USA > New Hampshire > History of New Hampshire, from its first discovery to the year 1830; with dissertations upon the rise of opinions and institutions, the growth of agriculture and manufactures, and the influence of leading families and distinguished men, to the year 1874; > Part 21
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The Freewill Baptists originated in 1780. Elder Benjamin Randall of New Durham is their reputed founder ; but there is another claimant for this honor. John Shepard, Esq., of Gil- manton, solemnly affirmed, near the close of his life, "that the Freewill system was all opened to his mind by the Spirit of God, months before any other person knew it; that he then
*" About sixty years ago, President Timothy Dwight, of Yale college, Connecticut, visited Portsmouth, and states in his Book of Travels that the number of dwellings was six hundred and twenty-six, although he thinks that Newmarket was united with it in the enumeration as one district. He says almost all were built of wood. Their contiguity to each other in the compact part of the town he thought very dangerous if fires should occur, as the conflagra- tion might become extensive. But up to that time Portsmouth had not suffered much by fire. We think not more than a dozen dwellings had been burned, so far as any record appears, and a few other buildings. The jail had been burned, but we have not the date.
President Dwight died in 1817. Before his death he had occasion to learn what ruin fire had caused in this town. That of 1813 was terrible. The light of it was seen twenty-five or thirty miles back in the country.
Sixty years ago there were seven places of worship; now there are ten. One society that existed then, the Sandemanian, has become extinct. Another, the Independent, has also ceased. The Universalist society was then in its infancy, and small. The Methodists had not commenced a stated meeting then. Rev. Doctors Buckminster and Parker were in the full tide of prosperity as pastors of the two Congregational churches. Rev. Hosea Ballou, afterwards very prominent among the Universalists, was preaching to the society of that denomination in this piace."
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revealed it, in March, 1780, to Elder Edward Locke and Elder Tozar Lord ; and with them spent a week locked up in the house owned by Mr. Piper of Loudon, fasting and praying and seeking the will of God." He also affirmed that they ordained one another ; and then went to New Durham and ordained Elder Randall. From this humble origin, the number of the denom- ination has been constantly increasing. It now has schools, academies, theological seminaries and a college under its con- trol in New England.
The first Universalist society in the state was established at Portsmouth in 1781. The Christian denomination arose about the beginning of this century. Elder Abner Jones from Ver- mont is its reputed founder. It is an off-shoot from the Freewill Baptists and is quite numerous in New Hampshire. There are within the state two families of Shakers, who date their arrival here in 1792.
Fifty years ago these numerous denominations were very hos- tile to each other ; and much of the preaching of that day was given to sectarian controversies. A better day has dawned upon us ; and as partisan zeal is abated, brotherly love has increased.
From 1775 to 1800, the people were so deeply agitated with the Revolution, the new constitution and other great political questions, that religion scarcely occupied their thoughts. There were faithful preachers and devout hearers in those days, but they were a small minority. The Revolutionary war was, in itself, disastrous to religion ; but the alliance with France was still more injurious. The opinions of Voltaire found many ad- herents among the officers of the army. The works of Godwin and Thomas Paine were also read with eagerness by the young sceptics of the age. Unbelief became popular and faithful fol- lowers of Christ were pointed at "with the finger of scorn." Near the close of the eighteenth century, revivals of religion be- came more frequent, the results of them more permanent ; and "the churches had rest and were edified." The New Hamp- shire Missionary Society, which has been of inestimable advan- tage in providing the preaching of the gospel for feeble churches and sparse populations, was founded in 1801.
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CHAPTER LV.
INSUFFICIENCY OF THE STATE AND GENERAL GOVERNMENTS PRE- VIOUS TO THE ADOPTION OF NEW CONSTITUTIONS.
During the whole period of the Revolutionary war, the United States had no efficient government. From 1775 to 1781 they had a federal union for the purposes of defence, and "they were held together by the ties of a common interest, by the sense of a common danger, and by the necessities of a common cause, having no written bond of union. In short, they were held together by their fears," or rather crushed together by ex- ternal calamities. The articles of confederation were adopted by congress in November, 1777. Maryland, last of the old thirteen states, adopted them March 1, 1781. On the next day congress assembled under this new form of government. This was "the shadow of a government without the substance." It could make laws, but could not execute them ; it could call for armies, but could not raise them ; it could assess taxes, but could not collect them. In a word, its enactments were advisory, not authoritative. The country tried this form of union for the two remaining years of the war and for six subsequent years of peace, and found it wanting.
Virginia took the lead in recommending a convention of the states for the adoption of a new constitution. At the first meet- ing of the delegates at Annapolis, Md., in September, 1786, only five states were represented. Another convention was called in the following May, to meet in Philadelphia. Most of the states approved the measure, but only twenty-nine delegates appeared on the first day; in process of time others came, and on the twenty-eighth of May, 1787, the convention began its session with closed doors, and sat four months and then reported a draft of a new constitution which was to go into operation when nine states had adopted it. New Hampshire was the ninth state to approve it and her vote was taken at Concord, June 21, 1788. On the fourth of March, 1789, the first congress under the new constitution assembled, and on counting the votes pre- viously cast, George Washington was declared President of the United States.
While the general government was forming a permanent con- stitution, the states, also, were giving attention to their organic laws. New Hampshire had already passed through five differ-
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ent forms of government. The earliest was the Proprietary gov- ernment, when it was subject to the rules and orders of the Com- pany of Laconia, of which John Mason was the head. The second was that of the separate towns, when each for itself made a "combination " for the security of life and property. The third was the Colonial government from 1641 to 1680, when the state was ruled by the laws of Massachusetts. To this succeeded the Royal government which, with a slight inter- ruption from 1690 to 1692, when Massachusetts resumed her sway, continued till the beginning of the Revolutionary war. Early in 1776, a temporary "Plan of Government " was adopted to continue through the war. This was republican in form though exceedingly defective in its details. The executive power was delegated to a committee of safety when the assembly was not in session. In 1779 a convention was called to form a new constitution. Their work was rejected by the people. An- other convention was called in 1781. The delegates met at Concord and organized by choosing Hon. George Atkinson president, and Jonathan M. Sewall secretary, both of Ports- mouth. Among the leading men of that convention were Judge Pickering of Portsmouth ; General Sullivan of Dur- ham ; General Peabody of Atkinson ; Judge Wingate of Strat- ham ; Hon. Timothy Walker of Concord; Captain Eben- ezer Webster of Salisbury; General Joseph Badger of Gilman- ton; Timothy Farrar of New Ipswich and Ebenezer Smith of Meredith. The army and the forum, as usual, furnished the most influential members. In all such assemblies a few leading minds plan the work and the majority vote for it. This conven- tion sat only a few days, assigned their work to a committee of seven and adjourned till the following September. A draft of a new constitution was made by them and presented to the con- vention at their adjourned meeting. A bill of rights was also submitted by the same committee. This new organic law was sent to the people for their action upon it in town meetings. The objections urged against it were so numerous that, at the third session of the convention in January, 1782, the new con- stitution was thoroughly revised and recommitted for a report in the following August. A new draft was then presented, ap- proved and again sent to the people for their ratification. The convention then adjourned till the next December. This form of government was generally approved, but, several amendments being deemed necessary, the convention again adjourned till June, 1783. On the nineteenth day of the preceding April, the eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington, peace between England and the United States was proclaimed ; accordingly " the Plan of Government " adopted in 1776, to continue during
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the war, expired by self-limitation. The people of the state in their town meetings voted to prolong that temporary govern- ment for one year. The constitutional convention in June, 1783, after making several important alterations and additions, again submitted the constitution to the people, who by a consid- erable majority adopted it, and in June, 1784, the new form of government became the organic law of the state. It was intro- duced by religious solemnities. A sermon was delivered before the legislature at Concord on the second day of June, which custom was observed at every annual election for nearly half a century afterwards.
This constitution, with some slight amendments, such as the advance of public opinion required, has remained in force to this day. This fact reveals the wisdom of the delegates of that famed convention, which continued its existence for more than two years and held nine sessions. The history of this important instrument, containing both a bill of rights which could scarcely be improved, and permanent rules for the guidance of the law- makers of a sovereign state, shows that it was repeatedly dis- cussed, criticised, revised and virtually amended by the legal voters in their democratic town meetings. A high degree of in- telligence characterized the people of New Hampshire at that day, for their successors for two generations have lived in con- tent under a constitution whose every clause was submitted to the legal voters of 1784.
CHAPTER LVI.
TREATMENT OF LOYALISTS.
All questions of expediency have two sides, and naturally give rise to opposing parties. Men are so constituted, that, in all controversies which are argued from moral evidence, they necessarily become partisans. It is said that spectators never witness a conflict between brute beasts, without taking sides ; a fortiori would they lend their sympathies to one or the other of two political parties. Says Archbishop Whately: "Not only specious but real and solid arguments, such as it would be diffi- cult or impossible to refute, may be urged against a proposition which is nevertheless true, and may be satisfactorily established by a preponderance of probability."
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At the origin of the Revolution there were men, as it was natural there should be, who adhered to the old regime. They had been loyal to the king all their lives, and they saw no good reason for rebellion. Others, more patriotic or more enthusias- tic, denounced them as tories or traitors and began soon to hate them and persecute them. The loyalists returned their ill- will with interest, and the two parties at once were separated by an impassable gulf. Those who adhered to the royal cause either sought protection in flight, or joined the army of the en- emy. Those who turned against their brethren became their most malignant and cruel foes. They even hounded on the savages to destroy with tomahawk and scalping-knife the very neighbors with whom, in other days, they "took sweet counsel and walked to the house of God in company." A civil war is the most terrible ordeal which men are ever called to pass through. Proscription and confiscation by the majority always fall with crushing weight upon the minority. "Woe to the van- quished," cried the conquering Gaul, Brennus, as with false weights he appropriated the redemption money of the old Ro- mans ; "woe to the vanquished " was the only rule to which loyalists were subjected, whether they were passive or active, flying or fighting. Congress recommended a sweeping confisca- tion of all their property to replenish their exhausted treasury ; but so many agents fingered the money in its passage, that but a small share of it reached its destination. The legislature of New Hampshire proscribed seventy-six persons who had for va- rious reasons, and at different times, left the state. The whole estate of twenty-eight of these was confiscated. No distinction was made between British subjects occasionally resident in the state, American loyalists who had absconded through fear, and avowed tories who took up arms against their country. They were together put upon the black list as outlaws ; as men who had " basely deserted the cause of liberty, and manifested a disposi- tion inimical to the state and a design to aid its enemies in their wicked purposes." Some show of justice was observed toward the creditors of the proscribed, and some compassion was shown to their deserted families : but all this kindness was discretion- ary with the county trustees, who were authorized to take pos- session of the estates, real and personal, of tories, and to sell them at auction. The net profit of all those sales to the state was hardly worth computing. Irresponsible power is always abused ; and patriots are not exempt from the common infirmi- ties of our race.
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CIRCULATING MEDIUM.
All civilized nations, in modern times, have issued paper money in periods of distress. It is an expedient which has often produced temporary relief, but has usually resulted in national bankruptcy. No legislature can give intrinsic value to engraved paper, unless silver and gold are pledged for its redemption. An irredeemable currency always depends for its circulation on public opinion. That is ever fluctuating ; and so is the value of the money that is based upon it. The bills of credit, issued during colonial times, and the continental paper money of the revolutionary period, all depreciated in value; and in some in- stances became absolutely worthless. All the earlier wars in which the colonies engaged were maintained by a paper cur- rency, which always declined in value in proportion to the length of time it was in use. The reimbursement of several of these issues, by the British government, gave the people greater con- fidence in the paper money that was afterwards issued by con- gress. But, when millions of continental notes were thrown upon the public, having no security for their redemption but fu- ture taxation, no human power could prevent their decline in value. In New Hampshire such bills were made a legal tender ; but this law led to countless frauds and hastened the deprecia- tion of the money. The law was retrospective and made it legal to pay old debts with notes that were fast becoming worth- less. This was, of course, ruinous to trade and unjust to the creditor. Business was nearly suspended ; silver was hoarded ; knaves only prospered. The community held meetings, made speeches, petitioned congress for relief ; and finding nothing but circulars and specious arguments in favor of the worthless bills in return, for a time sat down in despair. But paper money gradually disappeared, and by common consent went into dis- use. Silver and gold reappeared and public confidence revived. All the states issued bills of their own which, while in use, va- ried from their par value to one shilling in the pound. Con- gress, during the war, issued two hundred millions in paper money, which rapidly passed through every stage of decline from par to zero, and finally became a dead loss.
SOCIAL AND MORAL EFFECTS OF THE WAR. 1
For eight long years the scattered and impoverished people of the United States were passing through the blood and smoke of the Revolutionary war. Scarcely for one hour, during all that period, did the blood cease to flow or the smoke to rise from the wasted land. Fire, famine and slaughter brought pov-
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erty, privation and suffering to every hearth-stone. From many a darkened window little children peered out into the mingled storm and demanded their sire "with tears of artless inno- cence." The whole number of men who enlisted in the conti- nental army during the entire war was 231,791. New Hamp- shire furnished of these 12,497. It is safe to affirm, though offi- cial statistics make the number less, that nearly one half of these were killed or disabled, and many of the other half had formed habits which unfitted them for industry or virtue. Camp life, if long continued, always makes men averse to the continu- ous labors of the field and shop. While the war lasted, agri- culture and manufactures necessarily declined. When peace re- turned it was difficult to revive them. Towns had been burned, cities sacked, fields desolated and the cheapest necessaries of civilized life, in many instances, must be created anew. If la- borers could be found, capital was wanting. A depreciated cur- rency crippled the hands of the industrious. Knaves, cheats and swindlers were watching to entrap the unwary. Morals had declined. Old Puritan customs had been suspended by the fiat of war. The Sabbath had been desecrated ; the salaries of pas- tors declined with the currency of the times. They were obliged to minister with their own hands to their necessities, rather than to minister with their minds to their flocks. The alliance with France had introduced French infidelity ; and the high army officers placed the teachings of Voltaire above those of the Scriptures. It required long years of patient industry and care- ful economy of the wise and good, to restore the habits and vir- tues of " the good old times."
CHAPTER LVII.
HEAVY BURDENS IMPOSED ON THE PEOPLE BY THE WAR, AND THE CONSEQUENT DISCONTENT.
" Peace hath her victories,
No less renowned than war,"
wrote Milton, after he had experienced the conflicts and triumphs of both. The victories of peace are achieved by moral forces, and are often harder to be secured than those where "fields are won." In our country, the same men who led our armies presided in our legislatures. Washington, " first in
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war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," guided the helm of state after the adoption of the new constitu- tion. At the same time, his companion in arms, General John Sullivan, presided over the people of New Hampshire. But, during the period of transition, from the restoration of peace, 1783, to the commencement of Washington's administration in 1789, the whole country was in a condition of feverish excite- ment. Rebellion, on a great scale, had resulted in independ- ence ; many of the people began to think that rebellion was a wholesome remedy for all social and political evils. In New Hampshire the whole population was poor, was in distress and in debt. The government, which was of their own creation, seemed to them to be able but unwilling or incompetent to aid them. They charged their distress upon the courts that enforced the payment of honest debts, upon the legislature which failed to make money plenty in every man's pocket. They attempted to suppress both courts and legislature by violence. The wildest theories were broached and the most impracticable measures proposed. They fondly dreamed that paper money would sup- ply all their wants. They accordingly demanded large issues of paper bills "funded on real estate and loaned on interest," or irredeemable paper bills ; no matter how or when payable, paper bills must be had or the unwilling government must be com- pelled to yield to the people whose creature it was. They were determined "to assert their own majesty, as the origin of power, and to make their governors know that they were but the exec- utors of the public will." The legislature passed stay-laws and tender-laws, but no substantial relief came. The people of New Hampshire, after the return of peace, were in the condition of a patient enfeebled by long disease ; they clamored for curative processes and popular nostrums which only increased the fatal malady. They held primary meetings, town meetings, county and state conventions, which resulted in the formation of an abortive party which demanded the abolition of the inferior courts and equal distribution of property and the canceling of all debts. This unmitigated agrarianism, it was thought, would bring back "the age of gold." The people of Massachusetts had set the example of rebellion against the courts of the law and the officers of the government.
Daniel Shay was the leader of the malcontents and the rebels were not subdued without an organized military force and the loss of some lives. During the session of the legislature in September, 1786, a crowd of discontented citizens from the counties of Rockingham and Cheshire, armed with bludgeons, scythes, swords and muskets, marched, with martial music, to Exeter and surrounded the church where the legislature was in
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session, and entering the house demanded a compliance with their insane petition. The president, General Sullivan, then performed the office of the wise and good man, described by Virgil two thousand years ago :
" As when in tumults rise the ignoble crowd, Mad are their motions and their tongues are loud ; And stones and brands in rattling volleys fly, And all the rustic arms that fury can supply ; If then some grave and pious man appear, They hush their noise and lend a listening ear ;
He soothes with sober words their angry mood, And quenches their innate desire for blood."
All this the venerable hero and wise counselor accomplished, still the mob refused to disperse. They held the legislature "in durance vile," and even refused to allow the president room when he attempted to leave the house ; but, when they heard the cry from without : " Bring out the artillery," they retired for the night. The next day a numerous body of the state militia and cavalry drove them from their encampment without blood- shed, arresting about forty of the conspirators and dispersing the rest. Thus ended this absurd rebellion, and with it the popular demand for paper money.
Daniel Webster, New Hampshire's noblest son, who in later years earned for himself the title of " Defender and Expounder of the Constitution," in one of his speeches in the senate dis- coursed as follows respecting legal tender :
"But what is meant by the 'constitutional currency,' about which so much is said? What species or forms of currency does the constitution allow, and what does it forbid? It is plain enough that this depends on what we understand by currency. Currency, in a large and perhaps in a just sense, includes not only gold and silver and bank notes but bills of ex- change also. It may include all that adjusts exchanges and settles balances in the operations of trade and business. But if we understand by currency the legal money of the country, and that which constitutes a lawful tender for debts, and is the statute measure of value, then, undoubtedly, nothing is included but gold and silver. Most unquestionably there is no legal tender, and there can be no legal tender, in this country, under the authority of this government or any other, but gold and silver, either the coinage of our own inints or foreign coins, at rates regulated by congress. This is a constitu- tional principle, perfectly plain and of the very highest importance. The states are expressly prohibited from making anything but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts; and although no such express prohibition is applied to congress, yet, as congress has no power granted to it, in this re- spect, but to coin moncy and regulate the value of foreign coins, it clearly has no power to substitute paper, or anything else, for coin, as a tender in payments of debts and in discharge of contracts. Congress has exercised this power fully in both its branches. It has coined money, and still coins it ; it has regulated the value of foreign coins, and still regulates their value. The legal tender, therefore, the constitutional standard of value, is estab- lished, and cannot be overthrown. To overthrow it would shake the whole system. The constitutional tender is the thing to be preserved, and it ought to be preserved sacredly, under all circumstances."
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CHAPTER LVIII.
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