are better educated, and have more intelligence and manliness of character than any other nation of the world.
This, though written later, was pre-eminently true in 1860: The follow- ing resume of agriculture in the United States, though not statistical, shows the extent and variety of production at the commencement of the rebel- lion.
Agriculture has ever been the staple pursuit of the North Americans, and agricultural products have always constituted their principal articles of, export. The first exports of the early colonists were the natural products of the forest: fur, lumber, pitch and tar, pot and pearl ashes, with some cattle and provisions, constituted the chief articles of trade from the northern provinces in the early part of the eighteenth century; but rice and tobacco had even then become important items of exportation from the southern colonies. At a late period, wheat became the great staple of the middle and western states, and cotton that of the more tropical sections of country. Flax and hemp thrive, particularly in the rich soil of Kentucky and Missouri. Maize being suited to a great variety of soils and situations, is so universally cultivated, as to have received the name of corn as a distinctive appellation. Oats for horses, and rye for distillation, are the prevalent species of grain in the northern states; while in the extreme south the sugar-cane is found to flourish, and to supply almost all the demand for this article for home consumption. Grapes for wine and beats for sugar are articles of prospective culture, regarding the value of which sanguine expectations are entertained. Cotton, the great staple of the United States, is raised in small quantities in Virginia and Kentucky, but is chiefly produced in the country further south. Cotton was first sown in the United States in or about 1787, and was exported in small quantities in 1790. Since then its culture has become enormous. Tobacco has been the staple of Virginia and Maryland since their first settlement, and is also extensively grown in Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri and other states; besides the quantities required for domestic use, large amounts are exported. The sugar-cane is cultivated with success in Louisiana, Florida and Texas. Rice was first cultivated in South Carolina in 1694, since which time its culture has been so successful, that, in addition to supplying the home consump- tion, it affords an annual surplus for the purposes of commerce. Indigo was formerly produced in large quantities in the Carolinas and Georgia, but since the introduction of cotton, the cultivation of this plant bas almost ceased.
The following is the total agricultural wealth in the states and territories in 1860 : Cash value of farms, $6,650,872,517; value of farming imple-
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ments and machinery, $247,027,496; horses, $6,115,458; asses and mules, $1,129,553; milch cows, $8,728,862; working oxen, $2,240,075; other cat- tle, $14,671,400; sheep, $23,307,756; swine, $32,555,267; total value of live stock, $1,107,440,216. Bushels of wheat, 171,183,111; bushels of rye, 20,976,286; bushels of Indian corn, 830,451,707. Tons of hay, 19,- 102,028; bushels of clover seed, 929,010; bushels of grass seed, 901,406; tons of hemp, 104,450; pounds of flax, 3,682,779; pounds of hops, 11,010,- 012; bushels of flax seed, 611,627; pounds of silk cocoons, 6,562; pounds of maple sugar, 38,863,894; hogsheads (1,000 lbs.) of cane sugar, 302,205; gallons of cane molasses, 16,337,080; gallons of sorghum, 7,343,045; gal- lons of maple molasses, 1,944,594; pounds of beeswax, 1,357,864; bushels of oats, 172,574,688; pounds of rice, 197,940,173; pounds of tobacco, 427,890,771; ginned cotton (bales of 400 lbs. each), 5,186,783; pounds of wool, 60,519,364; bushels of peas and beans, 15,280,013; bushels of Irish potatoes, 110,571,201; sweet potatoes, 41,604,302; bushels of barley, 15,635,119; bushels of buckwheat, 17,664,915. Value of orchard prod- ucts, $19,757,561; gallons of wine, 1,860,008; pounds of butter, 460,609,- 862; pounds of cheese, 105,928,135; pounds of honey, 25,128,991; value of home manufactures, $24,358,222; value of animals slaughtered, $212,- 771,363. This flattering exhibit was compiled from the census reports for that year by Mr. W. O. Blake for his history of the rebellion.
Examining the same tables and turning again to Missouri, we find that she contributed to the foregoing, in 1860, as follows :
Cash value of farms, $230,632,126; value of farming implements and machinery, $8,711,508; horses, $61,874; asses and mules, $80,941; milch cows, $345,243; working oxen, $166,588; other cattle, $657,153; sheep, $937,445; swine, $2,354,425; value of live stock, $53,693,673; bushels of wheat, 4,227,586; bushels of rye, 293,262; bushels of Indian corn, 72,- 892,157; tons of hay, 401,070; bushels of clover seed, 2,216; bushels of grass seed, 55,713; tons of hemp, 19,268; pounds of hops, 2,265; pounds of flax, 109,837; bushels of flax seed, 4,656; pounds of silk cocoons, 127; pounds of maple sugar, 142,430; gallons of cane molasses, 22,305; gal- lons of sorghum, 776,101; gallons of maple molasses, 18,289; pounds of beeswax, 79,190; bushels of oats, 3,680,870; pounds of rice, 9,767; pounds of tobacco, 25,086,196; ginned cotton (bales of 400 lbs. each), 100; pounds of wool, 2,069,778; bushels of peas and beans, 107,999; bushels of Irish potatoes, 1,990,850; bushels of sweet potatoes, 335,102; bushels of barley, 228,502; bushels of buckwheat, 182,292; value of orchard products, $810,975; gallons of wine, 27,827; pounds of butter, 12,704,837; pounds of cheese, 259,633; pounds of honey, 1,585,983; value of home manufac- tures, $1,984,262; value of slaughtered animals, $9,844,449. Could the showing of each of the other states and territories be produced, it would 5
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be found that Missouri has a greater variety of products than any other, and greater wealth in proportion to her age.
There were at this time in Missouri 2,800 industrial or manufacturing establishments, whose capital, invested in real and personal estate, was $20,500,000, and the value of whose annual products amounted to $43,500,000.
The population of the state was as follows : Whites, 1,063,509; free colored, 3,572; slaves, 114,931; aggregate, 1,182,012.
Not a railroad was in operation in the state until 1852. The Missouri Pacific was completed to Kansas City in 1865, and to Jefferson City. in 1855.
The first line of telegraph reached St. Louis in 1847.
Education at the period of which we write was gratifying. The gene- ral assembly of 1852-3, incorporated the following section in the school laws: " Hereafter twenty-five per centum of the state revenue shall be annually set apart and become state school moneys, and should be dis- tributed annually for the support of organized school townships." A new and lasting impulse was thus added to schools, and the school apportionment in 1860 reached $262,234. It is true of Missouri that "not a sentiment inimical to the cause can be found in any of her statute books for the sixty years of her existence. No political party has been in the ascendancy in all her history which has arrayed itself against free schools, and her gov- ernors, from 1824 to the present time, have been earnest advocates of a broad and liberal system of education. In 1839 she established a general school law and system, and in 1853 she dedicated one-fourth of her reve- nue annually to the maintenance of free schools. Her people have taxed themselves as freely as the people of any state, and much more liberally than the people of a majority of the states."
These are some of the wonders of forty years of progress. Of the last twenty years we shall speak in future chapters. In 1860 nation and state were alike prosperous. Substantial wealth poured along the highways, or grazed upon a thousand hills, or waited for the touch of man in the bowels of the earth. The tide was at its full, and soon the ebb began.
CHAPTER XV.
Civil History, 1860, 1870-Successive Governors-National Conventions-Creation of a State Convention by Act of the General Assembly-Its Action With Reference to Secession-Extra'Session of Assembly-Resolutions of Mr. Vest-Abandonment of the Capital-Gamble Declared Governor-Various Sessions of Convention and Legis- lature-Act of Secession.
From 1860 to 1870 the state was in the hands of the following gover- nors successively: 1860 to 1864, Claiborne F. Jackson, (Douglas demo-
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crat); 1864 to 1868, Thomas C. Fletcher, (republican); 1868, Joseph W. McClurg, (republican). Jackson was elected over Sample Orr, (Ameri- can), Hancock Jackson, (Breckinridge democrat), James B. Gardenhire, (republican). Thomas C. Reynolds was elected lieutenant-governor . under Jackson. In 1864 Thomas C. Fletcher was elected over the demo- cratic nominee, Thos. L. Price, by about forty thousand majority. In 1868, Joseph McClurg was elected over the democratic nominee, John S. Phelps, by about nineteen thousand majority. The whole number of votes cast in 1868, was 144,887. It is well to preface the narration of events with this succinct statement of facts showing by sharply distinct lines the ultimate results.
As the principles of the various parties, enunciated in their national platforms, shaped in an eminent degree the state issues, we must first examine in our history of the memorable campaign of 1860, the workings of the conventions which placed such presidential aspirants as Stephen A. Douglas, John Bell, John C. Breckinridge and Abraham Lincoln, before the people.
As has elsewhere been mentioned, it is only desired to present an impar- tial picture, free from predilection and from sympathy. The patriotism of to-day deprecates the fact that it is necessary to invoke the sacred pen of history in such a cause.
Some idea has been given of the great questions which had agitated congress during the preceding years. The repeal of the Missouri Com- promise, the controversy over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska, being a part of Missouri's own history, have been laid before the reader. But there were other potent causes to ruffle the deep of public feeling. From time to time northern states had passed what is known as " personal liberty laws." Southern states claimed these to be an infringement upon their rights. The "personal liberty laws " protected fugitive slaves, in that the burden of proof was thrown upon the claimant. So closely allied to the prosperity of the south was the possession of its slave prop- erty at that time, so deep lay the conviction of "states-rights," sovereign and indisputable as they were believed to be, that the statements of her bold leaders were brave and fearless, and seemingly to the north bellig- erent.
When the presidential canvass of 1860 came up, four parties were in the field.
The democratic nominating convention met on April 23d, in Charleston. Thirty-two states were represented. Caleb Cushing was chosen presi- dent. In the construction of a platform, an agreement could not be reached on the subject of slavery. Three reports came before the body from the committee on resolutions. A majority report presented by Wm. W. Avery, of North Carolina; a minority report, presented by H. B.
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Payne, of Ohio, and still another by B. F. Butler, of Massachusetts. The minority report (Douglas platform) was adopted, whereupon the ultra-pro- slavery delegates withdrew, elected James A. Bayard, president, and adopted the Avery resolutions. Both conventions adjourned without making nominations.
On June 18, the convention assembled at Baltimore, with Caleb Cush- ing in the chair. A bitter controversy arose as to whether the pro-slavery delegates should again be admitted to their seats, or the new (Douglas) delegates sent from their respective states. The latter were finally admitted. The delegates of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Mary- land, California, Delaware and Missouri then withdrew, followed by those from Massachusetts, headed by Mr. Cushing. After the retirement of Mr. Cushing, David Tod, of Ohio, presided, and Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, was nominated for president, and James Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, for vice-president. Fitzpatrick resigning, Herschel V. Johnson, of Geor- gia, was put in his place.
On June 23, those who had withdrawn (the ultra-pro-slavery dele- gates) met, placed Mr. Cushing in the chair, nominated John C. Breckin- ridge for president, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for vice-president; then adjourned.
On June the 18th, another convention, composed of the whig and American parties, met in Baltimore. After passing resolutions upholding " the constitution of the country, the union of the states, the enforce- ment of the laws," the convention nominated John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, president and vice-president.
On June 25, the republican party, through its representatives, who had met in Chicago, passed resolutions, almost wholly devoted to declara- tions upon the slavery question, and nominated Abraham Lincoln for pres- ident, and Hannibal Hamlin for vice-president.
In Missouri the republican party cut but little figure in the campaign, though a state ticket was placed in the field, and the nominee for gov- ernor received 6,135 votes.
The fight between the two democratic wings was bitter, and the dis- cord was fomented by the friends of Bell and Everett. The opposing factions, however, united in supporting and thereby electing Claiborne F. Jackson governor of the state. The presidential canvass was prosecuted with vigor and resulted in the election of the Douglas electors.
It is readily seen that there was an extreme lack of harmony in the state. Her position in being the only slave-holding state west of the Mis- sissippi, and her participation in the Kansas troubles made the dissensions fierce. Still there was a strong element of conservatism in the state, and the feeling of this party was expressed by Gov. Stewart in his retiring message to the legislature in the words: " Missouri will hold to the union
.
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so long as it is worth the effort to preserve it. She cannot be frightened by the past unfriendly legislation of the north, or dragooned into secession by the restrictive legislation of the extreme south."
'Governor Jackson, in his inaugural address, boldly stood with the pro- slavery party and declared that the duty of Missouri was "to stand by the south," for her destiny must be the destiny of her kindred states hav- ing a like social organization; in a word, that Missouri must secede.
The student of history knows that the initial step of secession was taken by South Carolina, December 20, 1860. He also remembers that the terrible "fancy-shot " upon Fort Sumter was fired the 12th of April, and that amidst the chaos of events which followed thick and fast upon the attempt to establish "independence " in the south, came the proclamation of President Lincoln on April 15, 1861, calling for "the militia of the several states of the union, to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand, to suppress combinations in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings."
When, then, on the 4th of January, Gov. Jackson delivered his inaugu- ral address, there were only horrible portents of war in the land. The position of Missouri was not yet defined, and while as we have said, the message of Jackson promulgated the idea of secession, it also called for the enactment of a law convening representatives of the people from whom might come the ultimate decision.
It will now be necessary for us in narrating the various events of 1861, to divide the civil and military history of the state. Proceeding with the " civil," we find that in response to the recommendation of Gov. Jackson, the legislature passed a law by which a convention was required to assem- ble on the 28th day of February. The powers of the convention were, however, limited by the following amendment to the original bill: " No act, ordinance, or resolution shall be valid to change or dissolve the politi- cal relations of this state to the government of the United States, or any other state, until a majority of the qualified voters of this state voting upon the question shall ratify the same." The decision, then, of the con- vention was not to be final. The people themselves, each man for him- self, must make the choice as to the position which the state was to hold.
During the passage of this bill through the two houses of the twenty- first general assembly, many important questions of vital interest to the people came up. The scenes were stormy and turbulent. Long discus- sions were held as to the province of conventions. It was finally agreed (as the amendment of Charles H. Hardin, which we have just recited shows) that the convention would be a collection of delegates appointed by the people, through the agency and by the adoption of an act of the
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general assembly, to perform certain determinate functions and duties, which are defined in the commission under which it convenes.
The object of the convention was thereafter stated to be "to consider the relations between the government of the United States, the people and the governments of the different states, and the government and people of the state of Missouri, and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sov- ereignty of the state and the protection of its institutions as shall appear to them to be demanded."
The policy of the state's seceding was freely discussed along the various stages of the passage of the bill which was to create a body whose sole duty was to determine as nearly as possible the issue.
On January 18, the day of the passage of the bill, a message was received from Gov. Jackson, stating that an envoy from the state of Mississippi, Hon. Daniel R. Russell, was in Jefferson City, and would embrace the earliest opportunity to address the assembly. The hall of the house of repre- sentatives was accorded to Mr. Russell the same evening, and a large audience listened attentively to his speech.
Mississippi had at that time formally seceded from the union, and the mission of Mr. Russell was to ask in the name of his state that the peo- ple of Missouri confer through empowered delegates with the people of Mississippi in a convention of representatives assembled as to "the pres- ent threatening relations of the northern and southern sections of the United States, aggravated by the recent election of a president upon principles of hostility to the states of the south," expressing the hope that " Missouri would co-operate with her in the adoption of efficient measures for the common defense and safety of the slave-holding states." But the question had been settled as far as the assembly then deemed necessary.
The celebrated "Peace Congress " from which so much was hoped, was now about to convene. The non-partisan element throughout the union trusted that the black tide of war which threatened to engulf the country could be driven back by an amicable adjustment of conflicting affairs. The plan was embraced by the conservative element of Missouri, and the general assembly appointed as commissioners Messrs. Nat. C. Claiborne, Waldo P. Johnson, John D. Coalter, A. W. Doniphan, Harri- son Hough and A. H. Buckner, who immediately proceeded to Wash- ington.
On Wednesday, March 13, the joint session of the twenty-first gen- eral assembly was held for the purpose of electing a United States senator to succeed James S. Green, whose term of office was about to expire. There were many candidates in the field, and none of the three parties represented in the joint session held numerical power enough to elect their nominee. Among the candidates were James S. Green, (incumbent) a Beckinridge democrat; A. W. Doniphan, Union-Bell-Everett; John S.
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Phelps, Douglas democrat; Thomas B. English, Douglas democrat; Robert Wilson, Union-Bell-Everett, with scattering votes for other distin- guished citizens. On the 15th ballot, Hon. Waldo P. Johnson was elected, the vote standing Johnson, 87; Doniphan, 36; English, 28.
After passing a "Relief Law " designed to alleviate the "financial stringency " that the approach of the dark ill-defined national evil was beginning to be made felt, which law, however, by a decision of the supreme court soon became a dead letter, the twenty-first general assem- bly adjourned sine die on March 28, 1861.
It was soon after convened by proclamation of Gov. Jackson, in extra session, but before we relate its doings it will be proper to review the state convention provided for by the bill which passed the regular session in January.
In conformity with the requirements of the bill, Gov. Jackson notified the sheriffs of the various counties to give notice that the election of dele- gates would be held on Monday, February 18, 1861.
The issue between candidates at once became sharp and distinct, for or against secession. While the contest was animated, and in some cases bitter and repulsive, there ran through the populace a tremor of uncer- tainty begetting a disposition of neutrality. Grave discussions mingled with fiery partisan speeches were heard. Various questions which sprang up, touching the main issue, were exhaustively discussed by both the candidates and press.
Speaking of the times one'narrator says: "At the time when this elec- tion for delegates was held, the public sentiment of the state had unques- tionably settled in favor of a continuance of Missouri within the union, and in hostility to secession, except to resist coercion, Mr. Seward and Mr. Cameron had made their conciliatory speeches in the senate; a loud voice was heard all over the central states calling for the immediate adop- tion of measures for the salvation of the union, and the adjustment of all questions of difference between the contending sections; assurances of Crittenden and Douglas were made that an adjustment would take place; and the general belief out of congress was that in less than ninety days all the difficulties would be honorably settled, unless the extreme republi- cans should defeat all concessions, or unless South Carolina should deter- mine to bring about a war by making an attack upon the forts or forces of the United States."
In Missouri the spirit of conservatism prevailed.
A large number of union men were elected. The convention assembled at Jefferson City, February 28. A rule was adopted requiring the mem- bers to take an oath to support the constitution of the United States and of the state of Missouri. Nothing of importance was transacted, and the convention adjourned to meet at St. Louis, March 4. Assembling
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there at the appointed time, the convention was immediately addressed by Mr. Glenn, a commissioner from Georgia, who urged upon Missouri the wisdom of following the action of his own state in withdrawing from the union. On the day after the address, resolutions were adopted dissenting to the views expressed, and declining to secede. Following this action various resolutions, mostly of a conciliatory nature, were read and referred.
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