USA > North Carolina > Biographical history of North Carolina from colonial times to the present; > Part 31
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"The great purpose of your appointment is to reestablish the authority of the Federal Government in the State of North Carolina, and to provide the means of maintaining peace and security to the loyal inhabitants of that State until they shall be able to establish a civil government."
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General Burnside, who was in command of the Federal forces in North Carolina, was directed to cooperate with Stanly and to furnish any military assistance that might be necessary.
So far as his devotion to the Union was concerned, Mr. Stanly was a most suitable person to "foster Union sentiment" in North Carolina, as the Honorable John S. Ely, of New York, wrote him. But his high temper and his inability to see but one side of a question made him ili-suited for a conciliatory mission such as he was engaged in. The fact that he was a native of North Caro- lina only made his task more difficult.
No sooner had he reached North Carolina than, in seeking to conciliate the people and to execute the laws of the State, he made himself an object of dislike and intense suspicion to the element in Congress and at the North to whom the chief purpose of the war was the abolition of slavery. An enthusiastic gentleman from New England, a Mr. Colyer, had shortly before established a school for negro children in New-Bern. Mr. Stanly informed him that he had been sent there to restore the old order of things, and while he was in full sympathy with charity to the destitute, both black and white, the laws of North Carolina forbade any such undertaking as that in which Mr. Colyer was engaged, and that as governor he could not give his approval, as it would injure the Union cause if, at the beginning of his administration, he should encourage a violation of the law. He gave permission for re- ligious instruction to be given the negroes. In regard to fugi- tive slaves, also, Stanly tock like ground. Slaves were constantly leaving their masters and coming into the Union lines, and in many instances they were taken away by the soldiers and in- formed that they were free. Whenever the owners would take the oath of allegiance to the United States, Stanly had the slaves restored to them. He also threatened with confiscation the own- ers of vessels who carried slaves away from New-Bern.
H. H. Helper, who held some Government position in New- Bern, presumed to advise Stanly as to the policy that he should pursue as military governor, and Stanly at once requested him to leave New-Bern on the ground that his speeches to the soldiers
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and negroes were having a bad effect. Helper was joined by Colyer, and the two went North and furnished the newspapers with a highly colored account of Stanly's actions. In conse- quence the House of Representatives passed a resolution re- questing the President to furnish information in regard to the powers conferred upon Stanly by his appointment as military governor, whether he had interfered to prevent the education of children, black or white, and if so, by what authority? If by the authority of the Federal Government, for what purpose were such instructions given? The Senate passed similar resolutions. Secretary Stanton referred the matter to Stanly, who replied, out- lining his policy and asking for instructions. He acknowledged that he found the negro question perplexing. He had restored slaves to loyal masters, for almost all the inhabitants of New- Bern had gone away and he wished to reassure them that if they should return they would be well treated, believing that unless he could convince them that it was a war of restoration there would be no peace for years to come. He said that he had found that Union men of irreproachable lives sincerely believed that the President proposed the entire destruction and total desolation of the South, with universal emancipation and ruin. He thought that his action in regard to the negro school had been wise and had resulted in good to the Union, but that it had caused trouble in the North, and for that reason he would like to have some in- structions as to his duties and the policy that he should pursue. The following extract will give some idea of the difficulties with which he was confronted almost daily :
"When slaves are taken violently from loyal owners by armed men and negroes, what protection can be given for the future? When per -. sons connected with the army cause slaves to leave their masters, can the latter, if loyal, have permission and protection to prevail on them to return? Will authority be given to prevent the removal of slave prop- erty by vessel without the consent of the owners? If the military gov- ernor should interfere with actions that are in violation of long established laws of the State, and persons connected with the army should make inflammatory appeals to a crowd composed of several hun- dred negroes, exhorting them to violence and bloodshed, what action
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should be taken to prevent its recurrence? When slaves of loyal owners are employed by the United States authorities, can any steps be taken to secure part of their earnings for their owners?"
In addition to these difficulties Stanly was beginning to dis- cover the difference of opinion that had arisen between himself and those with whom he had been intimately associated in the past, and that Union sentiment was at a minimum in North Caro- lina. Even in New-Bern, occupied as it was by Federal troops, very little appeared. This change of sentiment at first seemed inexplicable and incomprehensible. But at last he began to see deeper into the feeling of the people, particularly after a very strong letter from his kinsman, Judge Badger, outlining the posi- tion of the former Union men in North Carolina.
Mr. Badger, in a letter to Mr. Ely, but intended for Mr. Stanly, said :
"There is no Union feeling in North Carolina, as you suppose, and is probably supposed by the generality of Northern men. There was in this State a very strong Union feeling-a strong love for the Union as established by our forefathers-but as soon as Mr. Lincoln's proclama- tion of April, 1861, appeared, offering us the alternative of joining an armed invasion of our Southern sister States for their subjugation, or resisting the authorities of the United States, our position was taken without a moment's hesitation. From that moment. however we may have differed in other things, there has not been, and there is not, any difference; hence our people with one heart sprang to arms."
In the hope of arousing some of the old feeling, he visited some of the Eastern towns where he was well known and which were now occupied by the Federal forces. He made a number of speeches and interviewed the people, but he accomplished little for the Union cause, for he was generally regarded with hatred, suspicion, and contempt as a traitor to his State, and this kept from him the support of all men of character and influence.
The policy of the State Government and of the Confederate officers was to ignore Stanly's pretensions to the office of governor and to communicate officially only with General Burnside. In the Fall of 1862 Stanly wrote to Governor Vance and asked for an interview with him or with any citizens of the State that he might select. He said that he felt sure that North Carolina was
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in the quarrel only through a misunderstanding, and he wished to confer in regard to measures that might lead to an honorable peace; that he was authorized to negotiate an exchange of po- · litical prisoners and wished this interview with its object should be perfectly open. Governor Vance declined to treat with him in any way, as he was without authority from the Confederate gov- ernment to treat for peace, and separate State action was not to be thought of. A correspondence with General D. H. Hill and General S. G. French did not lead to any more hope of recon- ciliation, but, if possible, rendered it more unlikely, since Stanly provoked indignation by the violence of his language. He was greatly handicapped in his peaceful efforts by the operations of the Federal troops in the eastern part of the State. His argument that they were "a glorious army of noble patriots" lost its signi- ficance in view of the constant plundering and burning, and his protests against this were unavailing. General Burnside had for- bidden all unnecessary injury to the property or persons of the inhabitants, but when General Foster assumed command no at- tention was paid to this order. Stanly's last official act was a protest against the conduct of the Federal troops in Hyde County, where the so-called "loyalty" of the population insured no im- munity from outrage and violence at the hands of the Federal troops.
In December Stanly ordered an election to be held for a mem- ber of Congress from the second district. Jennings Pigott, a native of the State who had been a resident of Washington City for many years, and had only returned to North Carolina as pri- vate secretary to Stanly, was chosen. A committee appointed by the House of Representatives to investigate his claim to a seat decided against him, and he was not seated.
In the meantime Stanly had become convinced of the hopeless- ness of his mission. More than that, he was utterly out of sym- pathy with the policy of the administration in regard to the slaves. He protested against the enlisting and drilling of them on the ground that they were, in general, unfit for soldiers in the existing war, and because it created a danger of a servile war. Finally
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on January 15, 1863, he sent his resignation to the President, giving at the same time the reason for his action. He stated that he had assured the people of the State that the administra- tion was only trying to restore the Union and would secure the rights of the people. But since the emancipation proclamation any further assurance of the kind was impossible. Regarding the proclamation, he said :
"It is enough to say I fear it will do infinite mischief. It crushes all hope of making peace by any conciliatory measures. It will fill the hearts of Union men with despair, and strengthen the hands of the detestable traitors whose mad ambition has spread desolation and sor- row over our country. To the negroes themselves it will bring the most direful calamities."
He reviewed his course as military governor and said concern- ing this :
"That I have offended some is probable; but they were those whose schemes of plunder I defeated-whose oppressions of the innocent and helpless I resisted -- those purposes seemed to have been to join or follow the troops, and to encourage and participate in the most shameful pillag- ing and robbery that ever disgraced an army in any civilized land."
His resignation was accepted in March and he returned to California. No successor was appointed. It is not improbable that the position seemed to the President a very useless one. In 1864 Mr. Stanly wrote the President that he had been asked to return to the State, as it was thought in New Bern that his pres- ence would be beneficial to the Union cause. He said that when he could be of assistance in any other capacity than that of gov- ernor, he would be glad to come back. He was never needed and so never came.
Gradually he got completely out of sympathy with the Repub- lican Party on account of the radical policy of Congress. In 1867 he opposed the Republicans in California and canvassed the State, speaking against the election of the Republican candidate for governor.
He died in San Francisco, July 12, 1872.
J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton.
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JOHN STARKEY
A ALTHOUGH the settlement of the Cape Fear had begun in 1725, and in 1729 the southern- most part of Carteret Precinct had been cut off and called New Hanover, yet the intervening territory between Beaufort and Brunswick re- mained largely primeval forest. On Burring- ton's return as Royal governor, he sought to establish a colony on New River, and the Johnstons later also had interests there. Indeed the county seat of Onslow Precinct was first named Johnstonville, but many years afterward it was wiped out by a cyclone, and when rebuilt it was called Jacksonville, probably after General Jackson. On New River among the early settlers was John Starkey, who in 1734 was appointed one of the justices of the peace. It is said that he was a regularly ordained minister of the Church of England, a disciple of Burnet rather than of Laud. On Sundays he generally read the services of the church to. his family and neighbors, who assembled at his house for worship. He first appeared as a public man in the Legislature of 1739, and at once took a prominent place among the leaders of that body. In 1746, when the Committee on Proposition and Grievances was formed to consider matters calling for redress, he was appointed on that committee, and he was fearless and persistent in seeking to maintain the privileges of the Assembly and the rights of the people. To him belongs the honor of having brought forward
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the first bill to establish a free school in North Carolina. His bill passed the Legislature April 5, 1749, but the governor, although he had long before urged the adoption of measures establishing public schools, was forced under his instructions to refrain from giving it effect.
On the death of Treasurer Eleazar Allen, he was appointed by the House of Commons Treasurer for the southern counties, Thomas Barker being then the Treasurer of the northern coun- ties ; but the upper House dissented and a struggle ensued. The Council claimed the right to nominate the treasurers, while the House of Commons insisted that it was their exclusive privilege to make the appointment. At the first session, because of this dis- agreement, his appointment fell ; but at the next session, the House adhering to its prerogatives, the Council assented and the matter. was temporarily adjusted, to come up, however, again on the death of Starkey in 1765. That he was well qualified for this posi- tion sufficiently appears by the general esteem in which he was held, and the carefulness and prudence and attention to details that characterized his course in life. It is said that every species of domestic manufacture was carried on at his premises. That there tailors, shoemakers, saddlers, all plied their trades ; and he became the guardian of many minor children and administrator of many estates. When an issue of paper money was made for public purposes, even before he became treasurer, he was one of the commissioners charged with the duty of preparing the currency and issuing it. While he antagonized Governor Johnston in some of his measures, there was no personal hostilities between them, and on the death of Mr. Samuel Johnston, the surveyor-general, and a brother of Governor Gabriel Johnston, Mr. Starkey acted as guardian for his children, one of whom was the distinguished Samuel Johnston of the Revolution ; and as these children were all beautifully educated and were ornaments of society, that fact alone is testimony of the superior excellence of their guardian.
Toward the close of Governor Johnston's administration, the northern counties having withdrawn from the Assembly, there were but few matters of disagreement between the administration
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and the Legislature, which was acting in accord with him on the two great subjects then agitating the province, the equalization of representation and the location of a seat of government. But when Governor Dobbs succeeded to the administration various other questions came up and Starkey took strong ground against him. Governor Dobbs accorded to him great influence, which he ascribed "to his capacity and diligence and in some measure his garb and seeming humility in wearing shoestrings, a plain coat, and having a bald head;" by which it is to be understood that the treasurer dressed like a plain man and not like a colonial gentle- man with knee breeches and powdered wig. The governor also regarded him as one of the most designing men in the province, saying that he was "a professed, violent Republican ; in every in- stance taking from his Majesty's prerogatives and encroaching upon the rights of the Council and adding to the power of the As- sembly in order to make himself popular. That being treasurer and having in charge the payment of its members, he could sway all the unstable and impecunious members to follow him like chickens, and he swayed the House against the most sensible mem- bers." He held the position of colonel of his county as well as justice of the peace, and being continuously a member of the As- sembly, he did exercise a strong influence. Having offended Governor Dobbs by influencing the Assembly not to allow a proper salary to a storekeeper at Fort Johnston because the appointment of that officer was not accorded to the Assembly, and for other such contumacious acts, the Governor deprived him of his com- mission as colonel and as justice of the peace; but this declara- tion of personal hostility in no wise lessened the zealous activity of Treasurer Starkey in promoting the liberties of the people and the rights of the Assembly.
In 1754 it appears that in an Aid Bill then granted, Mr. Barker and Starkey were appointed the treasurers for a time unlimited, and Starkey felt himself entirely independent of the governor and Council. As years passed and the disagreements became more pronounced, the governor ascribed to Starkey and those with whom he co-operated advanced Republican principles and de-
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clared that Republicanism was more rife in North Carolina than in any other province. The leaders of Republicanism he declared were Speaker Swann, John Ashe, George Moore and Mr. Starkey, who he said formed a junto, whose purpose was to absorb the ad- ministrative power at the expense of the Crown. This junto seems to have been a great nightmare with the governor, and if their pur- poses and principles were as represented, it would seem that long anterior to the Revolution the leaders in North Carolina were im- bued with sentiments that were worthy of those illustrious char- acters who rendered the Revolutionary period so glorious in the annals of America.
After a successful career, one of great usefulness by co-operat- ing with others in training the people of the State to be resolute and determined in maintaining their rights and in having a just conception of their rights and privileges, Mr. Starkey died in the Spring of 1765, leaving a son, Edward Starkey, who often repre- sented his county in the Assembly, and other descendants who were much esteemed. Among his descendants in a succeeding genera- tion was Daniel L. Russell, who was elected Governor of the State in 1896.
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Henry Jerome Klockany
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HENRY JEROME STOCKARD
BENRY JEROME STOCKARD, son of James Gibbs Stockard and Mary (Johnson) H Stockard, comes from good old Revolutionary stock. His father's family is of German, his mother's of Scotch-Irish, descent. His earliest American ancestor was his great-great-grand- father, James Stockard, a Revolutionary soldier, who married Ellen Trousdale. Some of the Trousdales, too, fought as patriots in the Revolution. Mr. Stockard's grandfather, John Stockard, was a captain in the War of 1812, and, later, served his State as representative from Orange County for sixteen terms. Also from the maternal side sprang men of ability and notable success-sol- diers, teachers and statesmen. An uncle of Mr. Stockard's mother, Robert Morrison, was recognized as one of the ablest financiers in the Northwest ; her brother, Doctor William Johnson, at one time editor of The Spirit of the Age, was distinguished as author and lecturer.
The subject of this sketch was born in Chatham County, North Carolina, on September 15, 1858. His father, a well-known farmer and lumber dealer, highly respected for his sterling character, died when the boy was twelve years old. Thus to the mother, a woman of fine natural endowments, fell the duty of training the future poet, and much that is best in his character and achievement he at- tributes to her example and devotion. She was the source of that
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purity and loftiness, of that ennobling and spiritual quality in which the poetry of her son excels. No doubt his boyhood on the farm and his early sense of the responsibilities of life also helped to give him that habit of contemplation and that serenity of mind which are the foundation of all his work.
After his academic studies at the Graham High School, young Stockard took special courses at Chapel Hill. Here, encouraged by that splendid educator, Doctor Thomas Hume, of whose soul- waking enthusiasm, erudition, and unusual talents the writer can testify from personal knowledge, the genius of the poet rapidly developed.
Thus equipped and honored with the degree of A.M. by Elon College, he began his career as a teacher. After teaching some while in the schools of Alamance he was appointed principal of the Graham High School, and became in succession County Super- intendent, then Assistant Professor of English at the State Uni- versity, and later Professor at Fredericksburg College, Virginia. He is at present Professor of Latin in Peace Institute, Raleigh.
Mr. Stockard has been a contributor to the leading magazines for years. Of his poetic work I shall speak later. Some of his poems will be found in Stedman's Anthology, in "Representative Sonnets by American Poets," and in the "Songs of the South." He will soon publish "A Study of Southern Poetry"- a text-book for the use of colleges, and some critical studies of "In Memoriam" and other classics. Also another book of verses is in preparation.
In politics Mr. Stockard is a Democrat. He belongs to the Knights of Pythias and is a member of the Presbyterian Church. His conversation, rich with a great and varied culture, his sym- pathy, his loyalty, his sincerity, his capacity for friendship, and above all, his helpfulness to others combine to make a personality as charming as it is inspiring. His philosophy of life may be summed up in one sentence : "The better is the enemy of the best."
He has been twice married: first, in 1878, to Miss Sallie J. Holleman, a noble, Christian woman, and after her death, to Miss Margaret Lulu Tate, in 1800. The latter-with whom the writer is personally acquainted-lovely in person and manner, ar-
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tistic and intellectual, is at one with her gifted husband in all things. To her sympathy and co-operation is due in no small measure that chorus of great words which makes Stockard the voice of North Carolina.
It is no common privilege this-to appraise poetry like that of Stockard's. After an unintermitting study of English verse, after this long conning of masterpieces, day and night, for fifteen years, I do not hesitate to say that his little book with its modest title, "Fugitive Lines"-this little book that has made so little noise in the large world-was in many respects one of the most important literary events of our time. It will ultimately, I feel sure, be uni- versally so regarded.
As a maker of sonnets, Stockard has no living superior. Fraught with a tenderness "too deep for tears," sad with the sad- ness of the unsatisfied, throbbing with the anguish of the unat- tained, his poetry pulses with "The still sad music of humanity." There is in it the appealing pathos of "lost Eden's loved," the dumb aspirations of unconscious nature and all the hope and melancholy of conscious man. His best is bound to rank with the best in lit- erature. In grandeur and in sublimity few have lived that can approach him, and many there be, applauded of the multitude, that are not fit to touch the hem of his garment.
Like his own eagle, that lord of loneliness, he has a passion for the infinite; and soaring into the white ether of eternity, remote from the reasons of time, he confronts life as a whole, gazing deep into the glory which is God. His poetry is in the highest sense cosmic. To apply one of his own lines, it is "tuned to the move- ments of the journeying stars."
He has not-to compare him with his foremost contemporaries -- the sensuous music, the color and the motion of that belated Greek, Swinburne, nor the vivid vizualization, the titanic power and passionate energy of Markham, that glorifier of the common- place, whose mighty lines lean down from high places to shake hands with you; he has not the chiseled delicacies and the subtle languors of LeGallienne nor the limpid beauty and the intimate spirituality of Stephen Phillips; he has not the easy cadence and
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the elegance of Woodberry, nor the charm and unfailing fancy of van Dyke; he has not the dignified diction and the rolling res- onance of William Watson, nor the lofty stateliness and the mystic imaginations of Moody; he has not the instantaneous insight and the startling phrase of Roberts nor the beautiful abandon of Bliss Carman : he is distinguished for none of this. But more than any of these, he has the sense of vastness, of that spaciousness beyond the soar of wings. In this respect no poet in our literature surpasses him-not even the great Milton himself.
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