History of New Hampshire, Volume II, Part 1

Author: Stackpole, Everett Schermerhorn, 1850-1927
Publication date: 1916
Publisher: New York, The American Historical Society
Number of Pages: 472


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34



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GENEALOGY COLLECTION


ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY


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Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015


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MAJ. GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN


HISTORY


OF


NEW HAMPSHIRE


BY EVERETT S. STACKPOLE


Author of "Old Kittery and Her Families," "History of Durham, N. H.," etc.


VOLUME II


THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY NEW YORK


1481617 CONTENTS


CHAPTER PAGE


I. The Second French and Indian War 3


II. Conclusion of Governor Benning Wentworth's Administration. 31


III. Administration of John Wentworth the Second 51


IV. The Storm Bursts 85


V. Independence II3


VI. Progress of the Revolution 129


VII. An Almost Successful Secession 151


VIII. Reconstruction 227


IX. Progress in Constitutional Government 251


X. Story of the Seals 267


XI. Some Founders of the State 279


XII. The Churches of the Eighteenth Century 303


XIII. The Schools of the Eighteenth Century 331


XIV. Roads, Turnpikes and Canals 345


XV. Settlement of the Northern Connecticut Valley 357


XVI. Important Events of This Period 369


Appendix A-Birthplace of Gen. John Sullivan 391


Index of Subjects and Places


403


Index of Names


406


Chapter I THE SECOND FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR


.


Chapter I


THE SECOND FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.


The Struggle for a Continent-The Indian Coaus-The Coos Country- Killing of Sabatis and Plausawa-Jail Broken at Portsmouth-Capture of John Stark-Indian Attack on Stevens Town-Captivity of the John- son Family-Convention at Albany and Plan of Union of the Colonies -Four Expeditions-Battle of Lake George-Robert Rogers and His Rangers-Indian Depredations along the Connecticut-Capture of Fort William Henry and the Massacre-The Scale Turns in 1758-Second Capture of Louisburg-Defeat of General Abercrombie and Death of Lord Howe-Capture of Crown Point and of Quebec-Destruction of the Village of the St. Francis Indians by Rogers-Road Cut through Vermont to Crown Point by Colonel Goffe-Capture of Joseph Willard and Family Ends Indian Depredations-Cost of the War to New Hampshire in Men and Money-Lotteries-Results of the War.


I T should be remembered that France and England long con- tended for the possession of North America, somewhat as the English and Dutch have fought for South Africa, and as the English and Germans are now fighting in East Africa for the possession of coveted lands for their colonies. By building a walled and heavily fortified city at Quebec, France early con- trolled the St. Lawrence river and by means of that Lake Cham- plain and later the Great Lakes and the upper valley of the Mississippi river. Their plan was to confine the English to a strip of land along the Atlantic ocean, east of the watershed, while they should control at least all that was drained by the two great rivers and their tributaries. Hence they built a chain of forts to defend possessions that had originally been opened up to them by Jesuit missionaries. Through the work of those missionaries they easily made alliances with various tribes of Indians, though the Mohawks, indeed the Six Nations, of New York, usually sided with the English, being the ancient enemies of the eastern Indians. Two different religions and two types of civilization were contending for the possession of a continent, and neither realized fully the vastness of the issues. If the hand of Providence guided the Pilgrims to Plymouth Rock,


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it equally led to the capture of Crown Point, Montreal and Quebec, as well as Fort Duquesne.


The war which ended with the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, settled nothing in America. Louisburg was restored to France, and all things were left as they were before the war. There was only a suspension of hostilities, a truce in order that each nation might better prepare itself for the decisive conflict. The Indians seemed to feel thus and were restless, insolent and sometimes aggressive during the time of nominal peace. They had suffered little in their raids and had gained large sums by the sale of captives. The business of war was more to their tastes and more lucrative than that of hunting and trading furs for what the whiteman was pleased to offer.


At a council meeting held at Portsmouth, October 10, 1743, an Indian, called Coaus, elsewhere named as Captain Cowas, appeared as an agent for other Indians, to acquaint the governor that a truck house, or trading house, was desired near the river Pemigewasset, where they might sell their furs without being cheated, as they were in the lower towns. He also thought the Indians ought to have some satisfaction for lands occupied by the English, such lands having never been purchased. He wanted powder, shot, bullets, flints, knives, blankets, shirts, cloth for stockings, pipes, tobacco and rum. These could be disposed of at the trading house in exchange for furs. He was told by the governor that the king of England claimed the lands, but that he would see that justice was done. Coaus went away contented. Only three or four Indians claimed the land at Pemigewasset.


It may be that this Indian chief gave his name to the Coos country, heard of about this time as a place of wonderful fer- tility, although some say the word in the Indian language means crooked, which well describes the upper Connecticut river and also Captain Cowas. It was intervale land, in the valley of the upper Connecticut river where now are the towns of Haverhill, New Hampshire, and Newbury, Vermont. Petitioners from New- market, Kensington and Hampton desired that four townships be laid out for them in the Coos, or Cohass, country, on both sides of the river. Captain William Symes represented between four hundred and five hundred men who were desirous of settling


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A HISTORY


that country. The plan is unfolded in a letter from Theodore Atkinson to agent Thomlinson in London, dated November 19, 1752. "We are now," he says, "upon a Project of settling a Tract of the finest Land on the Continent, called by the Indians Co-os, which lyes upon Connecticut river about 90 miles north- erly from the Province line." Two garrisons were to be built, with sufficient accommodations for five hundred men, and all the land under tillage would be within sight of the garrisons. Here abundance of provisions could be raised for an army marching to Canada. The intervale land extended along the river, on both sides nearly a mile wide and from thirty to fifty miles in length. It was feared that the French would take possession of this country and erect a fortress, that would be of more advantage to them than that at Crown Point. The land was generally clear, like a salt marsh. "The projection for our settling is- These 400 or 500 men is to have a suitable portion of land, on the King's quit-rent, land cut into townships, for them-2 of which, one on each side the river opposite to each other imme- diately taken into possession and a regular Garrison built in each of them, encompassing perhaps 15 or more acres of land, this to be enclosed, with log-houses at some distance from each other, and the spaces filled up with either Palisades or square timbers, in the middle of the square something of the nature of a Cytidall where the public buildings and granarys &c. will be built and to be large enough to contain all the inhabitants, if at any time drove from the outer enclosure, which is to be large enough to contain their cattle &c. Thes fortifications are to be built so as to assist each other on every occasion. They are to have courts erected and to have power of determining all civil causes amongst themselves and to be under a stricter military discipline than commonly our militia are." Two roads were to be built to Coos, one from Number 4, or Charlestown, along the Connecticut river, and the other from near the mouth of the Pemigewasset river, over the highlands. The scheme seems to have originated with Governor Benning Wentworth, who knew little about the geography of this region, as subsequent events proved.


The Indians quickly learned of this plan and did not approve it, doubtless being instigated by the French. A delegation of six St. Francis Indians went to see Captain Stevens at Number


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NEW HAMPSHIRE


4 and told him in most emphatic terms that if the English occu- pied Coos and built a fort there, it would mean that the English wanted war, and it would be a strong war. Soon there was a report that the French were building a fort at Coos, and a scout- ing party was ordered to learn the truth about it. No fort was built and the plan was abandoned.


It was in the year 1752 that two Indians, named Sabatis and Cristo, came to Canterbury, where they were entertained in a friendly manner for eight or nine days. On their departure they took away two negro slaves, one of whom escaped and returned ; the other was sold by Sabatis to a French officer at Crown Point, for three hundred livres. These Indians claimed to be of the St. Francis tribe and said peace had not been made with them, thus justifying themselves for stealing the negroes. On the return of Sabatis, with one Plausawa, the next year to Canterbury the wife of James Lindsay, who had lost his negro, rebuked Sabatis for his ingratitude in robbing her after having received kind treatment, whereat Sabatis became insolent and threatening, brandishing hatchet and knife, telling her that if she said one word more he would split her brains out, if he died for it the next minute. The Indians were entertained for a night by one John, alias Anthony, alias Peter Bowen, who drank with them much fire-water and the next day followed them into the woods and killed them. John Morrill helped to bury them, but so shallow that their bodies were dug up by wild beasts and de- voured. Their bones lay upon the ground by the roadside till the following spring.


Another account has been given of this incident, and it has been often reprinted. The Indians "had been in a surly mood and had used some threats to two persons who offered to trade with them that day, but became in better humor on being freely treated with rum by their host. The night was spent in a drunken Indian frolic, for which Bowen had as good a relish as his guests. As they became intoxicated, he fearing that they might do mischief took the precaution to make his wife engage their attention, while he drew the charges from their guns. The next morning they asked Bowen to go with his horse and carry their baggage to the place where their canoe was left the evening before. He went and carried their packs on his horse. As they


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A HISTORY


went, Sabatis proposed to run a race with the horse. Bowen suspecting mischief was intended declined the race but finally consented to run. He, however, took care to let the Indian out- run the horse. Sabatis laughed heartily at Bowen, because his horse could run no faster. They then proceeded apparently in good humor. After a while Sabatis said to Bowen-"Bowen walk woods,"-meaning "go with me as a prisoner." Bowen said, "No walk woods, all one brothers." They went on until they were near the canoe, when Sabatis proposed a second race, and that the horse should be unloaded of the baggage and should start a little before him. Bowen refused to start so, but con- sented to start together. They ran and as soon as the horse had got a little before the Indian, Bowen heard a gun snap. Looking around he saw the smoke of powder and the gun aimed at him. He turned and struck his tomahawk in the Indian's head. He went back to meet Plausawa, who seeing the fate of Sabatis took aim with his gun at Bowen. The gun flashed. Plausawa fell on his knees and begged for his life. He pleaded his innocence and former friendship for the English, but all in vain. Bowen knew there would be no safety for him while the companion and friend of Sabatis was living. To secure himself he buried the same tomahawk in the skull of Plausawa. This was done in the road on the bank of Merrimack river, near the northerly line of Bos- cawen. Bowen hid the dead bodies under a small bridge in Salis- bury. The next spring the bodies were discovered and buried."1


This event produced great excitement among the whites as well as the Indians. Bowen and Morrill were arrested and sent to Portsmouth jail. The governor and council deliberated con- cerning this infraction of law and order. The neighbors and friends of the men under arrest came down to Portsmouth in disguise, broke open the jail, liberated the prisoners and took them back to Contoocook. Public opinion evidently was on the side of Bowen and could not endure that any whiteman should be imprisoned for killing Indians, who had themselves killed and robbed in that vicinity. No attempt was made to rearrest the rescued prisoners, and the affair was wiped out of the memory of


1 The above is evidently the story of Bowen and his friends. No Indian survived to tell the tale. See Coll. of Farmer and Moore, III. 27-29. Cf. Hist. of Boscawen, and N. H. Prov. Papers, VI. 301-7.


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NEW HAMPSHIRE


the Indians by the giving of presents at a conference held with them. This they called "wiping away the blood," but an Indian's memory is tenacious of supposed wrong received, and soon they sought opportunity for revenge.


The same year John Stark and his brother William, with David Stinson and Amos Eastman, went on a hunting expedi- tion to Baker's river, in what is now Rumney. On the eighteenth of April they were surprised by a party of ten St. Francis In- dians. Signs had been discovered of their nearness and the hunters were preparing to leave the place. While John Stark was collecting his traps, apart from the others, he was taken prisoner. His brother and Mr. Stinson were sailing down the river in a canoe, to whom he shouted, that they might make their escape. The Indians fired and killed Stinson, and Eastman ran into an ambush on the bank and was captured. William Stark alone escaped to tell the story. The name of Stinson is perpetu- ated in a mountain, pond and stream in Rumney. John Stark was beaten for alarming his companions. The Indians took him to their settlement at St. Francis, by way of the Coos valley and lake Memphramagog. He became quite a favorite with the tribe, who wished to adopt him, admiring his strength and courage. He had opportunity of learning their ways, which served him well soon after. He spent six weeks with them, when Mr. Wheel- wright of Boston and Captain Stevens of Number 4 appeared as commissioners to ransom captives. Stark paid one hundred and three dollars for his liberty, and it cost Eastman only sixty dollars for his. It shows the Indian estimate put upon Stark, who was then but a young man. The two Starks and Eastman sent a petition to the governor, stating that they had been robbed of furs valued at five hundred and sixty pounds and that they had paid money for ransom, and asking for restitution, but none was ever paid. The province could not pay for every private loss, and there was no way of extorting money from the French and Indians, except by capturing some of them, which the English very much neglected to do. Stark's experience gained at this time enabled him to pilot the exploring company that went to Coos a year or so later. He seems to have enjoyed his captivity, and his fearlessness won him favorable attention. He refused to hoe corn and threw his hoe into the river, saying


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A HISTORY


that such work was for squaws. The Indians treated him all the better for this.


The attacks of the Indians upon Stevens Town, or Salisbury, seem to have been prompted by a revengeful spirit, because of the killing of Sabatis and Plausawa. On the eleventh of May, 1754, the family of William Emery having moved for protec- tion into the more settled part of the town, his house was plundered and goods were damaged to the value of two hun- dred and thirty pounds, and the horse of Nathaniel Maloon, a neighbor, was found tied at Emery's door. It was found that Maloon, wife and four children had been taken away by Indians. Maloon was captured near Emery's house, and having no use for his horse, his captors tied and left the same. They obliged Maloon to call for his son in the field, Nathaniel Junior, aged thirteen, but the tone was one of warning, and the boy hid in the woods and escaped his pursuers. On his way to the fort he met Stephen Gerrish and told his story of woe. Gerrish at once went to Portsmouth with a petition for aid, and twenty men, by vote of the council, were sent to Stevens Town, Contoocook and Canterbury for defence of those towns. The Indians, however, already had their prey and were hasten- ing toward Canada. Maloon's youngest child, only thirteen months old, was sick, and the Indians under pretense of giving it medicine, took it from its mother's arms, and the child was not seen again. The family were taken to Canada and sold to the French. Another child, Joseph, was born in captivity, November 20, 1755. Two years later Maloon, his wife and the three youngest children were shipped for France, but the ship was captured off Newfoundland by a British man-of-war, and the Maloon family were landed in Falmouth, now Portland, Maine, whence they made their way back to Stevens Town. Rachel was left in Canada till she was fourteen years of age, when she was rescued from the Indians, though she left them with great reluctance.


On the fifteenth of the following August the Indians again surprised East Stevens Town. Philip Call, who lived in what is now South Franklin, near the line of Salisbury, was at work in the field with his son Philip and Timothy Cook, whose father had been killed in 1747. Mrs. Call was struck down by a


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NEW HAMPSHIRE


tomahawk and scalped, as she met the Indians at her door. The wife of Philip Call, Jr., concealed herself and her babe in a hole behind the chimney and was not discovered. Timothy Cook was shot as he was attempting to swim the river, and Philip Call and son hid in the woods and escaped. The Indians, about thirty in number, also hid, and when a force of only thirteen men were sent from the fort the Indians arose from their ambush with whoop and seized Enos Bishop. The remaining twelve scattered and fled back to the fort without firing a gun. Bishop, together with Samuel Scribner and John Parker, who were captured while working in a meadow, was conducted in thirteen days to the village of the St. Francis tribe and all were sold to Frenchmen. Bishop soon wrote a letter imploring money for his ransom. Two years later he found a way of escape and arrived, half-starved, at Number 4, having been obliged to leave two companions on the way, who through hunger and fatigue were unable to go further. Bishop in 1761 returned to Canada to ransom a lad, Moses Jackman, taken four years previous from Stevens Town. A negro cap- tured at the same time as Jackman, was sold in Canada and never was heard of more. Stevens Town was not disturbed again during the war.2


In response to petitions a guard of twenty men was sent by Governor Wentworth to defend the Connecticut valley, from Charlestown downward. This was commanded by Major Benja- min Bellows, who had purchased land in Walpole, and the de- tachment rendered service there principally. It was altogether insufficient, even with the help of the inhabitants, to defend that region. Before the force arrived, the family of James Johnson, who lived only a hundred rods from the fort at Charlestown, were seized and carried away. The victims were Mr. Johnson and wife, her sister (Miriam Willard), three children, Peter Larabee and Ebenezer Farnsworth. Some persons went out early in the morning and left the door un- fastened. The Indians, lying in wait, rushed in. No gun was fired. The house was plundered and all its inmates were hurried away, except one who secreted himself behind a bed. The Johnson family were taken with all possible speed to Crown


2 Coffin's Hist. of Boscawen.


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A HISTORY


Point. On the way Mrs. Johnson gave birth to a daughter. The mother was carried on a litter, then on a horse, and when the horse was killed for food, she was borne on her husband's back. He was bare-footed, and all were but thinly clothed. The Indians were delighted to have another child for sale. The sufferings of Mrs. Johnson were almost beyond belief, yet she lived to a good old age. At St. Francis they were sold. Mr. Johnson, wife and youngest children went to Mont- real, where he was allowed to return to New England on parole, in order to secure money for the ransom of his family. He was unavoidably delayed and after his return to Canada the money he had obtained was unjustly taken from him, and he and his family were cast into the criminal prison at Quebec. Here all had the small pox and recovered. Another child was born in captivity. After about three years of indescribable suffering Mrs. Johnson and her children were allowed to sail to England, whence they came back to New York and made their way to Charlestown by way of Springfield, Massachusetts. Here unexpectedly her husband rejoined her, having been re- leased from his captivity. The oldest daughter remained in Canada several years, kindly cared for and educated by French ladies. The boy, Sylvanus, had been separated from his father and mother and taken on a hunting excursion, when he was seven years old. After some years he returned to Charlestown, almost transformed into an Indian in language, manners and tastes. Mr. Johnson was soon made captain in the army and was killed at Crown Point. The narrative of Mrs. Johnson, as written in her old age, is fascinating in its simplicity and beauty of style and in its adventurous character.3 The government of New Hampshire granted to Susanna Johnson forty-one pounds in response to her petition.


The depredations above mentioned were committed in time of nominal peace. A congress of delegates from the several colonies as far south as Virginia was held at Albany, New York, to devise some plan of union both for offensive and defensive warfare against the French and Indians, and a con- ference was held with the leaders of the Six Nations. This plan had been suggested by the Earl of Holderness, then sec-


3 See Farmer and Moore's Collections, Vol. I.


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NEW HAMPSHIRE


retary of state in England, and was heartily endorsed by Gov- ernor Shirley of Massachusetts. Benjamin Franklin was one of the delegates to this congress, or convention, and wrote an account of it. The delegates of New Hampshire were Theodore Atkinson, Richard Wibird, Henry Sherburne and Meshech Weare. The substance of the plan of union proposed, as stated by Belknap, was, "that application be made for an act of Par- liament to form a grand council, consisting of delegates from the several legislative assemblies, subject to the control of a president-general, to be appointed by the crown, with a nega- tive voice; that this council should enact general laws, appor- tion the quotas of men and money to be raised by each colony, determine the building of forts, regulate the operation of armies, and concert all measures for the common protection and safety." This plan was agreed upon on the fourth day of July, 1754, precursor of that stronger and lasting union which was formed twenty-two years later, and Benjamin Franklin was a member of both conventions. This plan proved to be unsatisfactory. It was objected to in England because it seemed to give too much power to the colonies, long desirous for a larger measure of independence and self-government; Connecticut especially dissented because of the right of veto lodged with the presi- dent-general. A substitute plan, proposed by the British min- istry, was that the governors of the colonies, with one or two members of the respective councils, should consult for the com- mon defense and draw on the British treasury for sums expended, which should be raised by a general tax, laid by parliament, on the colonies. Yet they wished that a British army, officered by Englishmen, should conduct the war, assisted by such troops and rangers as the colonies could furnish. The British ministry did not want the colonies to feel their own power, but they were willing that they should pay all expenses of the war. How could militiamen contend against the regu- lars of France? What generals could America furnish to con- duct the campaign? The honors of victory must be reserved for England.


Four expeditions were determined upon. First, General Braddock led his forces against fort Duquesne and in the course of his slow march was ambushed and cut to pieces, the skill


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A HISTORY


and bravery of Major George Washington saving only a rem- nant of the army, while General Braddock was slain. The second expedition was planned and led by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, against the French fort at Niagara. The regiment of Sir William Pepperrell accompanied him and an- other from New Jersey, making up twenty-five hundred men. They marched from Albany as far as Oswego, where Shirley left a garrison of seven hundred and returned home. Another expedition was led by Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Monkton against fort Beausejour, on the Acadian isthmus that connects Nova Scotia with the continent. This was pronounced a mili- tary success. Nearly seven thousand peaceful inhabitants were transported and distributed all the way from Massachusetts to Georgia. Many of them eventfully settled in Louisiana. Families were broken up and untold sorrows came upon many a refugee. Longfellow has told the tale of their woes and affections in Evangeline. At this time were built forts Western and Halifax, at Augusta and Winslow, Maine, as a defense against expected raids on the Kennebec. The fourth expedi- tion was under command of General William Johnson, who led the provincial militia of New England and New York against Crown Point. The history of New Hampshire is more immediately concerned with this, since five hundred men from this province took a prominent part therein.




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