USA > New Hampshire > Grafton County > Lebanon > History of Lebanon, N.H., 1761-1887 > Part 23
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In 1837 the vote for governor in the town was 116 votes for Isaac Hill; scattering, 3. In the state Joseph Healey, Whig, had 557; Isaac Hill, Democrat, had 22,361; scattering, 1,614.
In 1838 the vote for governor in town was: James Wilson, Whig, 230 votes; for Isaac Hill, Democrat, 129 votes. In the state Wilson had 25,675; Isaac Hill, 28,697 ; scattering, 198. The increase in the Whig vote is very noticeable, showing that the people were taking sides with decision.
In 1839 James Wilson, Whig, had 210 votes; John Page, Dem- ocrat, had 141 votes. In the state Wilson had 23,928; Page had 30,518. The Whigs lose and the Democrats gain.
MEETING HOUSE.
While the people were questioning whose duty it might be to repair the meeting-house, the house itself fared badly. In the
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. warrant for the annual meeting for 1832 appears this article: "To see if you will vote to repair the windows in the meeting- house ;" also, "To see if you will direct the selectmen or some other person to prosecute for any damage done to the meeting- house."
The matter of repairing the windows, they coming within the former vote to repair the "outside," was referred to the select- men, and they were also directed to prosecute for any damage done to the house. Whether the offenders were discovered and prosecuted does not appear. Probably not, for the small boy has great facility for being somewhere else when mischief is done.
In 1835 a new movement was made concerning the meeting- house. At the annual meeting the following article appears in the warrant :
To see if the Town will consent to a proposed alteration of the Old Meeting-house by the Committee of the First Universalist Society, by laying a floor even with the gallery and removing the body pews be- low, or act hereon.
The following is the action taken on this article :
Resolved that the Committee mentioned in the Article 17th in the war- rant have leave to make the proposed alteration in the Old Meeting House; to be made under the direction of the Selectmen, and that the said Selectmen see that it is left in proper situation for town use
The Congregationalists had already built their own house, the Methodists had done the same a few years previous, so that there could be no objection to this plan. It was duly carried out, the upper part making a place of worship and the lower part ar- ranged for town meetings.
POOR FARM.
At the annual meeting in 1832 the town took further action relative to the purchase of a farm for the support of the poor, and they voted to choose a committee of three to investigate the matter. Daniel Hardy, Isaac Doty and Joseph Wood composed the committee. At a meeting held April 17, 1832, they voted to postpone the matter indefinitely and the poor were committed to the care of the selectmen.
In 1835 at the annual meeting the subject came up again, when
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the town "voted to authorize the selectmen to buy a farm if they deem it expedient."
At the next annual meeting they passed another vote, "that the selectmen be authorized to purchase a farm." This vote is different from the preceding, in that it does not leave the sub- ject to the discretion of the selectmen. But the question was not settled by this vote, for at the annual meeting held March 14, 1837, another plan was brought forward, for they then passed the following vote: "That a committee of three be appointed to confer with similar committees from the towns of Hanover, Lyme and Orford, concerning purchasing a farm for the support of the poor in said towns, and report their doings at some future meeting of the town." This plan failed, for at the annual meeting in 1838 the following action was taken: "Voted to choose a committee to purchase a farm for the support of the poor of the town of Lebanon and that a sum, not exceeding forty- five hundred dollars of the public deposits, be appropriated for that purpose." James Willis, David Hough and George H. La- throp were the committee chosen. It is to be noted that this is the first time any appropriation is made for this purpose. This action was final. The farm now owned by G. W. Worthen in the south part of the town was purchased for that purpose. Capt. Ephraim Wood was appointed superintendent and the town authorized him to spend a thousand dollars to purchase stock-farming tools and provisions for the use of the farm.
NEW ROADS.
For some time a new road was in contemplation westerly from what was then the Ira Gates farm, now Baumhaure's, through Poverty Lane to Plainfield line. The only road to that mis- named territory was that from Hubbard Bridge-a "long way around." At the annual meeting the town voted "that the selectmen of the Town meet the Selectmen of Plainfield, or such Committee as may be appointed by said town of Plainfield, and consult on the contemplated (or any other) route for a road to Plainfield, and if the public good required it, to lay out the road in the most suitable place." The road was finally built.
There had been for a long time a plan for a road from Pack- ard's (Chandler's) mills to East Lebanon on the north side of
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the Mascoma River. At the same meeting, "Voted to choose a Committee of five to meet the Committee appointed by the pro- prietors of 4th Newhampshire Turnpike road on the subject of the contemplated route from near Packards bridge, Eastward, and to report at the next Town meeting." George H. Lathrop, John Lowe, David Hough, Uriah Amsden and Richard Kimball were appointed the committee.
At a meeting held on the 17th of April, 1832, the committee reported, when another committee of three was chosen to confer with the Fourth New Hampshire Corporation at their next an- nual meeting respecting an alteration of the road from Stony Brook to Josiah Barnes', and that said committee have power to make such proposition to said corporation as they may deem most advantageous to this town, and obtain such propositions from said corporation as they see fit to make, and report to the annual town meeting next March. The selectmen were chosen said committee, viz .: Roswell Sartwell, Alpheus Baker and Hal- sey R. Stevens.
When the Fourth New Hampshire Turnpike was located, it passed over the hill by B. F. Fellows' house, the Cleaveland place, then turning southward came onto Mascoma Lake near the Abner Packard place. The location proved inconvenient and difficult and it was proposed by the turnpike corporation to change the road to the southerly bank of the Mascoma River, from Stony Brook to East Lebanon near the outlet of the lake. The town desired to take advantage of the new part and the con- ference with the turnpike corporation was to secure this privi- lege. Finally the parties agreed that upon a contribution of seven hundred and fifty dollars towards the expense of the con- struction of the road, they should have the right to use it. The town appropriated first six hundred dollars and afterward one hundred and fifty more, the final vote being at the annual meet- ing in 1834.
How great an improvement this was may be easily seen, when it is known that the only road to East Lebanon was either by this road past the Fellows place on the south side of the river, or on the north side over Mount Tug.
In 1834, what is now called the Pine Plain road at West Leba- non, was laid out by a court committee, as a substitute for the
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old river road. This old road turned to the right, just south of the dwelling of Jeremiah Wood and ran along the river bank, coming out northerly of True bridge.
SUPPORT OF PRIMARY SCHOOLS.
At the annual meeting, 1834, the following record was made: "Resolved unanimously that our Representatives be requested to use their best exertions to repeal a law approved July 5, 1833, entitled an act in amendment of primary schools passed July 6, 1827.''
The act to which the town was "unanimously" opposed was the following :
Be it enacted That it shall be the duty of the Selectmen of the Several Towns in this State to assign to each School District, in their respective towns and places, a proportion of the money assessed in each year for the support of schools, according to the valuation thereof for that year, unless the said towns and places, shall, at a meeting holden for that purpose, direct it to be divided according to the number of scholars in each district.
Upon a comparison of this act with that for which it was a substitute, no great difference is to be found. Section 2 of that act provides that the money raised for the support of schools shall be paid to the districts in proportion to the "valuation thereof for that year, or in such other manner as the several towns at their annual meeting shall direct."
The only difference in the two acts seems to be this : That un- der one law the town at its annual meeting can decide how the school money shall be divided, but in the amended act the towns could decide between two methods only, wholly by the valua- tion, or wholly by the number of scholars. They could not com- bine the two, as was often done, part by the scholars, part by the valuation. Division of the school money was always, and still is, a vexed question. The historian finds from the records that in a great majority of cases the division was "Same as last year."
RAILINGS ON BRIDGES.
At a special meeting held September 6, 1834, "Voted that the selectmen put railings on all Town Bridges they think neces- sary." This action was undoubtedly prompted by the fact that
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there had been accidents on the bridges from want of sufficient protection, for this article is found in the warrant for the annual meeting of 1834: "To see if the Town will pay Andrew Post for loss of his horse and damage of his Waggon in consequence of falling from the Bridge near Eliel Pecks Mills."
A RAILROAD IN PROSPECT.
From a vote passed at the annual meeting in 1836 the subject of a railroad through the town was before the people. The vote was as follows: "Voted that the Selectmen pay the expense of the survey of the contemplated Rail Road route through this Town." The vote, passed more than ten years before the road was in operation, shows that the people discerned their true in- terests.
Strange as it may seem to the present generation, there was at first intense and bitter opposition to railroads. The farmers opposed them because they did not want their farms divided and encumbered by the track, because their cattle were likely to be killed or mutilated. They said it would spoil the market for their horses, as there would be no call for them on stages and the big teams which carried their produce to market, and brought back groceries, dry goods and old Medford rum. What should they do with their oats ?
Besides there was at the time bitter hatred to all corporations in New Hampshire. So strong was this opposition, and so diffi- cult was it to obtain any charter for a railroad from the legis- lature of the state, that the threat to pass around New Hamp- shire was openly made. This would have been disastrous to the state in all its interests and retarded its development in manu- factures and in all its highest interests. Fortunately there were those who had discernment to see the advantage of railroads and charters were granted to them.
PUBLIC MONEY FROM U. S. SURPLUS REVENUE.
This surplus came from the sale of public lands. In con- gress there were long and heated discussions as to its disposition. Finally it decided to distribute it among the states in proportion to their population, but under certain conditions, chief among which was that it must be repaid whenever the United States
ROBERT BYRON KIMBALL.
ROBERT KIMBALL.
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should demand it. Under a like condition it was to be distrib- uted to the towns. This condition occasioned no little reluctance on the part of the towns as to receiving, as it might place them in a difficult position, if it should be demanded again after they had spent it.
TOWN CLERK'S RECORDING DEEDS.
At the annual meeting in 1838 the town voted on this ques- tion : "Is it expedient for the Legislature to enact a law author- izing Town Clerks to record deeds?" The vote was, yeas 107, nays 5. This measure was probably suggested by the practice of Vermont. This was actually done when the town was in union with that state; there is among the town papers a book in which a large number of deeds are recorded. While this town favored the measure, the state was against it. It has its advantages and also its disadvantages and the latter are in excess.
At this same meeting came up this question of disannexing the town from Grafton County and annexing it to Sullivan County, but the town took no action on the question, but the fact that the measure came up shows that there was even then dissat- isfaction among the people concerning their disadvantages as to attendance upon courts.
Also they voted to "become responsible to the state for the Rifles now used by the Rifle Company and also for any other arms that may be furnished by the State for the use of Soldiers of Lebanon."
Further they voted, "That the Selectmen purchase of Robert Kimball Esq. the piece of land to enlarge the burying ground if, in their opinion, it can be had at a fair price." This was the portion of the village cemetery in the rear of the high school building and the Methodist Church.
THE MEETING HOUSE UNEASY.
At the annual meeting, 1839, the following vote was passed : "Voted that the town give to Colbee C. Benton and others liberty to remove the Meeting House from where it now stands [on the common] to land back of the Common owned by Edward A Howe or Rev John Moore, provided they satisfy the Selectmen that it can be safely removed without danger of losing the Com-
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mon, and provided they give to the Town a deed of the land to which they remove it, and also provided they give to the town a bond, with ample security, that they will remove it without any expence to the town, and leave it in as good repair as it now is, and place it as high as it now stands, and leave the ground around it in as good situation as it now is, and that a space of two rods be left on all sides of it and included in the deed."
This enterprise was inaugurated by the Universalist Society, which had become the sole occupant of the house as a place of worship.
The Common was given to the town by Robert Colburn as a place for a meeting-house, with the provision that it should only be held for a site for a house of worship and a parade ground. There was danger that the ground would be lost to the town unless some arrangements should be made with his heirs.
Notwithstanding this vote, the meeting-house remained on its first location for years after.
FROM 1840 TO 1850. . POLITICAL AFFAIRS.
In the vote for governor in the town in 1840 Enos Stevens, Whig, had 206 votes; John Page, Democrat, 111, but in the state Page had a large majority.
In the vote for governor, 1841, in the town, Enos Stevens, W., had 201; John Page, D., had 150 votes, a large gain for the Democrats in the town. John Page was elected by a re- duced majority. A new element appears among the old parties, that is, the Free Soil. Though Daniel Hoit, the candidate of that party, received no vote in the town, yet he received in the state 1,273 votes.
In 1842 the vote for governor was for Stevens, W., 128 votes; Henry Hubbard, D., 147; John H. White, I. D., 52. In the state there was a great variety of votes, Daniel Hoit, F. S., had 2,812; John H. White, I. D., 5,869; Enos Stevens, W., 12,234, a great loss; Henry Hubbard, 26,831, a loss also. An Independent Democrat was a Democrat opposed to the extension of slavery; a Free Soiler was opposed to slavery everywhere.
In 1843 the vote for governor was: Anthony Colby, W., 176; Henry Hubbard, D., 145; John H. White, I. D., 18. In the
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state Daniel Hoit, F. S., had 3,402, John H. White had 5,497, Anthony Colby 12,551, Henry Hubbard 23,050.
In 1844 the vote for governor was, for Anthony Colby, W., 168; John H. Steele, D., 113; John H. White, I. D., 20; Daniel Hoit, F. S., 19. This is the first time that Free Soil votes appear in the town.
In the state the vote was, for Daniel Hoit, F. S., 5,767; John H. White, I. D., 1,988; Anthony Colby, W., 14,750; John H. Steele, D., 25,986. This indicates a decrease in the Independent Democrat, an increase in the Free Soil, Whig and Democrat vote. From this time the Independent vote disappears, most of them joining the Free Soilers.
In 1845 the vote for governor was, for Anthony Colby, W., 160; for John Steele, D., 95; Daniel Hoit, F. S., 34. The Demo- crats lose, the Free Soilers gain.
In the state, Daniel Hoit, 5,786, a slight gain; Anthony Colby, 15,579, a gain ; John H. Steele, 23,406, a loss.
In 1846, for governor, Anthony Colby, W., had 151 votes; Jared W. Williams, D., 117; Nathaniel S. Berry, F. S., 45, a gain. In the state, Anthony Colby had 17,707; Jared W. Wil- liams, 26,740; N. S. Berry, 10,379. In this year there was a larger vote for all parties, the Free Soilers nearly doubling their vote. But there was no election by the people. Anthony Colby was elected by the legislature.
In 1847 the vote for governor was, Anthony Colby, W., 180; Jared W. Williams, D., 167; Nathaniel Berry, F. S., 45. In the state the vote for N. S. Berry, 8,531; Anthony Colby, 21,109; Jared W. Williams, 30,806. Williams elected.
In 1848 the vote for governor was, for N. S. Berry, F. S., 202; Jared W. Williams, D., 153. In the state N. S. Berry had 28,- 829; Jared W. Williams, 32,245. In both town and state the Whigs were not represented in the vote of the year; the majority of the Whigs probably voted for Berry.
In 1849 the vote for governor was, Nathaniel S. Berry, F. S., 27; Levi Chamberlain, W., 182; Samuel Dinsmore, Jr., D., 146.
In the state, N. S. Berry, 7,045; Levi Chamberlain, 18,764; Samuel Dinsmore, Jr., 30,107.
The remarkable decrease in the Free Soil vote indicates very plainly that the Whigs voted with them in 1848.
17
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HISTORY OF LEBANON.
The period from 1840 to 1850 was one of great division of opinion and intense excitement of feeling throughout the land. The people were discussing many things pertaining to their wel- fare, upon which they could not, or did not agree. Among these questions the continuance of an United States bank; the Semi- nole war; disputed boundaries on the northeast and the north- west of the territory of the United States; the rise and persecu- tion of the Mormons; the Log Cabin and Hard Cider campaign ; a rebellion in Canada and in Rhode Island; the expeditions of Fremont to the coast of the Pacific; the seizure of California, in which he was a prominent actor; the Mexican war; the dis- tribution of the surplus revenue to the states.
But the most potent factor in these disturbances was the sub- ject of slavery. The Abolitionists, standing upon the broad as- sertions of the Declaration of Independence, bitterly denounced slavery itself, and would have no compromises with it of any kind. They would accept nothing but immediate emancipation. Others, while they disliked slavery with more or less feeling, did not quite see their way clear to immediate extinction of that system, but were determined that it should have no more terri- tory to occupy, by which to strengthen itself. Then another large and powerful party held negro slavery to be a good insti- tution in itself, and having the divine approval, and this party was not confined to the territory where slavery existed, but had sympathy and advocates all through the people. To threaten this institution was to threaten their temporal prosperity and all their interests. Naturally enough they resented any interfer- ence with this cherished institution with bitterness and direful threats.
Circumstances kept alive these feelings and passions and kindled them to hotter activity. In 1839 the schooner L'Amistad, bound from Havana to Port Principe, with fifty-four blacks on board, while lying near the coast of Connecticut, is seized by Lieutenant Gedney of the United States brig Washington and taken into New London in August. The blacks proved to be slaves, purchased at Havana, who had risen in mutiny and killed the captain and three of the crew. Cingues, son of an African chief, a leader in the mutiny, with thirty-eight others, were held for trial. The acting Spanish minister demanded from our
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government the surrender of the vessel, her cargo and the slaves to the Spanish authorities. Before the United States Circuit Court in Hartford, Conn., the counsel for Spain demanded the release of the blacks. Judge Thompson promptly refused the demand. Then ensued a long controversy as to the jurisdiction of the courts. The claim of the officers and crew of the Wash- ington complicated matters still farther. Finally, in January, 1840, Judge Judson of the District Court decides in favor of the jurisdiction of the courts, in favor of the claim of the crew to salvage, but refused the demand of the authorities of Spain for restoration, and finally adds this curious judgment that the actual murderers being blacks, must be set free; had they been whites they would have been tried and executed as pirates. That they must be delivered to the president of the United States to be returned to Africa.
It is difficult to understand the ground of this decision, unless we take the word blacks as synonymous with slaves who had the natural right to gain their freedom by any means. An appeal was taken to the District Court and to the United States Su- preme Court, where all the previous points were affirmed, except as to sending the blacks back to Africa; they were given their absolute freedom. The next year the brig Creole leaves Rich- mond, Vt., for New Orleans with one hundred and thirty-five slaves. The slaves mutiny, kill one of the owners and injure the crew, and take the vessel to Nassau, New Providence. Nine- teen of the slaves are imprisoned for mutiny and murder. The demand of the United States consul for their surrender to be sent to the United States was denied.
Later the secretary of state, Mr. Webster, instructs the min- ister to England to present the case to the British government. It is discussed in parliament and ended with a refusal to sur- render the fugitives, or the mutineers, and they were all ordered to be released.
All these things were discussed abundantly by the newspapers and the people with great earnestness and much excitement.
In 1842 John Quincy Adams presented in the senate a petition from citizens of Haverhill, Mass., asking that measures might be taken for the peaceable dissolution of the Union. Mr. Adams had no sympathy with the object of this petition, for in present-
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ing it he moved its reference to a select committee, with instruc- tions to report the reasons why the petition should not be granted. The presentation of such a petition produced intense excitement. Resolutions of censure upon Mr. Adams were of- fered by one senator for presenting such a petition. Another offered a substitute declaring Mr. Adams' action the deepest indignity to the senate and people. Violent debates followed and ended in the senate's refusing to receive the petition. Never was Mr. Adams greater than when he advocated the sacred right of petition, guaranteed by the constitution, in the face of a hostile senate, and that, too, in a prayer with which he had no sympathy.
This action kindled anew the fires of discord and awakened intense indignation in the minds of hundreds of thousands who had no sympathy with the objects of that petition, but did believe in the sacred right then denied.
Abolition riots occur in various parts of the country, involving loss of life and property.
In the meantime Texas had gained her independence from Mexico, and established a republic, and soon sought admission to the Union. All parties saw at once the meaning of this move- ment. The South advocated the admission of Texas because it would enlarge slave territory, make a market for their slaves, and give them predominance in national affairs, for though their slaves could not vote, yet they were counted to make up the number requisite for a representative to congress. The North was alarmed. While for the most part they were not disposed to meddle with slavery where it was already estab- lished, they earnestly objected to the extension of its territory. Certain action taken in the New Hampshire Legislature indi- cates clearly and forcibly the sentiments and feelings which the annexation of Texas produced.
Whereas the government of the United States, by the annexation of a foreign nation [Texas was a part of Mexico] and the admission of the State of Texas into the Union with a constitution which, in effect, makes slavery perpetual therein have placed us before the world in the false attitude of supporters and defenders of a system of oppression, odious to every friend of liberty, and abhorrent to every principle of humanity and religion; and
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