USA > Mississippi > Encyclopedia of Mississippi History Comprising Sketches of Counties, Towns, Events, Institutions and Persons, Vol. II > Part 84
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cotton ; partly fertile bottoms, and partly hill lands, where the soil is not so good. All the agricultural crops, fruits and vegetables common to the central part of the State are raised in fair abundance. Sheep raising and animal husbandry are profitable, as the pastur- age is good, wood range in summer and switch-cane on the bottoms in winter. The climate is mild and healthful and schools and churches are to be found in every neighborhood. No manufactures of importance are to be found in the county, though the census lists some 46 small ones.
The following statistics, taken from the twelfth United States census for 1900, relate to farms, manufactures and population : Number of farms 2,400, acreage in farms 270,831, acres improved 75,602, value of lands exclusive of buildings $749,490, value of build- ings $335,620, value of live stock $421,041, total value of products not fed to stock $751,744. The number of manufactures was 46, capi- tal invested $66,914, wages paid $7,796, cost of materials $47,135, total value of products $80,672. The population in 1900 consisted of whites 10,695, colored 2,360, total 13,055, increase of 2,420 over the year 1890. The total assessed valuation of real and personal property in Smith county in 1905 was $1,996,641 and in 1906 it was $3,404,118 showing an increase during the year of $1,407,477.
Smithdale, a post-hamlet in the northeastern part of Amite county, on the east fork of the Amite river, about 16 miles from Liberty, the county seat. Summit, 11 miles east, on the Illinois Central R. R., is the nearest railroad and banking town. Smithdale has two churches. Population in 1900, 31.
Smith, James Argyle, a native of Tennessee, was appointed from Mississippi to West Point in 1849, and after his graduation was on duty with the United States army in the west until 1861, when he resigned and accepted a commission as captain in the Confed- erate States army. In 1862 he was adjutant-general of General Polk's army until Shiloh, when he was second in command of a regiment. He commanded the Fifth Confederate regiment at Per- ryville, Murfreesboro and Chickamauga, winning promotion to brigadier-general. At Missionary Ridge he was distinguished for gallantry and was shot through both thighs. On recovery he led his brigade at the battle of Atlanta and was again wounded. When Major-General Cleburne was killed at Franklin, Smith took com- mand of his division, and his last service was at Bentonville, N. C. After the war he made his home in Mississippi, being engaged in farming from 1866-1877, and in the latter year was elected State superintendent of education, an office he held until 1886.
Smiths Mills, a post-hamlet in the northern part of Carroll county, on Potacocowah creek, about 15 miles north of Carrollton, the county seat. Population in 1900, 15.
Smith Station, a hamlet in the western part of Hinds county, on the Big Black river, and a station on the Alabama & Vicksburg R. R., 16 miles by rail east of Vicksburg. It has rural free delivery from the town of Edwards. Population in 1900, 24.
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Smithville, a village in the northern part of Monroe county, 21/2 miles east of the East fork of the Tombigbee river, and 24 miles northeast of Aberdeen, the county seat. Amory is the nearest railroad and banking town. It has two churches, and a money order postoffice. Population in 1900, 150.
Smyrna, a post-hamlet of Attala county, 9 miles southeast of Kosciusko, the county seat, and nearest railroad and banking town. Population in 1900, 30.
Snell, a postoffice of Clarke county.
Snoody, a postoffice of Kemper county, 5 miles southwest of De- kalb, the county seat. Population in 1900, 23.
Snowden, a postoffice of Lauderdale county, about 14 miles north of Meridian.
Society, Colonization. This society was organized by a few philanthropic men in Mississippi, to co-operate with the American society under the presidency of Bushrod Washington, of Virginia. James G. Birney, of Huntsville, Ala., a lawyer and planter and one of the organizers of the State of Alabama, was appointed in July, 1832, agent of the Colonization society for Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Arkansas. It was after his efforts in this field that Birney became an abolitionist.
The American Almanac (1833) said of Mississippi: "Free blacks, of intelligence and respectability, have been sent to Liberia, to examine the prospects. Auxiliary societies have been formed in several counties, and they number among their numbers many of the most intelligent and wealthy planters." At the annual meet- ing in 1836 the society resolved to purchase a suitable territory in Africa for colonization by free negroes from Mississippi and such negroes as might be freed. The strain upon the social and State organization of maintaining the system of slavery was making it impossible to allow slaves to be freed and then to remain in the State, although not a few slave owners desired to free slaves from time to time. A committee of the Mississippi society acquired a region on the river Sinoe, and as there was delay in taking posses- sion, the society resolved in 1837 to "go onward notwithstanding the empty condition of the treasury, and to rely on the prompt liberality of the friends of the measure, and of the cause of African colonization, for the necessary funds." They resolved to call the country "Mississippi in Africa," and to name the main town "Green- ville," in memory "of the late James Green of Adams county and as a memorial of his munificent bequests to the cause of African colonization ;" that an expedition should be prepared as soon as possible, to sail from New Orleans ; that the parent society should take temporary supervision of the colony, and Rev. R. S. Finley was appointed general agent. Stephen Duncan was president of the Mississippi society, Thomas Henderson, secretary, and other mem- bers were John Ker, F. Beaumont, and Levin Wailes .- (Natchez Courier & Journal, Jan. 27, 1837.)
The annual meeting of 1838 was held at the Methodist church, at Natchez, with addresses by the Reverends Winans, Page, Drake
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and Winchester. In this year the society owned the brig "Mail," which sailed from New Orleans in March with a company of emi- grants from Mississippi, bound for "Mississippi in Africa."
The will of Capt. Isaac Ross, of Jefferson county, who died Jan. 16, 1836, provided that the bulk of his estate should be applied to the support of education in Liberia, and such of his slaves as so desired should be sent there by his executors, "there to remain free." Suit was brought by the widow and children to set aside the will. One of the two children was Margaret A., wife of Thomas B. Reed (q. v.). Upon the bequest being sustained by Chancellor Edward Turner, there was an appeal to the High Court. S. S. Prentiss argued in behalf of the Colonization society. The popular points in the opposing argument, made by Daniel Mayes, as at- torney for the heirs, embraced the following :
"Slavery is a cherished institution of Mississippi. . Her interest, her feelings, her judgment and her conscience alike con- spire to sustain it. . Is it not necessary, to maintain the institution of slavery and to rescue our wives and our children from the horrors of insurrection and servile war, that we hold out no inducements to abolitionists and emancipators to visit our State and inculcate and disseminate their principles? . Is it not a part of the policy of Mississippi to protect her citizens against fanaticism in religion and a morbid sensibility on the subject of
slaveholding? The existence and promotion of the Roman Catholic religion, at Rome or in France, comes no more in conflict with the policy of England, than does the education of negroes in Africa come in conflict with the policy of Mississippi. Al- though the colonization society is established to colonize, on the coasts of Africa, such free persons of color as may voluntarily go, or such slaves as may be manumitted by their owners with a view to colonization, do not the members of that society look forward to the entire overthrow of African slavery as an ultimate consequence to their design? Is it not part of the policy of Mississippi to support the institution of slavery?"
The opinion of the court, delivered by Judge Trotter, December term, 1840, was that slaves were property under the law and could be freely renounced by the owner unless there were something in slave property different from other property. Captain Ross could not in his lifetime emancipate a slave, in Mississippi, for that was forbidden by statute. But he had a perfect right to take his slaves to Africa and there free them, in his lifetime, and this right he could carry out by will. His provision that the slaves should remain there free, made absurd the suggestion that he meant to evade the law. The law against emancipation was designed to prevent the increase of free negroes in Mississippi. Hence the opinion of the chancellor was sustained. The case was a very famous one and occasioned much agitation. (See Freeman's Chancery Reports, Supreme court reports, and Claiborne's Mississippi, 386-391.)
It was subsequently enacted by the legislature that "it shall not be lawful for any person either by will, deed, or other conveyance,
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directly or in trust, or otherwise, to make any disposition of any slave or slaves for the purpose or with the intent to emancipate such slave or slaves in this State, or to provide that such slaves be re- moved to be emancipated elsewhere, or by any evasion or indirec- tion so to provide that the colonization society, or any donee or grantee, can accomplish the act, intent or purpose, designed to be prohibited by this article."
The newspaper files show that meetings of the society were held in Mississippi as late as during the Mexican war. The society was courageously preaching in Mississippi that the end of slavery as a profitable status was in sight, if not already at hand, and the coloni- zation of negroes in Africa was the only solution of the problem that remained. But they were denounced alike by the rabid Abolitionists in the North, and the rabid pro-slavery element in the South, and were soon submerged by the tide of angry debate that led to war.
In the time of the "Exodus" (q. v.), 1880, Rev. C. K. Marshall, of Vicksburg, delivered an address before the board of directors of the Colonization society, at Washington, D. C., in which he said : "The South is no longer what it was when this society was organ- ized. The negro is no longer a bondsman. Nor yet is he altogether a freeman," He did not believe "the peasantry of any country, ancient or modern, ever made so great progress in any ten decades as the negroes of the South have done. . less comfortable, less moral, less happy now than formerly, with Still the negro is
exceptional cases. . . The Caucasian lifts his unattainable altitude in his presence and overwhelms and disheartens him. Among millions of his own race, it would be quite otherwise." He called attention to Africa impenetrable while the abolitionists were being rejected at the doors of parliament and congress; the Coloni- zation society planting a colony on the coast; then the Great war with the result of millions of blacks in America free to go where they please; then the explorations of Livingston and Stanley. "Migration is the normal condition of the human race. It is the founder of nationalities. It is the Christianizer of all peoples. It will be the salvation of Africa. Africa, the Rachel of nations, has long mourned the robbery and enslavement of her off- spring. Let her not forever weep." The same doctrine that Amer- ican slavery would work out in the end for the good of the African continent, was held in Virginia and Maryland before the Revolu- tion.
Societyhill, a post-hamlet in the southeastern part of Lawrence county, about 16 miles from Monticello, the county seat. Popula- tion in 1900, 25.
Sol, a post-hamlet of Neshoba county, 8 miles south, southwest of Philadelphia, the county seat. Population in 1900, 24.
Sonora, a post-hamlet of Chickasaw county, 5 miles south of Houston, one of the county seats and the nearest railroad town. Population in 1900, 22.
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Sontag, a post-hamlet in the northwestern part of Lawrence county, about 9 miles from Monticello, the county seat. It is a station on the spur line of the Illinois Central R. R., which runs from Brookhaven to Monticello. Population in 1900, 25, and in 1906 was estimated at 50.
Soso, a station on the Laurel branch of the Gulf & Ship Island R. R., in the northwestern part of Jones county, 10 miles by rail from Laurel, the nearest banking town. It has a money order post- office. Population in 1900, 50.
Sowellville, a postoffice of Panola county, 5 miles northeast of Sardis, the nearest railroad and banking town.
Spanish Conquest. On May 8, 1779, Charles III of Spain gave out a formal declaration of war against Great Britain, and on July 8, his subjects in America were authorized to participate in hos- tilities. This meant the repossession of Florida, a project which had been entertained by the Spanish at New Orleans for some time. It is impossible to doubt that in the long negotiations that pre- ceded the declaration of war by Spain, the acquisition of territory was fully discussed, and that the movements of Spain also looked toward a renewed possession of ancient Louisiana, eastward to the Mobile and the Alleghanies, by France. The news of war was received joyfully by young Bernardo de Galvez, colonel of the Louisiana regiment and temporary governor of the province. It gave him an opportunity to gain the advantage of the first blow, and end the strain of a situation in which he had reason to fear invasion both from West Florida and the United States. He promptly submitted a plan for attack on the Manchac, Baton Rouge and Natchez posts, to a council of war, which advised delay, hoping for re-inforcements. But Galvez may have known that Col. Campbell, at Pensacola, had been appealed to from Manchac for British reinforcements. He carried forward his preparations, under the veil of making ready a post on the Manchac for defense. August 22 was the day set for the march from New Orleans, but on the 18th a great hurricane swept over the lower Mississippi, destroying many buildings in New Orleans and on the plantations for forty miles along the river. Cattle were killed, crops were ruined, and general consternation prevailed. All the vessels pre- pared for the invasion of West Florida, save one, went to the bot- tom of the river.
Galvez would not permit this disaster to defeat his enterprise. By working day and night he restricted the inevitable delay to a few days. Calling the people of New Orleans together, he revealed for the first time that his commission as governor had come from Madrid with the notice of war, but he would not accept it or take the oath until they had promised to stand with him to conquer or die. The response was as hearty as he could wish. France and Spain were now united in war on Great Britain, and the Louisiana people could act heartily in accord. The French, indeed, were more enthusiastic than the Spanish. Galvez raised his sunken boats and procured others from up river. These were to form a fleet. loaded
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with provisions, munitions and ten pieces of artillery, to move up the Mississippi, as his little army advanced. August 27 the gov- ernor started out to recruit on the German and Acadian coasts, leaving Lieut .- Col. Don Pedro Piernas in charge at New Orleans. On the same day the little army of invasion marched. In com- mand, under Galvez, was Col. Manuel Gonzales with Don. Estevan Miro next in rank. There were 170 veterans, 330 recruits, 20 cara- binieres, 60 militia, Oliver Pollock and nine other Americans, 80 free blacks and mulattoes; in all 670 men. On the march they were joined by 600 more militia and 160 Indians. This strength was reduced by the fatigue of the march of 115 miles, so that the force was about 1,000 when the flag of Fort Bute was sighted, Sept. 6. At this time, says Gayarre, Galvez first revealed to the troops that they were to invade and conquer, not merely guard the Spanish line. The commander posted his regulars to meet any force that should approach by the lake route from Pensacola, and prepared to attack the fort with his other troops. Lieut. Dickson, in command for the British, had called for help from Pensacola, and on its failure to arrive had left a small garrison at Bute and retired to Baton Rouge, a more defensible position. The Wal- decker grenadiers sent by Campbell to reinforce Dickson were on the way. On the 7th Galvez assaulted the fort. We may be per- mitted to believe that the garrison of twenty privates, "a captain and two lieutenants," were summoned to surrender, though Gay- arré does not mention it. The resistance was nominal, but re- sulted in the death of one private. Six escaped, and the rest became prisoners of war.
On the 8th the Louisiana army marched for Baton Rouge, fif- teen miles distant. Col. Grand Pré, with forces from Point Coupeé, had already taken two British outposts on Thompson's Creek and the Amite, and stationed himself to cut off communi- cation with Natchez. The capture of 'Baton Rouge was a more difficult proposition than the reduction of Manchac. "The fort was surrounded by a ditch, eighteen feet wide and nine in depth; it had, besides, very high walls, with a parapet protected by chevaux de frise, and a garrison of 400 regulars and 100 militiamen, and was supplied with thirteen pieces of heavy artillery." (Gayarre.) Galvez halted a mile and a half from this work, and took his artil- lery from the boats. Advancing, he sent some militia, Indians and negroes to occupy a wooded place near the fort and by a feigned attack to draw the British fire while, under shelter of the night, the artillery was posted in an advantageous position, screened by a garden. Next day, September 21, the Spanish batteries opened, and the guns of the fort replied. This artillery fight lasted until half past three in the afternoon, when a flag of truce was sent out with an offer to capitulate. Galvez would have nothing but un- conditional surrender of Baton Rouge and Fort Panmure, with the dependent districts, and these terms were agreed upon. After 24 hours the garrison, 375 strong, marched out with honors, and delivered up arms and flags, becoming prisoners of war. Upon
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the settling of the terms of capitulation a captain and 80 men started toward Fort Panmure, 130 miles distant, to take possession of that post, which was garrisoned by 80 grenadiers and their offi- cers, according to the Louisiana account. In these forts at Baton Rouge and Natchez were also a considerable number of militia which had been raised among the settlements, and some free ne- groes. These were not held as prisoners, but sent to their homes, probably under parole. A hint of what the campaign meant in the Natchez district may be found in a report of Galvez that the Indians behaved with unusal humanity, doing no injury whatever to the fugitives they captured, even bringing in, in their arms, the children who took refuge in the woods with their mothers. As Galvez withdrew to New Orleans with his prisoners, he put in command of the conquered region Charles de Grand Pré, with headquarters at Baton Rouge, and subordinate officers and garri- sons at Manchac and Natchez. The Waldeckers at Fort Panmure seem to have remained there until the middle of October.
Naval operations aided to make the campaign a brilliant suc- cess. A schooner flying the American flag, owned by one Pikle (or Pickler) and fitted out at New Orleans, captured a British privateer, the West Florida, on Lake Pontchartrain. Vincent Rieux, a Creole, in command of a sloop of war, captured on Bayou Manchac a barque from Pensacola, carrying a company of Wal- deckers and military supplies. Several other captures were made by the gunboats.
Altogether, the result was so gratifying, particularly to the Acadians, that Julien Poydras celebrated the glory of the cam- paign in a poem that was printed by government authority. Ad- miral Ulloa, remembered as first Spanish governor at New Orleans, was expected to cooperate in command of a Spanish fleet, but it appears that after sailing from Spain he became engaged in some mathematical investigations and forgot to open his sealed letters of instructions. This possibly accounts for the delay in continuing the conquest.
In October reinforcements came from Havana, and Galvez was soon notified of his promotion to brigadier-general. Miro and Piernas were also advanced. On February 5, 1780, the general sailed from the Balize with 2,000 men in 11 vessels. Again a storm almost wrecked his enterprise. Some of his vessels were stranded and great damage was done to his supplies and ammunition. Campbell, at Pensacola, hearing of this, seems to have hastily con- cluded that Galvez needed no further attention. But the young Spaniard did not give up. The capture of a British victualler ship, carrying goods to Mobile for an Indian congress, brought some comfort to the shattered expedition. A landing was effected on Mobile bay, just below Choctaw point, but in such disorder and after so much delay that Galvez would have given orders to retreat overland to New Orleans, if the English at Pensacola had shown any signs of aggressiveness. Taking heart, on March 1st he boldly advanced on Fort Charlotte, where Durnford was in command of
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about 300 men and some volunteers. Ih response to an appeal from Durnford, Campbell sent forward the remainder of the Wal- deck regiment March 5, and followed next day with the provin- cials, having in all 522 men. It was a march of ?2 miles through the wilderness. Reaching the Tensas on the 10th he set about the building of rafts. Meanwhile the walls of the fort had been breached with artillery, and Durnford surrendered, with the honors of war, March 14. Campbell retreated, and the Spaniards at- tempted to pursue, but were held in check by the Choctaw and Chickasaw warriors, who had come to the assistance of the Eng- lish.
Galvez was now promoted to major-general. Pensacola re- mained to be taken, in order to complete the conquest of West Florida, and for this he made his base of operations mainly at Havana. Campbell had about 800 soldiers, and the steadfast as- sistance of the Creeks, Chocktaws and Chickasaws. In January, 1781, he sent out an expedition westward, which attacked an out- post of Mobile, and was repulsed with the loss of the commander.
The troops from Havana, landed on Santa Rosa island in March, 1781, were supported by all that could be spared from New Orleans and Mobile, under Miro. Still, the campaign might have failed. through the Spanish commodore's caution, if Galvez had not gone on board one of his Louisiana gunboats, under Captain Rousseau, and run the batteries unharmed. After the arrival of another fleet from Havana, and a formidable siege, Campbell surrendered the garrison May 9, 1781. At the same time Governor Chester sur- rendered possession of the province of West Florida, pledging its evacuation by British subjects within 18 months. The garrison was paroled, as against Spain and her allies, and, with the troops from Mobile, and other posts, were carried to Brooklyn and added to the British forces available against the United States, of which Spain was not an ally. Being accused of bad faith Galvez wrote an explanation to Count de Grasse, commanding the French fleet. which was communicated to Gen. Washington, claiming that he was under the necessity of granting terms that Campbell de- manded.
Further operations in Florida were deferred while Galvez took command of a great military and naval expedition prepared at San Domingo to conquer the island of Jamaica. But about this time the British navy began to get in action; Rodney destroyed the French fleet of De Grasse, and Galvez ended his career of conquest by taking the Bahamas.
The English posts in the interior were possessed by the Span- iards, so far as it could be done without interference with the Americans. Far in the north, a Spanish party marched in the snows of winter across Illinois and captured a little British post at St. Joseph (Michigan), in order to unfurl the banner of Spain throughout the interior of the continent.
West Florida was now under Spanish control, by conquest, but the war continued in other parts of the world, between Spain and
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England, until peace was made at Versailles, September 3, 1783. The purport of this treaty was that Great Britain submitted to the conquest of West Florida, and gave up East Florida also, in ex- change for Galvez' other conquest, the Bahamas. Minorca also remained in the hands of Spain. Her tremendous effort to capture Gibraltar had failed, but she was again in possession of the Amer- ican gulf, and the treaty was so drawn that she was able to make indeterminate pretentions to the Mississippi valley eastward.
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