USA > New Hampshire > Coos County > Lancaster > History of Lancaster, New Hampshire > Part 9
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The provincial government had forced upon these men a military training and provisions that made them formidable soldiers. That the men of every town might be useful in an emergency the laws had required every town to provide every male inhabitant, from sixteen years old to sixty, with a musket and bayonet, knapsack, cartridge box, one pound of powder, twenty bullets, and twelve flints. Every town was required to keep in readiness one barrel of powder, two hundred pounds of lead, and three hundred flints for every sixty men; besides a quantity of arms and ammunition for persons not able to supply themselves. This provision the new government sought to carry out and make use of.
Though remote in distance from the center of government, Lan- caster was no doubt close in sympathy with its policy in standing firmly for what were considered the interests of the American colonies in the matter of self-government, and the promotion of the welfare of American citizens. Whether Lancaster had any representation in the provincial congress, or the convention for the formation of that congress, we do not know. It is probable that its distance from the former seat of government, when the convention was called, led to its being passed by when the prescripts were sent out notifying the towns to send delegates.
Lancaster had obeyed the call of the congress for taking a census, and made return, as we have seen above; and yet it may have been with this town as it was with Conway. That town had raised a company of volunteer soldiers under the command of Capt. David Page, and sent to Exeter for a supply of ammunition when their messenger learned for the first time of the prescripts having been sent out, and that his town was either ignored or the notice had miscarried. Due apology was made to Conway by the officials, and a request sent them to send a representative which amicably arranged matters. At the session of the congress held at Exeter in Decem- ber, 1775, both Conway and Lancaster as a classed town were rep- resented by Abijah Learned, of Cockburne (now Columbia).
It was at this juncture that a house of representatives was formed, and steps taken to organize the state government, as the old provincial government had been fully abolished. During the period covered by the sessions of the congress there was no civil organiza- tion that could be properly called a government, but rather a popu- lar convention called by the more prudent leaders of the people to meet a grave emergency. Acting under the advice of the con- tinental congress the provincial congress undertook the task of organizing a sovereign state of the people.
Then it was that the second census, above given, was taken of the
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town which reveals the first period of rapid growth of population, and what was of as much importance at such a time, a desire for guns and ammunition with which to do their share of fighting in the struggle then inaugurated by the assault upon citizens situated just as they were.
The continental congress had enjoined upon the states in taking a census, which, while it should afford a fair basis upon which to base representation in the state legislatures and congress, should also reveal the amount of powder and lead in the country. The people were also cautioned against " burning their powder in shooting at birds and other game." So peaceful had times become that there were in Lancaster seven more men than guns available for the war that everybody could see was sure to come upon the frontier com- munities. If the British soldier would not come it was certain that the Indians would be incited to acts of hostility against the settlers on the upper Connecticut River valley, as it was a sort of highway from Canada to northern New England. The leading men of Lan- caster and adjoining towns felt much alarmed for the safety of the Upper Coös for that reason; and as early as the twentieth of June, 1775, Edwards Bucknam and Seth Wales, a justice of the peace in Northumberland, wrote a lengthy letter to Colonels Jacob Bailey and John Hurd of Haverhill, N. H., giving them a vivid account of the situation of affairs along, and beyond, the Canadian boundary.
From that account it appears that Bucknam and Wales had taken the precaution to send a scout as far as Lake Memphremagog in search of two men, and there had the good fortune to fall in with a party of friendly Indians, among whom was one Black Lewa by name, who was well known in Lancaster and Northumberland. He was an honest Indian, and a true friend of the white settlers, one whom they had entire confidence in.
Lewa told the scouts that some time during the winter previous, he, with other Indians of his tribe, set out to guide two British officers from Canada to Coös, but upon learning that their object was to discover the most practicable road over which to lead an army to lay waste to the river settlements the following spring (1775), they quit the service of the officers and returned home. He denied all sympathy with the British, and professed his old-time confidence in the settlers. He was pleased to find an opportunity to expose the hostile intentions of the British officers. He also told the scouts that there were two thousand British soldiers making preparations to invade the states from that quarter some time the coming winter (1775-'76). He told of large offers being held out to the Indian to induce them to join that proposed expedition, but without success. On the contrary, Lewa assured the scouts, the Indians and even many of the French were disposed to join the
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Americans whenever they were ready to send an army to take Quebec. Lewa was sanguine in his expectation that all Canada would join the Americans in the hope of breaking the British rule in Quebec. Lewa offered his services as a spy to discover the movements of the British and bring the settlers information of them; and this office he was well fitted for, as in the guise of a hunter and trapper he could move among the enemy without raising any suspicions whatever.
Bucknam and his neighbors believed Lewa's story; and it made a strong impression upon them. Bucknam and Wales, in the letter referred to, urged strongly upon Colonel Bailey to visit the Indian and interview him and be assured of the probable truth of the story he told the scouts.
The people of this section were certain that their valley would be visited by the enemy because it was so near to Canada where the British army would be uninterrupted in their preparations for war, and where, it was feared, the Indians could so easily be induced to join with them in laying waste to this fair country.
And while it happened that their worst apprehensions were not realized, there was no feeling of security in this section of the country until some time after peace had been declared.
During the month of July, 1775, Colonel Bailey and Lewa visited the provincial congress then in session at Exeter, and the Indian again told his story. It made such a deep impression upon William Whipple, acting chairman of the committee of safety, that he at once ordered Captain Bedel to proceed immediately with his com- pany to Lancaster or Northumberland, and, after due consultation with the people, to build a fort sufficient for defence against small arms, and then to go still farther up the frontier and build such other garrisons as might be necessary for the protection of the people. He was instructed to use every endeavor to gain and hold the friend- ship of the Indians by making such presents as would please them.
From Exeter Colonel Bailey and Lewa proceeded to the camp of the American army at Cambridge, Mass., where the Indian repeated his news to the commanders; and how much influence it may have had in determining an expedition against Quebec it is not easy to conjecture, but it must have had some weight with General Washington.
Captain Bedel came to Lancaster, and upon mature deliberation three forts were decided upon, two of which were built in North- umberland, and one in Stratford. One of these forts was built at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc river, near where the old Fort Wentworth had been built more than twenty years before; and the second one was located on what was known as the Marshall farm. The one in Stratford was in the north part of the town.
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HISTORY OF LANCASTER.
Wild consternation filled the minds of the scattering settlers in this section. Some fled for places of greater safety, others wished to follow them; but there were a remnant of the people who refused to leave their homes, and but for those brave men and women the entire population would have fled, leaving their homes to fall into the hands of the roving Indians that came along soon. The young wife of Caleb Marshall, on whose farm one of the forts in Northumberland was build, had her household goods hidden away, and then, with one child of two years of age and an infant less than a month old, mounted a horse and fled to Hampstead, a distance of more than a hundred and fifty miles from her home, for safety.
Scouts were at once sent out to learn, if possible, the movements of the enemy, and a sufficient number of men were kept at the forts to properly garrison them so as to afford a safe retreat for the women and children in case of an attack from either the British or their Indian allies.
In such a state of suspense and hourly expectation of danger, the first year of the war passed without either actual warfare or even an attack from the enemy. The hope of these hardy frontiersmen was that in the event of an invasion of the river settlements they might be able to hold the enemy in check or drive him back, and so save the lower settlements from an invasion. Their forts were located with reference to keeping the enemy out of the valley. Lancaster asked for no fort or garrison, but urged the location of them farther up the river, where the people would be first, and most exposed to the depredations of the Indians in event the British should make allies of them. The spirit of these northern frontiersmen was as worthy of praise as that of any section of our whole country. Everything pointed to this valley becoming a sort of highway for forays from the enemy, who was safely making preparations for the war just over the line where once the French and Indians had laid similar plans. The settlers never feared an invasion from any other point than across the Canadian line north of them. It was against that point of danger that they wished to fortify their country, and by defending themselves prevent the enemy from going down the river to other towns. So great was the fear of attack that all interests gave way to the defence of the Upper Coös valley.
These upper towns petitioned the Committee of Safety for a suit- able garrison to hold these forts, and check any invading force of either Indians or British that might reach this section.
This petition seems to have had no response accorded it, for no soldiers were sent here upon its almost pathetic appeal. The reason must not be attributed to any indifference upon the part of the committee of safety, or the general court, for much danger was
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feared from this quarter. Soldiers could not be spared from more exposed points, and the means for their equipment were too scanty. All the men and equipments available had to be sent to hold the grounds gained in the vicinity of Boston, and guard the Champlain Lake region where it was evident efforts would be made to land forces to flank the New England forces and march upon New York. From the gravity of their situation on a frontier where attacks were so certainly expected, and the forces wholly inadequate to offer any formidable resistance, the people no doubt felt somewhat aggrieved at both the central committee of safety and the general court. When the new government sent out its precepts notifying the towns to send representatives to the general court in 1775, some of the leading spirits in Lancaster, and notably among them David Page, replied to it in the following terse manner :
"To the Honorable Provincial Congress conveaned at Exeter Dec. 20 A D 1775 .-
" Respected Gentlemen-we sould take this opportunity to inform your Honor- able House That the nine Towns in the upper Cohos have not complied with the precept of the last Congress issued to them for the election of a Representative the reasons of which conduct are these-first, the needy circumstances of the people render it impossible for them to be at the expence of supporting one.
2 the distance of the inhabitance and difficulty of communacation is so great that it prevented a general attendance in the meeting for to chuse a representative we write to your honorable house as individuals but at the same time as being well acquainted with the minds of the people it is their universal desire not to be taxed to defray aney Expence of delegates maintaining this principel that their ought to be no taxation without representation we are with the highest respect for your house much respected Gentlemen your most obedient humble servants.
Lancaster, Dec. 14th. 1775.
David Page { Selectmen for Lancaster. James Brown. { Selectmen for Stratford. Josiah Walker, inhabitant of Stratford."
This communication was signed by Page, and from its style and spirit I think it was written by him with the knowledge and consent of his few most confidential advisors on local matters. It was not the action of the town through its voters in any public meeting for no such meeting was ever held; but notwithstanding, this refusal to convene the voters and choose a representative, the town was rep- resented by Col. Joseph Whipple of Dartmouth who was the follow- ing year elected, and Dartmouth was in Lancaster's class of towns for representation from 1776 to 1778. During the session of the legislature of 1776, Colonel Whipple was appointed a commissioner to take into consideration the difficulties and grievances that existed in several towns in Grafton county with respect to the form of the new government. Among those disaffected towns was Lancaster. Colonel Whipple was brought into close relations with the leaders among these northern towns, and whatever he may have reported to the legislature in regard to their attitude towards the new form of
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government did not affect his relations to the people here, for all through the long war we find him acting with them. When he was appointed colonel of the Twenty-fifth regiment of militia he secured Edwards Bucknam as his lieutenant-colonel. He seems never to have lacked in confidence of Bucknam and Eames.
It is likely that Colonel Whipple had a salutary influence over these northern towns during this period of disaffection, and that he, as much as anybody else, prevented the split in the matter of the Vermont controversy. He was close in his relations with the gov- ernment, and had full confidence in its ability and patriotic inten- tions to serve the people faithfully in a time so critical as that of the revolutionary struggle for a common freedom that all Americans might rejoice in.
A spirit of renewed confidence in the government seems to have taken possession of the people in the month of June, and as great fears were entertained that an attack was being planned to take effect at an early day from the north, the people turned to Exeter once more in a petition that is almost pathetic for soldiers, to defend their section against one of the worst of enemies. Their petition was as follows:
" The humble petition of a number of inhabitants belonging to the several towns in the upper Cohoss (so called) humbly sheweth : That your petitioners having moved themselves and families from the interior part of this Colony, at a great expense and difficulty, and by industry have cleared such a quantity of Land as by close application have Spported their families, this day have information by letter from the Committee of Safety for the towns of Bath, Gunthwaite, Lan- . daff & Lyman, that our army in Canada consisting of about 11000 men, were drove to St Johns by 30000 Regulars, 1500 Canadians & 500 Indians."
As it was impossible to get soldiers from the front, where open hostilities were rife, to defend a section of country not yet invaded, the hardy frontiersmen next conceived the plan of having one of their own number invested with the authority to raise a company of volunteers at home, and in the near-by towns, to stand guard over this river pass that it seemed so very certain the enemy would take advantage of, and especially as he could likely induce the Indians to again take up the hatchet against the whites who so severely chas- tised them some twenty years before. If they could not have soldiers sent them in their hour of sorest trial they could, at least, organize a company of good soldiers out of their scouts and the heads of families who did not care to fly to some other point of safety and leave their homes to be plundered by Indians and British soldiers bent on laying waste to the country. They accordingly sent the following petition to the congress at Exeter :
" Whereas we the inhabitants of Lancaster, Northumberland, Guildhall & Strat- ford are fully sensible of the dangers of being attacked by the Canadians which
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are the worst of enmeys & although some of our neighbors have Quit the ground, yet we the subscribers Do Joinly & severaly promis & ingage to Stand our ground providing the Honorable Counsell sees Fit to grant our request That is this, that you will please us your petitioners so far as to appoint Mr. Jere'h Ames of North- umberland our friend and Neighbor, Commander of our Fort which with a great deal of fatage we have almost accomplished & likewise for him the said Ames to have orders to inlist as many men as the Honab'l Cort in their wisdom will see fit, we do ingage to inlist ourselves & obey his orders as long as he is stationed in up- per Coos and Commander of our Fort.
July 6, 1776."
This petition was signed by the following persons :
" Thomas Blodgett, James Curtiss,
Archippus Blodgett,
Emmons Stockwell, Josiah Blodgett,
Joseph Barlow,
Nathanile Caswell,
Sam'l Nash,
Abijah Larned,
Moses Quimby,
Ward Bailey,
James Blake,
David Larned,
Sam'l Page, Abner Osgood,
Dies Sawyer,
Abel Larned, John Frickey."
Elizer Rosebrook, Abner Barlow,
This petition had its desired effect; and inside of a week the cen- tral committee of safety addressed the following communication to Capt. Jeremiah Eames :
" You are hereby authorized to Enlist Fifty good able bodied and effective men officers included, to serve as soldiers under you for three months (unless sooner discharged) as scouting parties to make their head Quarters at Great Cohoss, not taking more than ten of the Inhabitants of said Great Cohoss in number : and you are to make return as often as you can conveniently of your Routs, discoveriey &c. to Col.º Bailey, Hurd and Col. Johnson at lower Cohoss, and take their instruc- tions from time to time for your future conduct. The men you Enlist are to be paid thirty shillings as a Bounty, and assure them they shall receive forty shillings per month when your roll is made up; and the company are to choose a Lieut. Ensign & 2 Sergt.s You as Captain shall receive £6, your Lieutenant £4, and Ensign £3, Each Sergt. 48 sh. per month. The Capt., Lieuts. & Ens.ns to re- ceive no bounty."
Captain Eames at once set about raising his company, and in order to fill his quota made a trip to Haverhill and the towns lower down the river. By the time he was ready to enlist men, August, the month of harvesting their crops was upon him. The crops of that year were abundant, and it was thought best not to encourage the farmers to neglect gathering them as against their future neces- sities. Captain Eames was successful enough, however, to enlist, and bring into service thirty men to garrison the new fort in North- umberland at the mouth of the Ammonoosuc river, which they had named Fort Weare, in honor of Meshech Weare, president of the state congress. These men were used as a garrison and for scout- ing purposes in order to learn the presence and plans of the enemy. There is no record of their doings, but from fragmentary allusions to their actions we conclude that they were kept in action mostly as scouts, for at one time complaint was made that the fort was entirely
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HISTORY OF LANCASTER.
deserted by the garrison, which left the women and children ex- posed, as they thought, to sudden attacks by the Indians and Can- adians. There is no evidence that this desertion of the fort by the garrison was unwise or due to a lack of caution. The enemy was supposed to be in the country, and they were seeking to discover his whereabouts. That was as much a part of their duty as to gar- rison the fort. It was not the intention of the committee of safety that these soldiers should remain inside the fort and allow a shrewd enemy to flank them, and get into the lower towns. By a constant patrol of the country northward and westward it would be an easy matter to apprehend the movements of either an army of regular soldiers or a band of Indians, which were as much to be feared as the British regulars.
The conduct of Captain Eames and his company did not seem to restore confidence and a feeling of safety. On the contrary, the people seemed to have grown restless and fearful as the period for which the company had been enlisted drew to a close. Under the feeling that they had been poorly served by Captain Eames's company of soldiers, and that the danger was just as great as at any time previous, the people of Lancaster and other towns appointed Capt. Edwards Bucknam to go to Exeter in the fall of 1776, and lay before the general court their grievances against Cap- tain Eames and his men and ask for some new measures of relief. Captain Bucknam went provided with a document given by the peo- ple, and setting forth some of their grievances as well as express- · ing their wishes in the matter of relief. Among other things this document sets forth a rather deplorable condition of affairs, and recommends Captain Bucknam for any office the court may see fit to entrust him with in behalf of the safety of the people, as follows :
" We recommend Capt. Bucknam in behalf of the inhabitants aforesaid for any office or command of any party of men that the Court in their wisdom should see proper to be raised and sent for our protection.
" Likewise a Commissary which may be likely to give content and be faithful to the Colony, as some of these Preveleges may prove incoragments to these Frontier Settlements.
" The commander of the company Now Stationed Hear & Comasary Have Not conducted themselves agreable to the minds of the Inhabitants Nor for the Bene- fit of the State-therefore it is Desired that the inhabitants may not be imposed upon by these two Gentlemen any longer than their first ingagements are Expired -and although the Honorable Court Has seen fit to send for our Protection a Number of able Bodyed men are now stationed amongs us in order as we soposed to Build or Erect any fort or Breastworks or at least to complete the fort we the inhabitants had Built, with storehouse and Barracks that we might have had some place of Refuge to flee to with our families at any Suden Danger or Surprise- But Notwithstanding all our Expectations & Hopes of Safety we are unhapily Dis- appointed-for our fort stands just as Capt. Eames found it without the least alter- ation Except age-Thus we do desire you the said Capt. Bucknam in the behalf of the inhabitants to inforn the Honorable Court of our Setuation that we are now
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in, and Prehaps they think we shall Be in a much worse Condition if we are Driven into our Naked fort without anything to seport Nature or Cover our Heads which if there is No Better Management than there is at Present No Doubt Will Be the Case."
From such representations of things here it may be inferred that Captain Eames's company did little else than scout duty. Perhaps the captain may have been convinced from the situation of affairs that the fort would never be needed, and that every family could take care of its own question of " supplying nature, and covering their own heads."
Whatever was the situation nothing had been done to reassure the people of safety. If only Indians were to have been expected to assail the people, then perhaps the best way would have been to have met them by their own tactics of war, and hunted them down like wild beasts that they were. At all events the people were not satisfied and desired a change in the order of things, and were not slow in making known their wishes to the government.
Just what was done for their relief and satisfaction is not known; but it does not appear from anything that we can learn of the situation in this section that any radical change was effected, or that the old forts were repaired, or that the scouting service was changed very materially, for that service continued until after the news of the surrender of Cornwallis had reached the upper Coös. Nothing but a treaty of peace, and the withdrawal of the British army could restore a feeling of safety in this section.
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