USA > North Carolina > Chowan County > Economic and social history of Chowan County, North Carolina, 1880-1915 > Part 11
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Colored Women Follow in the Wake of White .- This feeling of injured pride-a feeling quite distinct from, and not to be confounded with, plain ordinary laziness-which attacks many white women on exposure to work, is an af- fection which had spread to their colored sisters. There may never have been a time when both white and black did not occasionally experience a sense of more or less aversion to certain kinds of severe physical exertion, but there was a time, and that not very long ago, when the blacks did not feel disgraced by having to work. The white race has itself to thank for the fact that the colored contingent of the county's population has been inoculated with this deadly virus-false pride.
The colored women are more and more quitting the fields. The great majority will not hire out to do field work. As hired servants they are also withdrawing from the domestic sphere. The best colored families (economically and intel- lectually speaking) positively refuse to allow their daugh- ters to hire to white people for any kind of menial service whatsoever.
1 Cf. infra, pp. 256, 257.
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It is claimed by some of the most prominent colored men that they are obliged to keep their daughters from contact with white men in order to keep them from being grossly insulted. Just how big a rôle this factor plays in keeping colored girls out of the service of white men it is hard to say. However, the following facts are pretty well estab- lished and generally admitted : First, that a colored girl has absolutely no protection from being grossly insulted by a white man if she happens to be caught alone with him; neither has she any redress whatsoever, for no court would for a moment entertain her complaint. Second, that the greater the proportion of white blood a colored girl pos- sesses and the more educated and refined she is, the greater the efforts made by white men to seduce her.
Two incidents related to me in the summer of 1914, whether fact or fiction, at any rate show the trend of opinion among a certain element of the colored people. They are as follows: The daughter of one of the " leading citizens; " (a lawyer) of Edenton went over to the home of a colored woman and informed her that she was looking for a cook. Did this colored woman reply that she had been longing for just such an opportunity ? No, no, not at all! The reply was, "I, too, am looking for a cook, and have been for several days." Another white woman who approached a colored woman on the subject of the latter's cooking and washing for the former, obtained this response: " When you go home, look in de glass an you'll see yo' cook, and a few years later ef you'll look in dat same glass you'll see yo' wash'oman."
The numerous reports which have come to me, and also my own observations, force me to the conclusion that the last-mentioned lady of color was uttering a prophecy which is even now in the process of being fulfilled. It is the com- mon experience of many who are actually in need of do- mestic help that they are unable to obtain it.
PART III DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIAL LIFE
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CHAPTER XIV
FORMAL EDUCATION IN THE EIGHTIES
READING MATTER
BOTH the means of formal education and the ability to utilize them were very scant in 1880. What few books there were, were chiefly copies of the Bible and of elementary school-books. Many a home had no book in it of any sort. Along in the nineties there was seen an occasional volume secured from traveling book-agents, which contained, ac- cording to said agents, the combined knowledge of the legal, clerical, and medical professions, the wisdom of the sages, both past and present, business forms and usages, instruc- tion as to how to act and what to wear at various high- society functions, cooking recipes for numerous dishes the names of which the people could not pronounce and the materials for which they did not possess, and sundry other " valuable information." Their need for such literature was just about as urgent as the need of African bushwomen for evening gowns.
Newspapers and periodicals, except a few in Edenton, were rarely seen. A four-page weekly, The Clarion, was published in Edenton in 1880, but, with all an editor's vivid imagination, its circulation was reported as only 525.1 Few people in the county, outside of Edenton, knew of its existence.
1 N. W. Ayer & Son. American Newspaper Annual (Philadelphia), vol. for 1881, p. 119.
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UNFAVORABLE CONDITIONS FOR READING
For three very good reasons the amount of reading done was exceedingly small-for the vast majority, almost nil. In the first place, many were unable to read at all, and most of the others read so poorly that they obtained little meaning and less pleasure from what they did read. Second, as has just been stated, many had nothing to read, and even the most favored possessed little that was at all attractive. Finally, the principal light at night, especially in the rural sections, was that furnished by a lightwood knot, which gave an unsteady light of constantly varying intensity; besides, it emitted so much heat that if one sat near enough to see well, his face was burning. Practically the only means of communication for ninety per cent of the population was personal intercourse. The great mass of the people knew little or nothing of what was going on in the outside world.
PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Equipment .- As for public schools, the few that existed were pitiable, archaic apologies from the standpoint of both equipment and instruction. The buildings were rough, small (usually about 16 x 20 ft. and 7 to 8 ft. pitch), one- room structures that were neither painted, ceiled, plastered, nor papered. At one end was a door; at the other, an open fireplace. The furnishings consisted of a blackboard (some three feet square) that was seldom used, one chair and either a table or lock desk for the teacher, and from eight to fourteen two-seated desks and some backless benches for the pupils. Everything was home-made. Not only were the desks uncomfortable, but in many schools there were far too few to seat the average number in attendance, much less those enrolled. Even in the late eighties one could sometimes see from fifty to sixty children in a schoolroom with desk capacity for only about twenty-four. Under such
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conditions, usually three would crowd on each of the desks, and the remaining ones would have to use the benches- simply rough plank with two pegs in each end. It was customary for the older children to preempt the few desks, leaving the younger ones to occupy the benches, which were frequently so high that the feet of the little folks swung clear of the floor. These slab benches had at least one point in their favor: on days when there was a " small house," they could be pitched up on the joists and thus gotten out of the way. When there was a " full house " with " standing room only," one in the far end of the room from the teacher, in order to reach her, would either have to hurdle several benches, or else serpentine in and out among them.
Fitness of Teachers .- The teachers, on the whole, were woefully deficient, having had little formal education of any kind, and no special training whatever in the art of teach- ing. If one could blunder along over a simple text and " cipher " through the " rule of three," little else was re- quired. Occasionally the school committee secured some boy or girl preparing for college, or who had had a year or two in college, but all too frequently the teachers were those who had obtained most of what book knowledge they possessed from schools similar to those they were attempt- ing to teach. When the committee went to hire a teacher, it usually spent far more time considering the price de- manded than the qualifications offered. In the biennial re- port for the school years of 1881 and 1882 the state su- perintendent says of the state at large, "Cheap teachers are preferred because of their cheapness, however incom- petent, to well-qualified teachers, if increase of qualifica- tions requires recognition by increased salaries." 1 Chowan
1 Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction, North Carolina, 1881 and 1882, p. 21.
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was no exception. For the four-year 1 period 1881-4, the average salaries per month were $23.98 and $22.04 for white and colored teachers, respectively.2
Of course, the committee had no great range of choice in the selection of teachers when paying such small wages. One of the most deplorable features was that often the small salary paid was more than the person employed was worth. Those hired as teachers were not those making teaching a profession. Teaching was simply a side-issue with them. The position was frequently passed out to someone in the neighborhood because of his or her needs, rather than because of any special fitness for the work. The few who had made any preparation for teaching went where they could be hired for longer terms and at bigger salaries. After commenting on this fact, the state super- intendent continues as follows :
The large number of teachers of public schools, who did not attend the Normal Schools, were incompetent, wanting in habits of study and in a knowledge of how to study to ad- vantage and consequently non-progressive, knowing nothing of any studies except such as they had imperfectly learned at the ordinary schools [the public schools which we are now reviewing] and nothing of the improved methods of teaching and school management.3
School Term .- The schools were supposed to " keep " four months in the year, generally divided into two terms- one of five or six weeks in the late summer after crops were laid by (beginning the latter part of July), and the other during the winter.
1 The record for 1880 is lacking, hence the average for a four-year instead of a five-year period, is given.
2 The calculations are based on data found in the Biennial Reports of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction of North Carolina,. for the years indicated.
3 Biennial Report, op. cit., for 1881 and 1882, p. 22.
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Courses of Study .- Every pupil had a Webster's spelling- book (known as the " old blue-back," because of its blue pasteboard binding) whether he had any other book or not, and the first year or two of his school life, after having learned the alphabet, was spent in spelling out of it as he held it in his hand. After a while he got a reader of some kind, not always one suited to his stage in the world of literature, but frequently whatever happened to have best withstood the ravages of time and children as it came down through the family. Those further advanced had some sort of an arithmetic, grammar and geography. All were given some practice in writing. Few ever finished with the " blue-back," for after going partly through " spelling out of the book " and being turned back several times, the pupil began spelling "by heart," which usually lasted the re- mainder of his school career. The words were arranged according to length, and the few who accomplished the feat of spelling through " by heart," will probably never forget how their bosoms swelled with pride as they rolled out those seven and eight syllable words towards the latter part of the " old blue-back." They were spelled something as fol- lows : I-n, in, c-o-m, com, incom, p-r-e, pre, incompre, h-e-n, hen, incomprehen, s-i, si, incomprehensi, b-i-1, bil, incompre- hensibil, i, incomprehensibili, t-y, ty, incomprehensibility. In later days, some of the more " progressive " teachers sub- stituted dictionaries 1 for " blue-backs " in the case of the more advanced pupils, and required the meanings of the words in addition to their spelling. Being promoted to the dictionary class had one advantage-it made one think he was moving along, which is always stimulating.
Classification .- Aside from the " blue-backs " there was little uniformity in the school-books, they having come down
1 These had been recommended by the State Board of Education.
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from various generations, and often from sundry neighbor- hoods. It was a common experience to find in a school pupils in the same grade and subject with books by two or three different authors. The exception was to find those in the same grade and subject with the same book. In his re- port for 1880 the state superintendent speaks of the " very serious evils of the diversity of text-books," 1 and recom- mends legislation for securing uniformity. Aside from the " by-heart " spelling groups, and some of the higher reading classes, grading and classification was slight. From forty to fifty recitations in the five-and-a-half-hour teaching-day was the usual number.
Recitations and Methods of Instruction .- Much of what was learned during the few weeks of school was forgotten during the long intervals between, which fact was used by the teachers as an excuse for turning back the pupils at the beginning of each term. This turning-back, regardless of what the pretext or reason might be, if for more than a brief review, always tended to discourage the more ambitious chil- dren. Sometimes this was doubtless the proper procedure; sometimes the teacher thought it was when it was not; sometimes it was done for reasons best known to the teacher herself, though generally suspected by the pupils, and freely alleged among themselves and their parents-she did not want to push them beyond her own depth, especially in' arithmetic.
The usual routine was to start off mornings, after having had a few verses from the New Testament, with the three or four " by-heart " spelling classes, followed by the " book- spellers," and these in turn by those still battling with the alphabet. Each child had from four to six recitations daily. The " book-spellers " and the " alphabet-learners " had no
1 Annual Report for 1880, p. 65.
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variation in their work, but simply one recitation after an- other of the same thing following in monotonous succession. The last ten minutes preceding the one-hour noon recess was frequently devoted to writing.
In all schools mathematics was the residual claimant. After the spelling, reading, geography, and grammar les- sons had been " said," which ordinarily was not later than the middle of the afternoon session (usually earlier), the more advanced pupils "ciphered" till school "let out." Those who had arithmetics used them, and for the others the teachers would "set down sums" on their slates. Except for those who were attacking the multipli- cation table, there were no recitations whatever in mathe- matics. Everybody worked at his seat, assuming that he worked at all, while the teacher spent the time in looking over answers, helping out those who were " stuck," setting down sums for those who had no books, and " hearing the lessons " of those who were not far enough advanced to be " doin' sums."
If a child wanted a word pronounced, or any other infor- mation whatsoever concerning his work, he felt at perfect liberty to interrupt the teacher regardless of what she might be doing. In fact, the frequent consulting of the teacher was considered commendable, since it was supposed to indi- cate industry on the part of the child. The children in their seats, when trying to " get their lessons," " said them over " in stage whispers, thus creating a constant roar, and making it necessary for those reciting to speak rather loud so as to be heard by the teacher. This in turn caused those who were attempting to study to have to whisper a little louder in order to be able to hear themselves. During the period of from three to twelve minutes allotted to a recitation, the teacher attempted to "hear lessons." Amidst all the dis- tractions caused by loud whispering, recitations, and the
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running to and from the teacher and in and out of doors by the children, studying was well-nigh impossible.
Expenditure for Public Education .- Thus far only a general picture of the nature of the county's public schools has been presented. A few statistical facts taken from the reports of the state superintendents of public instruction may help the reader better to realize the actual conditions. The amount of public moneys paid out for teaching white children from 1880 to 1883, inclusive, averaged $1.35 an- nually per head of the white school-population. For teach- ing colored children during the same period, the annual average was $1.28 per head of the colored school-popula- tion.1 If the total expenditures for all public-school pur- poses in the county for 1880 be divided by the total popu- lation of the county, according to the 1880 census, it will be found that the county spent that year for the training of its youth, only 26.6 cents per head of the entire population. The average annual expenditure for all public-school pur- poses for the four-year period, 1880-3, was 50.3 cents per head of the entire population 2 of the county.
Value of Equipment .- Some conception of the paucity of material equipment devoted to public instruction may be gained from the recorded value of the public school prop- erty. In 1880 the property set apart for the use of 1142 white school-children was valued at $2090, or $1.83 per head. If this seems small, how about that for colored children? The public school property for the use of 1844
1 Cf. table 17, p. 283.
2 The population for 1881, 1882, and 1883 is arrived at by adding to the population of 1880 one-tenth of the increase between 1880 and 1890, for each additional year. This method of calculating population for intercensus years is not strictly accurate, but sufficiently so for the present purpose. Even if a more refined method were used the ac- curacy would be more seeming than real.
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of these was valued at $243, or 21 cents per head.1 To ex- press it in slightly different terms, for every 100 white children of school age the county owned land, buildings and furnishings to the value of $183, and for every 100 colored children of school age it owned $21 worth of material equip- ment for training them. Even in 1884 conditions were but little improved.2
Attendance .- From equipment let us turn to its apprecia- tion as evidenced by school attendance. Judged by this criterion, the negro, who had the least to appreciate, was the most keenly alive to its value. In 1881 more than half of the colored school-children were enrolled, and there was an average attendance of nearly one-third of the colored school population. This is low, to be sure, but when we examine the records of the white children we find that they can boast an enrollment of only slightly more than one-third and an average attendance of less than one-fifth. Even if the ratio of average attendance to school population be taken for the four-year period, 1881-4, the ratio is 7.9 per cent. higher for colored than for white.3
Reasons for Small Attendance .- Some few parents may have kept their children home because of the poor quality of the schools, but if there were any of this class they con- stituted only a small fraction of the total. Most parents were ignorant of the value of an education, and actually did not care if their children did grow up into manhood and womanhood knowing nothing of books. Many had the at- titude frequently heard expressed in words similar to the
1 Cf. table 20, p. 286.
2 Cf. tables 18 and 20, pp. 284 and 286, respectively. Aside from the public schools there was the Edenton Academy, and two or three little elementary private schools of about the same rank as the public schools.
8 Cf. table 19, p. 285.
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following : "I never had no larnin', un I got along somehow, un my younguns kin do de same." Many kept their chil- dren home because of false pride-kept them home for no other reason than that they were unable to dress them quite. so well and to send them off with quite so good a lunch as some other families did. This same false pride manifested in various forms has been and continues to be one of the greatest hindrances to progress known to the county.1
1 Cf. supra, p. 150 et seq. and supra, p. 255 et seq.
CHAPTER XV FORMAL EDUCATION IN 1915
GENERAL STATEMENT
WHILE there is still an abundance of room for improve- ment in the county's public school system-in regard to ma- terial equipment, qualifications of teachers, attendance, and length of term-nevertheless much progress has been made in certain directions during the past three and a half de- cades, as may be seen by referring to tables 16-22, pages 282 et seq.
LOCAL TAX
Probably one of the biggest steps forward is the advan- tage taken, by some, of what may be termed the " local- option " law, placed on the statute books of the state in 1901. This law enables a majority of the qualified voters of any district to vote a special tax on both polls and prop- erty to be spent exclusively in their own district.1 A district which imposes this extra tax on itself is known as a " local- tax district." In 1914 there were six of these, embracing six white schools and four colored,2 all of which had come into the fold since 1909.
1 Cf. Public Laws of North Carolina, Session 1901 (Raleigh, N. C., 1901), ch. iv, sec. 72, pp. 65-66.
2 There were then nineteen white rural districts and fifteen colored. Where there is a colored district, as a rule it covers practically the same territory as that covered by the corresponding white district. Certain sections of the county, however, have almost no colored people. Thus it comes about that there are more white districts than colored. The few colored children in these almost solid white districts are trans- ferred to others.
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By July 1915, one district had dropped out of the local- tax column, and two others had entered it. The one that dropped out contained one white school and one colored. One of those that adopted it had no colored children and the other was so completely gerrymandered that almost all the colored were left out. There were then in July 1915, seven white rural schools and three colored, operating under the local-tax system.1
SCHOOL PROPERTY
Buildings and Equipment .- In the summer of 1914 the county superintendent made the following statement to me :
Previous to 1909 the county had no modern school buildings in the rural districts. Since then two one-room, three two- room, one three-room and auditorium, and one four-room, modern buildings have been erected for the whites. All of
1 The facts of this and the preceding paragraph were furnished me by the county superintendent. In October 1916 (after the above was written), this same official stated to me that there then existed nine rural local-tax districts for white and five for colored. This local-tax territory, according to his figures, embraced 67 per cent and 28 per cent of the white and colored school population, respectively.
The law which made provision for the levying of special school taxes permits any degree of gerrymandering the ingenuity of the whites can devise. From the foregoing percentages it looks as if they had exer- cised the privilege rather freely. The fact is, however, conditions are even worse than these figures would indicate. When the Edenton graded school district was formed in 1903 it was gerrymandered to such an extent that in 1910, when more than 59 per cent of the population of the incorporated town of Edenton were colored, less than 22 per cent of the school population in the graded school district were colored. (Calculations made from tables 5 and 19, pp. 265 and 285 respec- tively.) Whole sections of the town, where only negroes lived, were cut out, while at the same time white territory from one to two miles beyond the incorporated limits was included. Combining the school population of the Edenton graded schools with that of the other special tax districts, there were included, in November 1916, 76 per cent of the white but only 32 per cent of the colored.
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these are in local-tax districts. As yet there are no modern buildings for the colored, though some fairly good ones.1
All buildings for both races are now either ceiled or plastered ; seventeen of the nineteen for the whites and eight of the fifteen for the colored are painted;2 seventeen of those for white are furnished complete with patent desks. Only three of the colored schools have any patent desks, and only one is furnished complete with them, while six are fur- nished with home-made desks, and the remaining six, or two-fifths, are furnished with benches.3
Value .- The value of the public-school property for the white race increased from $2090 in 1880 to $30,300 in 1914, or more than fourteen times, while the public school prop- erty for the colored race increased from $243 in 1880 to $6400 in 1914, or more than twenty-six times.4 Looked at from the standpoint of the number of school children, the value of the property for the whites increased from
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