USA > New Hampshire > History of New Hampshire, from its first discovery to the year 1830; with dissertations upon the rise of opinions and institutions, the growth of agriculture and manufactures, and the influence of leading families and distinguished men, to the year 1874; > Part 22
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CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.
The connection of John Paul Jones, the most famous naval commander of our revolutionary times, with Portsmouth deserves special notice. The real name of this brave captain was John Paul. He was a Scotchman, son of the gardener of the Earl of Selkirk. He comnienced a life at sea at the age of fifteen ; and . after a suitable apprenticeship took command of a merchant vessel. During a voyage to Tobago, his crew mutinied ; and in an assault made upon himself Captain Paul killed the leader. He was tried for manslaughter at Tobago and honorably acquit- ted. On his return to England, where the story had preceded him greatly exaggerated, he was threatened with a second trial, contrary to right and law. To escape injustice he emigrated to America, adding to his family name the nomme de guerre of Jones. He immediately took service under Commodore Hop- kins in the expedition against New Providence. His gallant conduct in this expedition gave him command of a sloop of twelve guns. With this vessel he captured several prizes. His next command was of a new ship of war, built at Portsmouth, called the Ranger. This vessel was a privateer, carrying eight- een guns and one hundred and fifty men. She sailed from Portsmouth early in 1778. Captain Jones landed at White- haven, Cumberlandshire, and set fire to one of the vessels in the harbor ; but the inhabitants succeeded in extinguishing the flames. He then sailed along the coast of Scotland, landing on the estate of the Earl of Selkirk, with the intention of taking him prisoner ; but his absence in parliament defeated that pur- pose. His crew, however, plundered the palace and carried away the plate and other valuables. For this he was censured ; but the laws of privateering then in use would justify private warfare. The property, however, was returned by Dr. Franklin, then minister to France, whither Jones sailed with his booty. He again put to sea, with the Ranger, and appeared off the Irish coast. Learning that a royal ship, called the Drake, mount- ing twenty-two guns, was in the harbor of Waterford, Jones chal- lenged her captain to combat, mentioning, at the same time, his force of men and metal. The challenge was accepted, the battle fought, and Jones, as usual, was victorious. The British loss in this engagement was one hundred and five killed and seventy-
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two wounded. Captain Jones lost only twelve men and nine were wounded. Soon after this victory he left the Ranger for the command of "the Bonne Homme Richard" in which he achieved such glorious success on the high seas and on the coast of England. With his change of vessels his connection with New Hampshire ceased.
CHAPTER LIX.
GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN.
General Sullivan has been the subject of cold commenda- tion or of severe criticism by the historians of the American Revolution. Because he was unsuccessful in one or two of his military campaigns, his services as a warrior have been under- valued. In this department of the public service, success is equivalent to merit. But General Sullivan has other claims to respect and veneration from the citizens of New Hampshire, besides his military career. He is one of the great men of our state, whose worthy deeds posterity should not willingly let die. His father, John Sullivan, was a native of Limerick, Ireland, born in 1692. He was a man of culture and gave to his sons a private education which enabled them to share in many depart- ments of public life. The father of General Sullivan emigrated to this country in 1723. His acquaintance with his future wife commenced on the voyage from their native land. He settled at Berwick in Maine, where his son John was born in 1740. Some authorities maintain that his home was on the New Hamp- shire side of the river, in Dover. His education was limited to his father's instruction and such meagre tuition as the common school then afforded. He studied law with Hon. Samuel Liver- more* of Portsmouth, with whom he afterwards served as dele- gate in congress from New Hampshire. As a student-at-law he gave evidence of superior ability, and in some instances took charge of cases in justice courts when Mr. Livermore was ab-
* Mr. C. W. Brewster gives the following account of John Sullivan's introduction to lawyer Livermore's family: It was not far from the year 1758, that a lad of seventeen years, with a rough dress, might have been seen knocking at the door of this house and asking for the Squire, who listens to his application and inquires : "And what can you do, my lad, if I take you? "Oh, I can split wood, take care of the horse, attend to the gardening ; and perhaps find some spare time to read a little, if you can give me the privilege." He was immediately in- stalled in the kitchen ; and by the aid of his study, intelligence and enterprise soon passed into the office and the parlor ; and at length became the colleague in office of his master.
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sent. Mr. Sullivan established himself in business in Durham, which became his permanent home. His practice was extensive, and as an advocate he held a high rank. "He was self- possessed, gifted with strong power of reasoning, a copious and easy elocution, and the effect of these qualities was aided by a clear and musical voice."
He received a major's commission in the militia in 1772, and thus commenced his military career, which is recited elsewhere in this history. In the first convention which met at Exeter, in 1774, after the dissolution of the last legislative assembly of the state by John Wentworth, Mr. Sullivan and Nathaniel Folsom were appointed delegates to represent the province of New Hampshire in the first general congress which was to meet in Philadelphia in the following September. Near the close of that year, John Sullivan and John Langdon, with a gallant band of patriots, took possession of Fort William and Mary, im- prisoned the garrison and carried away one hundred barrels of powder. This bold enterprise cut him off forever from hope of royal favor. In January, 1775. these leaders of the first as- sault upon royal power in New Hampshire were elected by the second independent convention of the state, again assembled at Exeter, representatives to the second continental congress. This repeated evidence of the confidence of the people in Mr. Sul- livan shows how he was regarded as a leader in war and legisla- tion. In June of that year he was made one of the eight brigadier-generals selected by congress to manage the Revolu- tionary war.
Some anecdotes are recorded which illustrate the tact and skill of General Sullivan in managing a mob. In October, 1782, the people in the western part of the state were determined to pre- vent the regular session of the court at Keene. General Sullivan was then attorney-general of the state. The court was helpless as to a posse comitatus, for the people were opposed to them. General Sullivan became their sole defender. In the woods be- fore entering the town, he took from the portmanteau of his servant his regimentals and "arrayed himself in full military attire-the blue coat and bright buttons which he had worn in the retreat from Long Island, the cocked hat whose plume had nodded over the foe at Brandywine, and the sword which at Germantown had flashed defiance in front of battle. Thus equipped, he mounted his powerful gray charger and conducted the court into town." The judges took their seats without mo- lestation. Sullivan, with noble port and majestic mien, stood erect in the clerk's desk. His presence awed the turbulent throng. He addressed them with boldness and dignity. They shouted "The Petition !" "The Petition !" He ordered them to
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present their petition. He received it and passed it over to the court. He then addressed the crowd, courteously but firmly re- buked their temerity in attempting to interrupt the business of the court, and peremptorily ordered them to withdraw. They obeyed with reluctance, but without violence. Arthur Livermore, then a youth of sixteen, witnessed this scene; and even in extreme old age retained a lively recollection of the skill, eloquence and personal appearance of Sullivan. "I thought," he said, "if I could only look and talk like that man, I should want nothing higher or better in this world." .
In the riot at Exeter, in 1786, when a company of armed men surrounded the house where the legislature was sitting, General Sullivan came out and addressed the mob, and ordered them to disperse. Though they did not obey his mandate till they feared an assault from the hastily armed militia, still the manly pres- ence, heroic bearing and glowing eloquence of General Sullivan were never forgotten by those who witnessed the scene.
In a work ascribed to President John Wheelock and entitled "Sketches of the History of Dartmouth College," we find the following allusion to General Sullivan. In the month of January, 1789, "the senate and house of representatives passed an act granting to the trustees of Dartmouth College a valuable tract of eight miles square, about forty-two thousand acres, lying north of Stewartstown. The forcible and energetic eloquence of General Sullivan, that eminent commander in the Revolu- tionary war, in the debate on the subject cannot be forgotten. It drew him from his bed, amidst the first attacks of fatal dis- ease ; and it was the last speech he ever made in public."
CHAPTER LX.
THE NEW CONSTITUTION AND THE PARTIES FORMED AT ITS RATI- FICATION.
In no state was there a deeper interest manifested concerning the adoption of the constitution than in New Hampshire. This was the ninth state in the order of voting, and a favorable vote would at once give vitality to the new government. The first session of the convention to consider the subject was held at Exeter in February, 1788. The most distinguished statesmen and civilians of the state were among its members. General
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John Sullivan was its president; and John Langdon, Josiah Bartlett, John Taylor Gilman, John Pickering, Samuel Liver- more, Joshua Atherton and Joseph Badger sat in the council, to deliberate, discuss and vote upon this question of momentous interest.
" Long time in even scale the battle hung."
Mr. Atherton led the opposition. His attack upon that clause which guarantied the slave trade till 1808 was especially pa- thetic and eloquent. No modern advocate of human rights has surpassed him in the passion and logic of his arguments. The decision of the question was so doubtful, that the friends of the constitution asked for an adjournment that the minds of the people of the state might be more fully known. The conven- tion adjourned to meet in Concord in the following June. A session of four days was sufficient to complete the work. The last day was one of intense interest to the members and specta- tors. The final vote stood fifty-seven in favor of the constitu- tion and forty-six against it. "While the secretary was calling over the names of the members and recording their votes, there was a death-like silence; every bosom throbbed with anxious expectation." Every class of the immense crowd that thronged the church was in some way interested in the result ; some from honest convictions of its expediency, some from hope of gain, some from its influence in other states, and many from decided hostility to its provisions. Messengers were dispatched in every direction to announce the result of the vote of New Hampshire, and to assure the hesitating states that a government was le- gally established without their aid. The convention of New York was then in session, and the news from New Hampshire undoubtedly hastened, if it did not modify, the votes of its members. At Portsmouth, the chief commercial town in the state, the ratification was celebrated by every demonstration of popular good will.
NEW POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE UNITED STATES.
The only parties in colonial times, with the exception of those that were local or personal, were the supporters and opponents of the royal prerogative, distinguished, as in England, by the familiar names of whigs and tories. In the war for Independ- ence the tory party became extinct. The most bigoted of them left the country ; others, by reluctant concessions to the whigs, were allowed to remain as citizens in the Union. The parties known as federalists and anti-federalists appeared for the first time in the convention that framed the constitution. This di-
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vision of parties is the most natural that could be conceived of, in the condition of our country at that time. The federalists wished to strengthen the general government at the expense of the individual states that entered into the confederation ; the anti-federalists desired to maintain the independence of the states at all hazards, and give to the central government no powers inconsistent with it. The constitution, as finally adopted, was a compromise between the two parties. It was impossible to organize the government on any other terms. If either party had insisted on the adoption of its own principles, no organic laws would have been framed, and each state would have re- tained that political independence which had been achieved by all in the Revolutionary war. So governments are always estab- lished when the power to form them resides with the people. "The essence of politics is compromise," says Lord Macaulay. The history of the United States shows that where this remedy for party or sectional feuds is denied, war is the only alternative. After the government went into operation under the new consti- tution, every important measure took the name of federal or re- publican, according as its advocates belonged to one of those parties. Hence, the Funding System of Hamilton, the National Bank, the proclamation of Neutrality, the Alien and Sedition laws, the repeal of the Judiciary Act, the purchase of Louisiana, the Embargo, and the second war itself, were all assailed by the opposition. Federalists and republicans violently opposed one another, at first from principle, afterwards from habit, though they often changed places.
On the fourth of July, 1788, the ten states which had ratified the constitution held a magnificent celebration of that event in the city of Philadelphia. Every symbol, ornament and repre- sentation that could make the occasion imposing and attractive was displayed to the public admiration. Hon. James Wilson, who had been an active member of the constitutional conven- tion, made an eloquent oration, in which he said, concerning the new form of government : " Delegates were appointed to delib- crate and propose. They met and performed their delegated trust. The result of their deliberations was laid before the peo- ple. It was discusssed and scrutinized, in the fullest, fairest ard severest manner, by speaking, by writing, by printing, by in- dividuals and by public bodies, by its friends and its enemies. What was the issue ? Most favorable, most glorious to the sys- tem ! In state after state, at time after time, it was ratified, in some states, unanimously ; on the whole by a large and respect- able majority."
The day and the occasion allowed a little exaggeration. The ratification had not been secured without bitter controversy.
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Party spirit ran high, and sometimes broke out in acts of vio- lence. The cities were generally in favor of the new constitu- tion, because they hoped from it a renewal of trade and com- mercial prosperity. The rural districts were opposed to it. In Providence, R. I., a mob of a thousand men, headed by a judge of the supreme court, compelled the citizens to omit that part of their fourth of July celebration which had special reference to the ratification of the constitution. In other cases, mobs at- tacked the offices of papers that advocated its adoption. The strong passions which years of war had kindled were easily ex- cited by opposition. Those who opposed the war had been sub- jected to imprisonment, confiscation and even death. Those who opposed the new order of things were deemed worthy of similar treatment. The special friends of the constitution called themselves federalists and their opponents anti-federalists, though the names in no sense revealed the principles of the two par- ties, and might with propriety have been interchanged.
The new constitution was something more than a league of- fensive and defensive ; and its supporters were something more than federalists, a word, which, from its etymology, signifies the supporters of a league or covenant. The federalists advocated a strong central government, in all its delegated functions above and superior to the individual states. The anti-federalists were not opposers of the union, but of consolidation. They held to the sovereignty of the states, and to a strict interpreta- tion of the powers granted by the states to the general govern- ment. They manifested no disposition to resist the will of the majority ; but advocated a speedy alteration of the constitution, so as to accord more fully with state rights. While the adop- tion of the constitution was under discussion in the several states, all the objections were urged against it which were brought forward in the convention that framed it. It was at its birth the child of compromises. So it continued to be after its adoption. Some objected that it gave too much power, others that it gave too little, to the general government.
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CHAPTER LXI.
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CONDITION OF NEW HAMPSHIRE AFTER THE ADOPTION OF THE CONSTITUTION.
After the establishment of a responsible government over the entire union, New Hampshire advanced, slowly but surely, in legislation, finance, education and morals. After the patient endurance of their distresses for a few years, the people ascer- tained both their origin and remedy. They learned that industry and economy and not violence nor legislation could restore the general prosperity. War had brought in its train burdensome taxes, heavy debts, a depreciated currency and degraded morals. With fewer laborers, larger returns from the soil and shop were demanded ; with diminished resources, increased revenues were needed. When the large souled patriots of that age saw their true interests, they took heart and banished fear. They accepted as a necessity past losses, and labored with energy for future gains. They were successful ; they gradually rid themselves of debt by purchasing their depreciated bills at a heavy discount and securing, on the credit of the state, liberal loans to meet the wants of the treasury.
Wise men were called to administer the affairs of the state. After the adoption of the state constitution, in 1784, the long- tried, faithful and honest public servant, Meshech Weare, was for the last time elected president. Exhausted by the onerous duties of a long public life, and enfeebled by age, he resigned his office before the year expired ; and, after a lingering illness, died on the fifteenth of January, 1786, aged 73. He had held almost every important position in the state, and had maintained an untarnished reputation in all. General John Sullivan was elected to the vacant chair in 1786. During a period of trouble, confusion and violence, he presided over the state with dignity, discretion and success. He was succeeded in the chief mag- istracy of the state, in 1788, by John Langdon. The affections of the people vibrated like a pendulum between these illustri- ous men, the one distinguished most as a commander ; the other as a civilian. But in anticipation of the organization of the general government under the new constitution, Mr. Langdon was elected to the United States Senate. His colleague was Paine Wingate. Samuel Livermore, Abiel Foster and Nicholas Gilman were chosen to represent the state in the first congress.
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In 1789, General Sullivan 'was again elected president of the state. During this year, the last in which he held the presidency, General Washington visited New England. He came to Ports- mouth, where he met his companion in arms, much to the joy of General Sullivan and the satisfaction of a grateful people, who welcomed their chief with every demonstration of delight.
During the next year, important measures were adopted by the congress of the United States to give stability and perma- nency to the government and place the public credit upon a firm foundation. Provision was made for funding the debt of the nation. Two hundred million dollars of the old continental cur- rency had been redeemed for five millions, forty dollars of paper for one of silver. Many persons proposed that the certi- ficates of indebtedness for fifty-four million dollars, now due, should be purchased at their present worth and not for their orig- inal value. But a more honorable policy finally prevailed and the credit of the country was restored. After a long and heated discusssion, the state debts were assumed by the general govern- ment. This was not brought about without a discreditable com- promise between the friends and enemies of the measure. The influence and votes of certain southern members were secured by a promise of locating the seat of government on the Potomac. The sum of the foreign, domestic and state debts was about eighty millions of dollars. Alexander Hamilton was the author of this plan, which finally proved of immense advantage to all parties.
New Hampshire was dissatisfied with the amount granted to her by the general government, as her share of twenty-one mil- lion five hundred thousand dollars of state debts assumed by the United States. She had contributed to the support of the war three hundred and seventy-five thousand and fifty-five dollars, and received in return only three hundred thousand dollars. Other states received more than they had expended. This dis- tribution was regarded as unjust, and called forth a spirited memorial to congress on the subject. The legislature set forth in forcible language their objections to the measure; and in conclusion solemnly "remonstrated against the said act, so far as it relates to the assumption of the state debts," and requested that "if the assumption must be carried into effect, New Hamp- shire might be placed on an equal footing with other states." Virginia and New Hampshire were at that early day found fight- ing shoulder to shoulder for state rights.
This hostility to the funding system of Hamilton was not the only instance in which the rights of New Hampshire were as- serted in opposition to the general government. During the war of the Revolution the people of Portsmouth were actively
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engaged in privateering. Early in 1788, John Paul Jones sailed from Portsmouth in the Ranger, a ship destined to capture Eng- glish commercial vessels. This bold captain afterwards per- formed marvelous exploits in this department of naval warfare. The citizens of Portsmouth also fitted out a privateer named The McClary. This vessel was authorized by the legislature to make prizes of British ships. She captured and brought home an American vessel bound to a port of the enemy laden with supplies. She was adjudged by the court of the state a lawful prize and given over to her captors. The owners of the vessel afterwards appealed to congress for redress ; and the case being referred to the United States court, the judgment of the court below was reversed; and the value of the prize and her cargo was ordered to be refunded to the owners. The legislature remonstrated against this "violation of the dignity, sovereignty and independence of the state." In conclusion, they say : "Can the rage for annihilating all the power of the states, and redu- cing this extensive and flourishing country to one domination, make the administrators blind to the danger of violating all the principles of our former governments, to the hazard of convul- sions in endeavoring to eradicate every trace of state power ex- cept in the resentment of the people ?" The language of the re- monstrance was sufficiently bold and spirited ; but it produced no impression and no answer except a demurrer, which, accord- ing to the authority of Judge Harrington of Vermont, "is where, one party having told his story, the other party says, what then ?"
Here " a little story" of President Lincoln is very pertinent by way of illustration. During the late rebellion, when the border states, one after another, were making bitter complaints against the aggressions of the general government, the president said he was reminded of the remark of an old lady in Spring- field, who, being overburdened with work, allowed her large family of children to take care of themselves. When any one of them made a loud outcry from the pain occasioned by a fall, a cut finger, or a blow from some older child, she exclaimed, "I am glad to hear that ; for I know that one child is still alive." New Hampshire never failed to show a vigorous vitality, in peace and war ; but, at this crisis, discretion was regarded as the better part of valor, and the decision of the United States court be- came "the supreme law of the land."
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