USA > New Hampshire > History of New Hampshire, Volume II > Part 3
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Thus was completed the conquest of Canada, and thereby the minds of the settlers on the northern frontiers of New England were freed from the anxieties and fears with which they had been filled for many years. Belknap made an unusual slip in saying that by the following treaty "the whole continent of North America remained to the British crown," for Louisiana and a country west of the Mississippe larger than that east thereof remained in the possession of the French, to be pur- chased by the United States of America many years later. After five hard campaigns the prize was won, a magnificent river and chain of lakes, with many miles of fertile lands both north and south, enough for an extensive empire. New Hampshire furnished her full share of troops and provisions for the war, and her rangers rendered service that was unexcelled. The colonies became united and felt their own strength. Men and officers received a military training that was of great value in the struggle for independence.
Before Colonel Goffe's regiment reached Charlestown the Indians carried off Joseph Willard, with his wife and five chil- dren. They were taken at their home on the edge of the Great Meadow, on the seventh of June, 1760. The youngest child was
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a hindrance to the hasty retreat of the Indians, and so he was taken aside and his brains were dashed out against a tree. in fourteen days the captives arrived at Montreal, only a short time before its capitulation. With other prisoners they were quickly released. This is said to have been the last incursion of the Indians on the frontiers of New England, and the long history of murders, pillage, burning of houses and captivity here ends, and what a frightful and sorrowful history it had been! We read of it now with composure; the news of it from year to year was first received with horror, indignation and feelings that cried loudly for revenge. It was solely war for conquest and spoils, with no moral principles to support it. The colonies bore the hardships, to protect themselves and to add to the power and territory of the mother of us all, -- perhaps it would be more accurate to say, the mother of them all. Even the descendants of the French, in the United States and in Canada, are now glad that Great Britain and the colonies were conquerors in the long and bitter fight. Thus greater peace and harmony often follow protracted and bloody war.
During the seven years of war the province of New Hamp- shire furnished five thousand men. At its close the militia were organized in ten regiments, nine being of infantry and one of cavalry. The last was commanded by Colonel Clement March of Greenland. The other colonels were, Theodore At- kinson, who later was promoted to be major-general, John Gage of Dover, Meshech Weare of Hampton, Daniel Gilman of Exeter, Zaccheus Lovewell of Dunstable, Josiah Willard of Keene, Ebenezer Stevens of Kingston, Andrew Todd of Lon- donderry and John Goffe of Derryfield. Nearly all of these continued in office for the next seven years. Colonel Lovewell was succeeded by Colonel Edward Goldstone Lutwyche, a re- tired lawyer, of Merrimack. He held command of the fifth regiment till the outbreak of the Revolution and then espoused the royal cause. His farm was confiscated, sold at auction and bought by Colonel Matthew Thornton, who gave his name to the present Thornton's Ferry.10
The war was an expensive one for New Hampshire. Be- tween the years 1754 and 1762 bills of credit, or paper money,
10 Potter's Military Hist. of New Hampshire, pp. 258-260.
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were issued to the extent of two hundred thousand pounds. The governor opposed many of the issues with some stubborn- ness, having been warned by an act of parliament not to assent thereto except in extraordinary emergencies. Governor Shirley helped him to see that the war was such an emergency. The House of Representatives were firm in their plans to raise money for the pay and equipment of the army by issues of paper money from time to time. Sometimes the governor would not sign the bills till messages and remonstrances had been inter- changed, and the house knew how to combine bills, or "tack on a rider," to constrain the governor to yield. In 1755 paper bills of credit came first to be called "new tenor," of which fifteen shillings were equal to one dollar. The bills kept de- preciating till other colonies would not accept them at all. At length sterling money became the basis of all contracts, and bills of credit were gradually redeemed by silver, at large and varied discounts.
One method of raising money advocated by the House was a tax of one penny per acre on all privately owned land. The Council opposed this because, as they said, the burden would come chiefly on the comparatively poor, but they were willing to so tax all improved land. Thus the large grants and reservations made to the governor and his friends, as well as to the Masonian proprietors, would escape taxation. To tax great tracts of land owned by wealthy officials in Portsmouth would be almost equivalent to confiscation.
A severe drought prevailed during the years 1761 and 1762, except in the valley of the Connecticut river, and the crops were insufficient to support the increasing population. In 1761 forest fires spread through the towns of Rochester and Barrington and into the county of York, Maine, destroying much valuable timber and raging for three weeks. A plentiful rain in August put an end to the conflagration.
In 1754 a bill passed the House for the suppression of private lotteries. The province had no scruples against lotteries when managed by proper authorities. Thus in 1757 a lottery was authorized to raise six thousand pounds, to open a harbor at Rye. The same year a bill passed both houses to allow a lottery for the purpose of building a bridge from New Castle to
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A HISTORY
Ferry Point. In 1759 a petition of Hunking Wentworth and seventy other inhabitants of Portsmouth was granted, enabling them by a lottery to raise money to help defray the expense of paving the streets of that town. Other lotteries were pro- posed in the House, to build bridges in Dover and from Stratham to Newmarket, but there is no record of concurrence in the Council. In times of financial stress especially such methods of raising money have been adopted, although it is well known that the propensity to gambling is thereby de- veloped and that the poor and ignorant make the ventures and bear the losses. Such legalized robbery is now prohibited in most civilized nations. King George II. wrote to Governor Wentworth, June 30, 1769, that the effect of lotteries is "to disengage those who become adventurers therein from that spirit of industry and attention to their proper callings and occupations on which the public welfare so greatly depends." He added that private lotteries were occasions "of great frauds and abuses." Hence he forbade lotteries without special royal permission. This did not hinder President Wheelock from petitioning, in 1773, "to be empowered to set up a lottery for the benefit of Dartmouth College."11
Notwithstanding the poverty of the province, occasioned by the long war, in 1760 a fire in Boston, that rendered two hun- dred and twenty families homeless, appealed to human sym- pathy, and the House asked the governor to request the re- ligious congregations throughout the province to contribute for the sufferers. The amount so raised was to be forwarded to the selectmen and overseers of the poor in Boston. The donations from the colonies and from England amounted to over seven- teen thousand pounds. A similar generosity was shown by New Hampshire, in 1764, in granting three hundred pounds to Harvard College, to purchase books for the library, to replace those destroyed by fire.
The French and Indian war was ended in America in 1760, although the formal treaty of peace between Great Britain and France was made two years later, at Paris. By that treaty France ceded to Great Britain all Nova Scotia, or Acadia, Canada, the isle of Cape Breton and all other islands in the
11 N. H. Prov. Papers, VII., pp. 231-315.
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gulf and river of St. Lawrence. The middle of the Mississippi was made the dividing line between French and British pos- sessions in North America.
Even before the treaty settlers began to pour into New Hampshire, both east and west of the Connecticut river, at a rapid rate. The movements of the provincial troops had shown to many where the most fertile soil was. The construction of military roads invited many to the uplands. Woodmen's axes sang an antiphonal chorus all along the streams and highways. Grists were carried over one hundred miles to mill, but not for a long time. The small water powers were quickly harnessed, and the hum of industry was heard among the speaking pines. The financial burdens were easily and quickly lifted, and New Hampshire entered upon a period of prosperity, getting ready unconsciously for the great endeavor.
Chapter II CONCLUSION OF GOVERNOR BENNING WENTWORTH'S ADMINISTRATION
Chapter II CONCLUSION OF GOVERNOR BENNING WENT- WORTH'S ADMINISTRATION.
Accession of George the Third-Recommission of the Governor-Petitions for and against a Play House-The Stamp Act-General Congress of the Colonies-George Meserve as Stamp-Master-Rejoicing over the Repeal of the Stamp Act-Incorporation of New Townships-Towns along the Connecticut-Complaints against the Governor-Defense of the Governor by His Nephew-His Resignation-Testimonial of the House-Work and Character of Governor Benning Wentworth.
T HE death of King George II. and coronation of George III, were duly noticed by the Assembly in reply to the governor's speech. The new king was welcomed with ardent prayers, "that his reign may be long & prosperous." It was added, "When we meditate on the greatness of his mind [George II] his Catholick disposition, his Royal Beneficence, his Piety towards God & his other innumerable Princely Quali- fications, more especially his affectionate Regard to & Paternal care of his North American subjects, & the great things he has done for us-The flood rises so high that we are forced to quit the mellancolly theme & look Forward to the happy pros- pect of the glorious Reign of his present Majesty King George the third to alleviate our sorrow."1 This was in 1760; a few years later George the Third was not spoken of in such reveren- tial and hopeful terms. His reign was long; in this the answer to their prayers seemed more than they could ask or think, for it stretched out to sixty years. It was not so prosperous, in the sense meant by those who prayed for the new king. His ministers soon began to take steps that led to alienate the hearts of his American subjects.
King George III issued a new commission to Governor Benning Wentworth, which was very much the same as the former one. The care of both for the Established Church is shown in the authorization "to collate any Person or Persons
1 N. H. Prov. Papers, VI. 762.
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to any Churches, Chappels or other Ecclesiastical Benefices within our said Province as often as any of them shall happen to be void." This harmonizes with the reservation of a glebe in every town charter granted. "We do hereby likewise give & grant unto you full Power & authority by and with the advice of our said Council to agree with the Inhabitants of our said Province for such Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments as now are or hereafter shall be in our power to dispose of, and them to Grant to any person or persons for such Terms and under such moderate Quitrents, services & acknowledgments to be thereupon reserved unto us as you by & with the advice aforesaid shall think fit, which said grants are to pass and be seal'd by our seal of New Hampshire, and being entered upon record by such officer or officers as you shall appoint there- unto shall be good and effectual in Law against us, our Heirs & successors." Thus the many subsequent grants of towns and the conveyances of lands therein rest upon the authority of King George III of England. A perusal of the entire com- mission may surprise the reader by reason of the breadth of power conferred upon the governor of a royal province. No governor of a State, not even the president of the United States, has such power nor is so unrestrained in the exercise of his authority. All the unoccupied land of New Hampshire was at the free disposal of the governor. He was commander-in-chief of all military forces and surveyor of the forests. Not a pine tree could be cut, if he objected. He appointed all the judges and dismissed the House of Representatives at his will. The only check on his authority was that he could raise money by taxation only with the consent of the people themselves, through their representatives. Therefore he sometimes had to yield. Although afflicted with the gout, he could make himself agreeable, and sometimes sent such a message as this to the House, "His Excellency should be glad to wait on the Speaker & the house at his seat at Little Harbour to drink the King's health." Thus some arbitrary conduct might be wiped out of memory.
In 1762 petitions for and against the erection of a play house, or theater, in Portsmouth, were presented to the gov- ernor. Forty-five signed the petition in favor thereof, among them being many of the Wentworth family, as well as Matthew
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Livermore, George Meserve, Robert Trail, and Jonathan Warner. Opposition to the play house was expressed by two hundred and twenty-two of the citizens of Portsmouth, includ- ing five selectmen and many prominent people. Their objec- tions were that the war and subsequent famine made it neces- sary to husband all their resources, that curiosity would prompt the youth throughout the province to go to Portsmouth to spend the little cash they had, and that it would tend to dissi- pation and idleness. The House voted to address the governor in the following words, protesting against the proposed play house :
Because where such Entertainments are a novelty they have a moar peculiar influence on the minds of young people, greatly Indanger their morals by giving them a turn for Intriguing amusements and pleasure, even upon the best and most favorable supposition that nothing contrary to Decency & Good manners is Exhibited yet the strong Impressions made by the Gallantries, Amours & other moveing Representations with which the best Plays abound will dissipate and indispose the minds of youth not used to them, to every thing Important & serious, & as there is a General Com- plaint of a prevailing turn to pleasure & Idleness in most young people among us, which is too well grounded, the Entertainments of the stage would Inflaim that temper; all young countries have much more occasion to In- courage a spirit of Industry & application to business than to countenance Schemes of amusement and allurements to pleasure.2
These arguments would apply, with great force, to most exhibitions of moving pictures today, and who can say that they are unsound, although they may be unconvincing.
The stamp act has become famous in American history, because it roused the colonies to a sense of their rights and liberties and united them in common defense. The opposition that it awakened ran back and forth like lightning from Vir- ginia to Massachusetts. The House of Burgesses of the Old Dominion "spoke out to Faneuil hall," and the answer was no uncertain sound. Such a tax was introduced into England in the reign of William and Mary. It had been proposed in Penn- sylvania and Benjamin Franklin defended its justice. It was advocated in parliament by George Grenville, brother-in-law of the celebrated William Pitt, in 1764, and received the royal signature, March 27, 1765. Ostensibly the act was for "defray-
2 N. H. Prov. Papers, VI. 831.
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ing the expenses of defending, protecting and securing the British colonies and plantations in America," but it was inter- preted by Americans as a sly way of getting revenues to pay the expenses of Great Britain's wars in Europe. The colonies were willing to pay their own expenses, such as were voted and authorized by their own legislative assemblies. They were willing also to help enrich England by allowing her a monopoly of trade with the colonies and by receiving all their manu- factured goods from the mother land. They objected to being taxed by parliament without any representative therein. It was a principle acknowledged by the unwritten constitution of England, a right wrested from opposing kings, that the people who paid the taxes should vote them by their representatives in the House of Commons. The colonists claimed that the varied houses of representatives in America had the same rights as the English House of Commons. "Taxation without repre- sentation is tyranny" was a cry, caught from the pen of James Otis, and heralded throughout the land. The press and pulpit denounced the scheme. Associations were formed, called "Sons of Liberty," to oppose it.
The Stamp Act put a tax, varying from three pence to six pounds, upon all legal and mercantile papers. "Every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper" on which was written, printed or engraved the acts of civil and ecclesiastical courts, must be properly stamped, or they were illegal. The diploma of a college or other educational institu- tion must bear a stamp costing two pounds. An attested copy of any of the proceedings of a court was taxed ten shillings. A deposition paid one shilling. A bill of lading of any goods exported paid a tax of four pence. A governor's grant, as of a township, must bear a stamp worth six pounds. Every will, bond, deed, pamphlet, newspaper and advertisement had to pay a tax. There are fifty-five articles, each containing sev- eral specifications, in the Stamp Act. It was thought that the revenue arising therefrom would be sixty thousand pounds annually. One of the worst features of it was, that all legal proceedings arising from the execution of the law should be in a court of admiralty, to which offenders could be haled from one end of the land to the other, and where the judge decided
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1481617
cases without a jury. Thus two sacred rights of Englishmen were invaded, the right of self-taxation through representatives in government and the right of trial by jury. The historian Bancroft thus sums up the effect of the Stamp Act: "The act seemed sure to enforce itself. Unless stamps were used, mar- riages would be null, notes of hand valueless, ships at sea prizes to the first captors, suits at law impossible, transfers of real estate invalid, inheritances irreclaimable, newspapers sup- pressed."3
A general congress of the colonies met in New York, Oc- tober, 1765, to which New Hampshire sent no delegates, but the doings of the congress were endorsed by the House, at Portsmouth, November 22, in the following words, "Resolved and voted unanimously, That this House do fully approve of and heartily Join in the Resolves and several Petitions agreed upon by the said General Congress and that the Honorable Henry Sherburne, Esq., Speaker of the House, Clement March, and Meshech Weare, Esq., be a Committee hereby fully im- powered to sign the same in behalf of this House." The re- solves and petitions were forwarded to Barlow Trecothick and John Wentworth, then agents of New Hampshire in London, and they were authorized to employ counsel and use their utmost endeavors to obtain the favor and compassion of the king.4
Dr. Belknap, who was living at that time and well knew the feeling of the colonies, thus sums up public opinion: "The true friends of constitutional liberty now saw their dearest interests in danger ; from an assumption of power in the parent state to give and grant the property of the colonists at their pleasure. Even those who had been seeking alterations in the colonial governments, and an establishment of hereditary honors, plainly saw that the ministry were desirous of plucking the fruit, before they had grafted the stock on which it must grow. To render the new act less odious to us, some of our fellow citizens were appointed to distribute the stamped paper, which was prepared in England and brought over in bales. The framers of the act boasted that it was contrived so as to execute
3 Hist. of United States, III. 106.
4 N. H. Prov. Papers, VII., 92.
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itself; because no writing could be legal without the stamp; and all controversies which might arise were to be determined in the courts of admiralty by a single judge, entirely dependent on the crown. This direct and violent attack on our dearest privileges at first threw us into a silent gloom, and we were at a loss how to proceed. To submit was to rivet the shackles of slavery on ourselves and our posterity. The revolt was to rend asunder the most endearing connections and hazard the resentment of a powerful nation."5
George Meserve of Portsmouth, son of Colonel Nathaniel Meserve who died in the second siege of Louisburg, was in England at the time when the Stamp Act was passed. It was thought that Americans would be the best collectors of revenues arising therefrom, and so Meserve was appointed as stamp- master for the province of New Hampshire. The law was to take effect November I, 1765. Mr. Meserve arrived in Boston on the sixth of September; when he learned how Americans viewed the act and the excited state of public opinion, he at once resigned his office. The resignation, however, was not known in Portsmouth, and on the night of the eleventh an indignant populace placed in Haymarket Square a triple effigy, repre- senting Lord Bute, George Meserve and the devil, and the devil was represented as whispering in Meserve's ear the fol- lowing couplet :
"George, my son, you are rich in station, But I would have you serve this nation."
These effigies stood for a day; at night they were carried about town and then burned. On the arrival of Mr. Meserve, a week later, he made public his resignation of office, on the parade. This quieted the people for a while. On the last day of October the Portsmouth Gazette appeared with a mourning border, purposing to go out of business because of stamp tax. The next day was ushered in with a tolling of bells and the flags were at half mast. In the afternoon a funeral procession was formed, and the Goddess of Liberty was borne to her grave. At the last moment signs of life appeared in her; the bells began to ring; the drums that had been muffled beat a lively
5 Hist. of N. H. Farmer's Ed., p. 328.
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air; and instead of the Goddess of Liberty was buried the Stamp Act. A similar spirit was displayed at Exeter.
The commission of George Meserve as stamp-master did not arrive till January, 1766. A delegation of the Sons of Liberty at once appeared at his house. He gave up the com- mission to them and Justice Wyseman Claggett administered to him an oath that he would not in any way attempt to execute the office. The commission was carried through the town on the point of a sword, and a liberty standard was erected at Swing Bridge, thereafter called Liberty Bridge. The motto on the flag was, "Liberty, Prosperity, and no Stamp." Mr. Meserve had shown his commission to the governor and other persons in office and it was feared that he would act as stamp- master, in spite of his former resignation. His commission and instructions were sent back to England, to the agents of the province, to be disposed of as they saw fit. Efforts were then being made for the repeal of the Stamp Act, and so the agents kept the commission quietly and wisely in their own possession.
The Stamp Act was repealed in March, 1766. The event was celebrated in Portsmouth on the twenty-second of May. "At early dawn all the bells began to ring; a discharge of can- non saluted the rising sun. A battery of twenty-one guns was erected near Liberty Bridge and dedicated to his Majesty. Another of thirteen guns was erected on Church-hill in honor of Mr. Pitt, and a third of five guns on the town wharf. The ships in the harbor were decorated with their colors; drums and military music contributed to the hilarity of the day. At 12 o'clock a royal salute was fired at Castle William and Mary, by order of the governor, which was answered by batteries in town. In the afternoon a grand procession was made through the principal streets, and a salute was fired at each of the bat- teries as they passed. Bells continued ringing through the day. In the evening a bon-fire was kindled on Wind-mill hill."6
Soon afterwards George Meserve petitioned the House, saying that he "had been most shamefully and scandalously insulted and abused and from repeated threats against him has been kept in constant fear of his life and property," and prayed the advisement of the General Assembly. A committee re-
6 Adams' Annals of Portsmouth.
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