USA > North Carolina > Biographical history of North Carolina from colonial times to the present; > Part 20
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"That I could go to Congress without difficulty I entertain no doubt," he writes in the same letter. "The dangerous diadem has flittered before my vision and ambition frequently lingers with delight in tracing the out- line of the delusion, but interest, and in my opinion sound judgment, for- bid the thought."
But even then he was in politics. He was a member of the House of Commons in 1818 and 1819 from Orange County; served on the judiciary and education committees; strongiy ad- vocated the organization of a distinct Supreme Court and favored calling a Constitutional Convention, one of the burning questions of that day. By the Legislature of 1819 he was elected (December 22, 1819) a Judge of the Superior Court of Law and Equity to succeed Judge Toomer, resigned. There is a story that he was the candidate of his old instructor, Judge Cameron, then a member of the State Senate from Orange. John Stanly had boasted that he would give the vacant judgship to his young kins- man, George E. Badger. Cameron's first candidate was William Norwood, of Hillsboro. Finding that he could not beat Stanly with Norwood, young Mangum was brought out and elected. He rode one of the eastern circuits, but the climate did not agree with him, and after a year of work on the bench he re- signed, November, 1820, and returned to the practice of law.
In 1823 he became a candidate for the 18th Congress (1823-25) from what was then the eighth district, composed of Orange, Person and Wake. His opponent was General Daniel L.
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Barringer, a resident of Raleigh. The election was held in August, 1823, for until 1861 Congressional elections were held in the odd years and after the term of service had begun in March. The candidates fought it out on their legislative records and on State issues. The main questions were the proposed amendment to the Constitution making the representation of the two sections equal- the old fight between the sections. Mangum favored such an amendment and Barringer avoided it; he also favored the bill which required the banks to pay specie for their notes while Bar- ringer voted on both sides. Mangum received 2523 votes; Bar- ringer, 1729.
Mangum went to Congress as a Republican, and in the Presi- dential campaign of 1824 was a strong supporter of Crawford. He writes Seth Jones, of Wake, on January 3, 1825 : "I feel it my duty to vote for Mr. Crawford as long as he has the remotest prospect of success." The North Carolina Assembly had nom- inated Crawford, but the State in 1824 cast her vote for Jackson. When the election came up in the House of Representatives Man- gum voted for Crawford and so did the State, as a whole, for Adams received but a single vote and Jackson but two. The fol- lowers of Adams called themselves national Republicans. They contended for the largest latitude in the construction of the Con- stitution, favored internal improvements and encouraged immigra- tion, advocated protection, gave fishing bounties and passed navi- gation acts. This was the "American system" and its advocates formed the nucleus of the Whig Party. On the other hand North Carolina in general favored the strict construction views of Craw- ford, Jackson and the Jefferson Party. It is believed that Man- gum's vote for Crawford instead of Jackson made him unpopular at home. I am told by Major William A. Graham, who, of course, had it from his father, that strong effort was necessary to defeat his opponent for the 19th Congress, 1825-27, in August, IS25. This opponent was Josiah Crudup, a skilful and versatile Baptist preacher. Mangum is credited with saying that Crudup was the most formidable candidate he ever met and that an op- portune rain which prevented Crudup from preaching on a certain
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occasion was all that saved him. He won by a bare majority of fifty-six votes.
During these two terms in Congress Mangum served on the committee on commerce, and on that on the services and sacrifices of LaFayette. He resigned March 18, 1826, and was succeeded by Daniel L. Barringer, Democrat, who took his seat December 4, 1826.
Mangum was on August 18, 1826, appointed by Governor Bur- ton to fill an unexpired term as judge of the Superior Court of Law and Equity. The term for which he was appointed expired the same year and his failure of re-election by the Assembly of that year called out expressions of regret from Nat Macon and others. In 1828 he was an elector on the Jackson-Calhoun Ticket, showing that he had not as yet accepted the principles of Adams, whose re-election was advocated in North Carolina by Gaston and others. Jackson electors were chosen in North Carolina (November 13, 1828). Mangum was again chosen without op- position a judge of the Superior Court (December 10, 1828), to succeed Ruffin. He served in this capacity through 1829 and into the Spring of 1830 (later than April 3, 1830), when he re- signed, presumably to enter the race for Senator.
The first intimations we have of senatorial aspirations is in a letter from his lifelong friend, Thomas J. Green, who writes him May 24, 1828:
"If you could have a desire to return to the Federal city in a higher char- acter than when you left it, go to our next Legislature a member. A word to the wise is sufficient."
There was then no vacancy in the Senate, for Macon did not resign till November 14, 1828, but there is no doubt that Green's letter was in anticipation of such an event, which was probably expected. Mangum withdrew, however, in favor of Iredell, who received the appointment, as is seen from the following letter of General Edward Ward, dated Raleigh, November 30, 1830:
"The friends of Judge Donnel [sic ] are very desirous to know from you whether you are to be a candidate at the present session of the Gen-
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eral Assembly for a seat in the Senate of the next Congress of the United States.
"They are by no means disposed to jeopardize the interests of the Re- publican Party, by starting, or having two candidates of the same party to run, when in all probability the opposite party will start a candidate to defeat their object; your declining to run two years ago, when the Eastern Republicans were anxious to start you, was the cause of Judge Donnel's being brought forward at the last session, and many of his friends are anxious to run him again, but they are, however, anxious to have a friendly understanding with you upon the subject."
Iredell had been elected to fill out Macon's term, which expired March 3, 1831. In 1830 Mangum was a candidate for the full term, as were also Governor Owen, Judge Donnell, R. D. Spaight and Governor Stokes. Mangum was thought to be the most avail- able candidate against what was characterized as the "Spaight faction," composed of R. D. Spaight, Charles Fisher, R. M. Saunders and Joseph H. Bryan as leaders, followed by Stokes, Montgomery, O'Brien, Steadman, Bynum and others. It was thought that Donnell would prevail over Owen in the race for Senator and that Spaight would beat him for Governor (letter of W. M. Sneed, November 18, 1830).
December 2, 1830, Charles L. Hinton writes Mangum :
"There was no general concert, there was a rebellion on the part of the friends of Owen. Donnel [sic], Fisher and Jesse Spaight with a hope of bringing each on the turf. . . . Your angry feelings toward Governor Owen I know can never be allaved. I regret the occurrence. If, as you say, he has ever been your enemy he has deceived me, for during the sum- mer he frequently expressed his preference for you and unwillingness to be in your way."
The fight turned more and more on the defeat of Owen. On December 3d Romulus M. Saunders gives further news of the battle :
"Your letter directing the withdrawal of your name was not received until Owen's nomination and two ballots, having you tied at 89. Yesterday Owen had 97, you 86, 14 blanks. . The intention is if you wish to decline a further ballot and Donnel [sic] or some other person cannot succeed to postpone until the next session. Both your savings and your letters have been misrepresented. The letter you wrote to Governor
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Owen has been used as a menace or challenge, and he has not thought proper to call either for General Ward's letter or Colonel Hinton's . Donnel and friends are prepared to co-operate in whatever shall be deemed advisable. Fisher feels confident your presence and nothing else can save us from Owen's election. I view his success under existing cir- cumstances as fatal to our future prospects."
It seems that Owen was finally induced to withdraw in favor of Mangum, and the latter was chosen Senator. I have not learned with exactness the reason for his anger with Owen save that it grew out of the bitterness of this campaign. But on December Ist, in letters to General Ward and Charles L. Hinton, Mangum took occasion to implicate Owen's "political principles in the strongest and most unequivocal manner," and with that open frankness and chivalrous disregard of personal consequences that characterized him all his life he at once notified Owen of his letters and avowed his willingness to give him the satisfaction then usual among gen- tlemen. Owen considered this a challenge and accepted. Louis D. Henry was his second, while W. M. Sneed, State Senator from Granville, acted for Mangum; but through the mediation of D. F. Caldwell and an intelligence as sensible as unusual, the sec- onds appeased the wrath of the principals, and later they became political friends.
It will be seen that Mangum was elected as a Republican or Democrat, or follower of Jackson. He had been a Jackson elector in 1828, and this contest for Senator seems to have been a sort of friendly squabble among the leaders of the Republican Party. Mangum had as yet developed few of those tendencies which after- ward led him into the Whig Party.
His first important speech on the floor of the Senate seems to have been that on the Tariff of 1832. His sympathies were with the South on that question, and he was by no means in love with Jackson's constitutional views, as announced in his famous proc- lamnation to the people of South Carolina ; but while his sympathies drew him in that direction he was not a nullifier, although often so charged by his enemies. In January, 1832, Mr. Clay proposed the removal of all duties from articles which did not come in com-
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petition with similar articles produced in this country. The effect, and the purpose, was to make necessary higher rates of duty upon the articles which could be or were produced by our people. Mangum said in part :
"Sir, the State from which I come regards this struggle with deep solici- tude, and the most patriotic anxiety. . . . She deprecates the pres- ent system of taxation as especially sectional and selfish, and as gradu- ally undermining the fabric of our noble institutions. She has hitherto acquiesced in this policy with a dignified moderation, looking to the extinguishment of the public debt as a period favorable to the alleviation of her burdens, and as a rectification of the systems. . .
. What is the effect of the resolution upon the table? It is to aggravate the evil. It is to tax the necessaries of the poor man, while the rich man may revel in luxuries as free from taxation as the air he breathes. . . . The only feature of mitigation is to be found in the reduction of revenue. This, however, is more than counterbalanced by the increased inequality in the action of the system."
He controverted the claim of constitutional authority to tax imported foreign goods for purposes of protection. This right was claimed under the clause "to regulate commerce with foreign na- tions," and under this clause they assumed the right to annihilate commerce by the imposition of prohibitory duties. He also dis- sented from the position taken by Jackson in his annual message in December, 1830, in which it was claimed that as the States be- fore the Constitution was adopted had absolute control of the sub- ject, and as the whole authority to regulate commerce was trans- ferred to the general government by that instrument, Congress therefore possessed all the power over the subject which the States had formerly possessed.
After pointing out the inequalities in the working of the tariff and its disastrous effects on the South in piling up money in the hands of manufacturers at the North, he concludes :
"It is money-money-give me money or-sir, if I could coin my heart into gold, and it were lawful in the sight of Heaven, I would pray God to give me firmness to do it, to save this Union from the fearful-the dreadful shock which I verily believe impends."
Of this speech Mangum writes to his wife (February 11th) :
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"I was not exactly pleased with my own effort, yet I have reason to be- lieve that the almost universal opinion of the Senate is that it was elo- quent and powerful."
Mangum was now leaning away from Jackson, but he was not one of those who voted against the confirmation of Van Buren as Minister to England. He spoke on the bill, commonly called the Force Bill, or bill to collect the revenue in South Carolina, on January, 22d, and writes his wife February 2, 1833 :
"We are deeply engaged in the Senate upon South Carolina affairs. I fear we shall make war upon her. I am opposed to all harsh measures."
It was thus that Mangum's alienation from the old Jacksonian republicanism was developed: I. He was hostile to Jackson's tariff system, and also to that of Clay. He believed in a tariff for revenue only ; and indeed Clay at that time was forced by stress of circumstances to abandon protection and come round to his position. In his anxiety to prevent impending war between the sections, Clay, after a conference with Calhoun, drew a bill which his friends first put through the House of Representatives and which he had no difficulty in putting through the Senate, which by a gradual process, running through nine years, com- s. M pletely abandoned protection and brought the duties down to the revenue standard of 20 per cent. ad valorem. As agreed, Cal- houn voted for this bill, and it became a law March 2, 1833, and it settled the sectional troubles of that day. 2. He opposed Jack- son's policy of coercing South Carolina, while himself opposed nullification. 3. In 1834 came up the question of the United States Bank, its recharter, the removal of the deposits, the cen- sure on Jackson and Benton's Expunging resolution. He had long seen the drift in the matter of the bank and had proclaimed his hostility to Jackson as early as January 19, 1832, in a letter to William Gaston :
"I think it is to be very much regretted that the United States Bank has come before Congress at this session. I regard the continuance of that in- stitution as of almost indispensable necessity.
"By deferring its application to next session I have no doubt, with but slight modification (to save appearances), it would have met with the Ex-
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ecutive favor. It is now more than doubtful whether it will-and the whole may ultimately take the appearance of a trial of strength between General Jackson and the bank. In that case the bank will go down. For General Jackson's popularity is of a sort not to be shaken at present. I hope for the best results from the wise and patriotic counsels of Mr. McLane."
4. In the State there was also bitter warfare over the question of instruction of Senators. This principle Mangum denied, while Bedford Brown, his colleague in the Senate (who had succeeded John Branch), accepted. In fact, these two Senators came more and more to represent the two wings into which the old Republi- can Party was splitting in North Carolina as elsewhere. In 1834 they canvassed the State on the subject of instruction. They aroused great interest and some excitement. The partizans of each vied with their opponents in giving the biggest public din- ners and forming the largest processions. Brown stood for the strict construction idea, which supported Jackson and developed into the modern Democratic Party. As we have seen, Mangum was more of a latitudinarian, anti-Jackson, pro-bank, and later came to support Clay. Out of this latter class grew the Whig Party. Besides Clay and Mangum, it numbered among its adher- ents Preston and McDuffie of South Carolina ; Poindexter of Mis- sissippi, Berrien of Georgia, Bell of Tennessee and others. In North Carolina it claimed Badger, Graham, Gaston, the Galeses and others. Hugh L. White, representing the hostility to Van Buren, Jackson's political heir, was the candidate of this still unor- ganized party for President in 1836, and Mangum was freely talked of as his running mate.
The tendency to party cleavage in Mangum's career was accentuated and confirmed by the bank struggle. The Whig Party, of which we may now begin to speak, with the help of Calhoun, concentrated their forces in opposition to Jackson. The United States Bank was selected as the subject over which the trial of strength should be. The bank had never been popular in North Carolina, but under the leadership of Mangum, Gaston and others it gained ground, and branch banks were established. In fact, Iredell writes Mangum February 4, 1832: "Whether right
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or wrong, that bank is at this time very popular in our State; I believe, indeed I know, it has done us vast good, and as yet we have felt no evils from it." Calhoun allied himself with Benjamin Watkins Leigh in Virginia and Mangum in North Carolina, not only because they were representatives of the pro-bank idea, but also because they represented the opposition to receiving instruc- tions from the Assembly, and the party in those States which stood out against the tyranny and extra-constitutional assumptions of Jackson. Mangum voted for the resolution of censure on Jackson for removing the deposits, passed March 28, 1834, and refused to vote for Benton's resolution to expunge the censure. The North Carolina Legislature of 1834-35 was Democratic or pro-Jackson, and hence opposed to Mangum. It availed itself of the oppor- tunity offered and instructed him to vote for the Expunging reso- lution (North Carolina acts, 1834-35, P. 95). These instructions, with a bitter arraignment of the party in power, Mangum refused to obey. He said that in reference to the instructions he would avail himself of the occasion barely to say that he should not con- form to them. He should vote against the Expunging resolution. The Legislature had no right to require him to become the instru- ment of his own personal degradation. He repelled the exercise of so vindictive a power ; and when applied to himself he repelled it with scorn and indignation. The members of the Legislature were servants and representatives of the people. He was likewise one. That they were disposed to guard with jealousy the honor of the State, it was not his province to discuss or question. He, likewise, felt it his duty to guard the honor of the State, and not less to guard his own personal honor; both, in his con- ception, imperiously required him to disregard the resolutions ; and, that point being settled in his mind, he trusted no one who knew him would entertain a doubt as to his course on this subject.
His course in the Senate was applauded by his political friends in the State and denounced by his opponents (including Brown, his colleague), but the weight of opinion in the State, so far at least as it found expression in the form of memorials to Con-
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gress, seems to have been decidedly pro-bank and in favor of Mangum.
In 1836 came up for consideration Jackson's scheme of specie payments. Mangum seems to have been rather uncertain as to the proper steps, but even then saw the growing danger from cor- porations. He said on the specie payments matter: That the measure contemplated an important change in the currency of the country, and he preferred it should be left in charge of its friends, who better understood it. He was perfectly ready to vote for it, if it came recommended by the gentlemen from the new. States ; and he was willing to do so because he looked upon it to be a remedy against speculation in the public lands; and because it might possibly bring about a sounder state in the circu- lating medium. They might be chimeras, but he believed that all these wealthy corporate institutions were inimical to a spirit of liberty, which he preferred to all the wealth and splendor of the great cities. Banks, railroads, stock companies of every descrip- tion, might be useful, but he was opposed to them all, because, in his opinion, they were inconsistent with the true spirit of lib- erty. On another occasion he opposed giving pre-emption rights to squatters on the public domain in the West.
The campaign of 1836 was conducted in North Carolina on the United States Bank, nullification and the instruction of Senators. The Legislature chosen was at first Whig, but Muse of Pasquotank resigned and was succeeded by a Democrat. This threw the Legis- lature into the Democratic camp, and Mangum, interpreting this as a condemnation of his course, resigned (last of November or first of December, 1836) and was succeeded by Robert Strange, a Democrat, who took his seat December 15, 1836.
In 1837 the eleven electoral votes of South Carolina, which Calhoun was said to have carried "in his vest pocket," were given to Mangum for President. This, in view of the fact that Mangum had supported some of the policies of the great South Carolinian, raised a howl in the Democratic papers that there had been a cor- rupt bargain between the two. Of this there is no evidence. There is in fact little evidence that the vote of South Carolina was
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due more to the action of Calhoun than of William C. Preston, his Whig colleague in the Senate, a personal friend, and for whom Mangum named his only son (cf. Dodd's Macon, 335-397).
After his resignation from the Senate in 1836 Mangum retired to his plantation and returned to the law ; but politics was to him as the breath of his nostrils. He was no less in public life, though not in public office; in 1837 he declined to become a candidate for the House of Representatives, though strong pressure was brought to bear upon him; but in 1840 he was sent to the State Senate from Orange County. He was chairman of the Commit- · tee on Education and assisted in drawing an act to provide public schools for the State. Although since revised and altered, the Act of 1840 is in reality the basis of the common school system of North Carolina to-day (see Weeks's "Beginning of the Common School System in the South" in Report United States Commis- sioner of Education. 1896-97, p. 1422).
In the meantime the organization of the Whig Party was being perfected. It was composed of men with many different shades of political belief and with very different political antecedents, but all were drawn together by the particular hope of defeating the Locofos, as the Van Buren branch of the Democratic Party was called. The name Whig, so Clay explained, was generic and was expressly adopted to embrace men of all political opinions. In 1839 this newly formed party met in convention in Harrisburg to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. Mangum was a member and went to the convention as a friend of Clay. It was a time when both North and South had to be propitiated in the matter of nominations ; when the nomination for President went to Harrison, Clay's chances were gone. Mangum thought that Clay had been unfairly treated and that his own acceptance of the second. place would prove him untrue to his friend, espe- cially as he was also a member of the convention. This was his reply in substance to a committee which asked him to accept the second place. The committee went to him three times and urged the place upon him, but their solicitations were unheeded. This is the report that comes to me of the matter from his family, and
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I have found contemporary evidence in Niles's Register which confirms this account. The family account says further that when Mangum's name was under consideration Governor Owen, who was president of the convention, remarked, "We have better things in store for Mr. Mangum." This would imply that the North Carolina delegation was not a unit in his support, which we learn also from other sources, and this no doubt had its weight in defeating any aspirations he may have cherished. On the other hand, Dr. Lyon G. Tyler, son of President Tyler, claims that his father was from the first the choice of the convention, while Henry A. Wise, in his uncritical biography of Tyler, "Seven Decades of the Union" (pp. 158, 161, 169), claims that Tyler's nomination had been settled long in advance.
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