History of Rockingham County, New Hampshire and representative citizens, Part 37

Author: Hazlett, Charles A
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago : Richmond-Arnold
Number of Pages: 1390


USA > New Hampshire > Rockingham County > History of Rockingham County, New Hampshire and representative citizens > Part 37


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Francis Matthews.


Philemon Purmot.


Godfrey Dearborne.


Thomas Wardhall.


It was modified after a time, and readopted in its primary form in 1640, as appears by the original instrument of that date, in the handwriting of Wheelwright, and signed by him and thirty-four others, now preserved in the town clerk's office.


Wheelwright's Church, which was of course a primitive structure and of small dimensions, was situated on the hill north of the Bliss house, and near the brick and tile manufactory. It was the fashion of that day to make a burial-ground of the yard which surrounded the church, and for many years it has been common to find the bones of the early settlers of Exeter in the clay excavated for the manufactory. Wheelwright's house is located by tradition


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a little southwest of the church, in the field in rear of the house formerly occupied by the Misses Rowland. The first minister of Exeter remained here but about four years, when, upon the extension of the jurisdiction of Massa- chusetts over the settlements of New Hampshire, he removed, with some of his warmest supporters, to Wells, in Maine.


The people of New Hampshire remained under the government of Massa- chusetts until 1680. During that period Exeter was a place of little political importance, not being once represented in the "great and general court," as were Dover, Portsmouth, and Hampton nearly every year. Yet the material interests of the people were steadily on the increase here, and there were valuable accessions to the population.


When John Cutt was appointed the first governor of the province, Exeter furnished him one of his ablest councilors in the person of John Gilman. Then came the eventful period of the Indian hostilities, in which Exeter, being on the frontier, was for a series of years greatly exposed to the incursions of the savages. Many of her citizens lost their lives and others were carried into captivity during this trying period of her history.


Exeter partook largely of the popular indignation that was aroused in the province by the tyrannical conduct of Governor Cranfield, and at a later date was the scene of a rather serious outbreak against the crown officials for attempting with a high hand to enforce the laws against persons charged with trespassing upon the forest pines marked for masts for his majesty's navy. In 1682, Edward Cranfield came to New Hampshire as governor. He soon exhibited himself in his true colors as a grasping, unprincipled despot. The people of the province feared and hated him, and when his arbitrary conduct became intolerable, some of them were so enraged that they actually entered into a combination for the avowed purpose of overturning the government.


On the 21st of January, 1683, the little village of Exeter witnessed a strik- ing spectacle. A dozen horsemen, armed with swords, pistols, and guns, with a trumpeter, and headed by Edward Gove, a member of the Provincial Assembly from Hampton, with a drawn sword, rode through the snowy street of Exeter towards Hampton. A son of Gove and the brothers Wadleigh, Joseph, John, and Robert, Thomas Rawlins, Mark Baker, and John Sleeper were undoubtedly of the party, and probably Nathaniel Ladd, Edward Smith, William Healy, and John Young also. All of them were well known in Exeter, and the greater part of them were residents, and they made no secret of their purpose to rise in arms against the tyrannical government of Cranfield. But it was yet too early for a successful resistance to the arbitrary measures of a royal government, and when next the good people of Exeter saw their insurgent townsmen it was after they had been tried and convicted as accom- plices in the crime of high treason and had been, by direction of the crown, respited and pardoned.


Though this lesson failed to teach Cranfield moderation, it showed the people of Exeter that they must adopt a less hazardous mode of resistance to the unwarranted acts of the authorities. In the course of the year the gov- ernor, being disappointed in his designs of making great gains from his office, resorted to the illegal expedient of taxing the people without the consent of the Assembly. To John Folsom, constable, was committed the tax against the


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inhabitants of Exeter for collection, but he reported to the governor that the people refused to pay, on account of. the illegality of the assessment. There- upon the warrant was delivered to the provost-marshal of the province, who was ordered to collect the taxes or imprison the delinquents. But he found the duty no sinecure. He first went to the house of Edward Gilinan, where he was met by the wife of Councilor John Gilman, who informed him that "she had provided a kettle of scalding water for him if he came to her house to demand any rates." He received at the same time a like hospitable assurance from the wife of Moses Gilman, and other women took pains to let him know that they were preparing red-hot spits, so as to give him a warm recep- tion. Some half a score of the sturdy yeomanry of Hampton, on horseback and armed with clubs, then made their appearance on the scene, in order to insure that the marshal and his deputy should receive all due attention; and. to cap the climax, the Rev. John Cotton, at that time probably officiating as the clergyman of Exeter, joined the company, "with a club in the hand," the emergency seeming to justify a resort to carnal weapons. The assembled party then began good-humoredly but systematically to hustle the marshal and his deputy up and down the house, and laughingly inquired of them. "What did they wear at their sides?" alluding to their swords, which were indeed rather ridiculous appendages on such an occasion. The unfortunate officers soon betook themselves to the Widow Sewell's hostelry, ostensibly for refreshment ; but their tormenters followed them there, and pushed them about, called them rogues, took the bridles off their horses, and then turned them loose, and in short made the place in a thousand ways too hot to hold them .. The marshal at length found that he had brought his wares to a poor market, and in despair abandoned the attempt to collect illegal taxes in Exeter, which, it is believed, was never resumed.


A half-century again elapsed before Exeter witnessed another outbreak of popular feeling. The sovereigns of England depended much upon their American colonies for ship timber for the royal navy, and very stringent laws were enacted against the felling of any pine trees suitable for masts which stood upon common lands. The surveyor-general of the woods kept a sharp eye upon all such timber, and marked it with the broad arrow, which denoted that it pertained to the crown. It may naturally be supposed, however, that the lumbermen of the frontiers would pay but scanty heed to the regulations which forbade them to touch the finest growth of the forests. When the surveyor's back was turned, it is probable that the woodman's axe spared few of the monarch pines, whether they bore the king's mark or not. The surveyors could not help suspecting, if they did not know, that the laws were disregarded, and jealousy and bitter feeling necessarily sprung up on this account between the king's officers and the inland inhabitants of the province.


In 1734 David Dunbar was lieutenant-governor and surveyor-general of New Hampshire. He was arbitrary, having been a soldier, needy and jealous. He became convinced that the lumbermen of Exeter were cutting about the mill at Copyhold, now in Brentwood, trees which belonged by law to his royal master, and determined that he would put a stop to it. Accordingly he paid a visit to the mill in person, but while he was looking about for evidence of the violation of the law, he was greatly terrified by shouts and shrieks from the


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surrounding woods, and the discharge of fire-arms nearer than was agreeable. Dunbar therefore determined that discretion was the better part of valor, and beat a retreat.


A few days after, however, he dispatched ten men in a barge up the river from Portsmouth, with directions to seize and bring off the suspected timber. The men arrived at the village in the evening, and put up for the night at the public house kept by Capt. Samuel Gilman on Water Street next to the town hall. After a part of them were in bed, and while the others were carousing there at ten o'clock at night, they were suddenly set upon by a party of men in disguise, who threw some of them out of the windows, and drove the others out at the doors. The party assailed made for the river in all haste, but in the mean time the bottom of their barge had been bored through, the sails cut to pieces or carried away, and the mast hacked down. They undertook to make their escape in her, but were obliged to return to the shore and hide until the next day, when they found means to return igno- miniously to Portsmouth ; but a part of them having lost their clothes, were in a particularly woeful plight.


The party who were engaged in this act of defiance of the surveyor- general's authority were from the outskirts of Exeter, then a very large town- ship, but included men of respectability and standing. Thomas and Nathaniel Webster, Jonathan, Samuel, and Philip Conner, Trueworthy Dudley, and Ezekiel Gilman are said to have been among the assailants. They assembled at the public house kept by Zebulon Giddings, known as the Rowland House, and there painted their faces and altered their dress so as to defy recognition before setting off on their expedition. Dunbar believed that a part of them were Natick Indians ; so it is probable that they adopted a disguise calculated to give that idea. We do not learn that any further attempt was made to enforce the mast-tree laws, nor that any punishment was inflicted upon the parties concerned in this breach of the peace; but Dunbar was so mortified and enraged that he caused the courts to be taken away from Exeter, and bore a bitter grudge against the inhabitants so long as he remained in the province.


The earlier half of the eighteenth century was a severe test of the pluck and endurance of the inhabitants of New Hampshire. We learn that the winters were often of unusual length and severity. The labors of the husband- men met with but scanty returns, and the domestic animals were terribly reduced in numbers by the extreme cold and the want of food. Exeter miist have suffered greatly in these years, though, as the business of her people was not exclusively agricultural, she probably escaped with less injury than some of the neighboring towns.


After the extension of the settlements of New Hampshire which followed the close of the French war, there was a time of greater prosperity. Exeter, during the administration of the last royal governor, was a thriving and important town. Governor Wentworth, who was fond of parade, encouraged the formation of a battalion of cadets here, officered by the leading citizens, and armed and uniformed in the handsomest style, according to the governor's taste. Some of his Excellency's warmest and most trusted friends were resi- dents here. But when the first mutterings of the storm that led to revolution and independence were heard, the men of Exeter ranged themselves at once


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on the side of the colonists; and throughout the times that tried men's souls this town was the headquarters of the state, in both civil and military matters.


Revolutionary .-- The feeling inspired in the breasts of the people of Exeter by the oppressive acts of the British Parliament, which led to the American Revolution, found utterance in a series of patriotic resolutions, adopted "almost unanimously" at a town meeting in January, 1774. After specifying, in indignant terms the grievances of the colonists, the town concen- trated their views into the resolve, "That we are ready on all necessary occa- sions to risk our lives and fortunes in defence of our rights and liberties." These were bold words, but they were supported by acts of equal boldness, as we shall see. The two most obnoxious of the British ministers, Lords North and Bute, were burnt in effigy in front of the old jail. We can imagine the exultation of the Liberty Boys at a demonstration so expressive and decisive.


In September, 1774, when the inhabitants of Boston were reduced to sore straits by the operation of the Boston Port Bill, our town imposed a tax, assessed in regular form upon the citizens, and to be enforced by distraint, to raise money to relieve them. But in December of the same year the men of Exeter were called upon to put to the proof their principles of resistance to tyranny, and were found equal to the occasion. A plan was devised among the bolder leading patriots of the province to seize the arms and ammunition of Fort William and Mary, at the entrance of the harbor of Portsmouth, which was then slenderly garrisoned, but which was soon to be fully manned.


It was arranged that the party which was to proceed down the river, under the leadership of John Sullivan, John Langdon, and others to make the seizure, should be supported by a stronger body of men from Exeter, who were to make their appearance in Portsmouth in season to secure the withdrawal of the warlike stores in spite of all opposition. Accordingly, a detachment of about twenty-five armed horsemen, under Nathaniel Folsom, Nicholas Gilman, and Doctor Giddings, left Exeter in the night fixed for the undertaking, and rode into Portsmouth about daybreak in the morning. They ordered coffee at the inn of James Stoodley, who looked with no small astonishment on their martial array. But they made no allusion to the business which brought them there. About eight o'clock in the morning, James Hackett, with fifty or sixty of the bold Exeter boys, on foot, marched into town and took their station at the haymarket in Portsmouth, where they waited for orders.


This, of course, created great astonishment, but little information could be elicited by any inquiries. At nine o'clock Langdon made his appearance at Stoodley's, and acquainted the party there that the raid was completely suc- cessful, and that Sullivan was then passing up the river in the boats loaded with the munitions which had but lately been the dependence of one of His Majesty's forts, but were ere long to be used against his authority by the oppressed and indignant colonists.


Thus, in this first overt armed resistance of America to the British authority, the men of Exeter took a part. The principal citizens of the town were open and decided in their determination to oppose the parliamentary measures. John Phillips, the founder of the academy, a man of learning, wealth, and cultivation, though little fitted by habit or inclination for strife, was firm and outspoken for the liberties of America. Nathaniel Folsom, who


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had been distinguished as an officer in the French and Indian wars, and who was a member of the first Continental Congress, was ready to take up arms in his country's cause at a moment's notice, and did afterwards render valuable service as a provincial major-general until he was, by reason of the unworthy jealousies of others, allowed to be dropped.


Nicholas Gilman, the trusted friend of the royal governor, was no less firmly devoted to the defense of popular rights, and with his active and efficient sons, then just come upon the stage, was a most important and indis- pensable aid to the cause. He was afterwards the successful manager of the finances of the infant state, and the stay and staff of President Weare; and his sons became in their turn favorite and important officers of New Hamp- shire.


Enoch Poor had been for some years engaged in ship building in the town, and. accustomed in the management of men, was ready to tender his best services in aid of America's cause. His appointment in the army was peculiarly fortunate for the country. He became a general of light infantry ; was greatly esteemed by Lafayette and by Washington, and his early death was deeply lamented.


James Hackett was also a ship builder, and as such labored for his country faithfully and well. He was appointed a lieutenant-colonel of one of the regiments, but his services could not be spared from the coast defenses. He did, however, serve in Rhode Island on one occasion as an officer in John Langdon's company of light horse. Such were a few of the leading spirits of the town as the alarm of war was about to be sounded.


The Lexington Alarm .- The famous expedition of the British troops from Boston to Lexington and Concord took place on the 19th of April, 1775. Early in the evening of that day a flying report of the affair reached Exeter, which was soon after confirmed by news received from Haverhill that the enemy was at Lexington, that the country was in arms, and a severe action had commenced, which was raging when the messenger left to alarm the inland towns. Our streets were filled with excited men until a late hour at night. About daybreak an express arrived in town with further and more authentic intelligence. The bells were immediately rung, and the drums beat to arms. It happened that three of the leading patriots of the town-N. Folsom, N. Gilman, and E. Poor-were absent at Dover, but there were enough others to determine what part Exeter should take in the emergency. The unanimous voice was for every man who could possibly be spared to march at once to the help of our suffering brethren. John T. Gilman, then twenty-one years of age, was peculiarly active in forwarding the preparations of the Exeter volunteers. Bullets were cast and cartridges made with all speed, and every one lent a helping hand. The women encouraged their brothers and sons to offer their services, and contributed their aid to fit them out for their hurried campaign.


About 9 o'clock in the morning, no less than 108 of the brave boys of Exeter were paraded at the courthouse (nearly opposite the lower church), armed and equipped, and ready to march.


"What road shall we take?" "By Haverhill." "Who shall lead us?" "Captain Hackett." "Are you all ready?" asked Hackett. "Yes," was the unanimous response. "March!" was the laconic order.


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One who was of that extemporized band of soldiers has left an account of their march. He says that the men wore sad countenances while taking leave of their wives and friends at home, but there was no flinching. Once fairly upon the way, however, their spirits rose, and they soon resumed their cheerfulness. They had a drum and fife, but no flag, for the Stars and Stripes were yet in the future. But they were well armed, esecially those who had the bright muskets which Governor Wentworth had taken pains to provide for his "cadets," little suspecting that they were so soon to be used in rebellion against his royal master. The Exeter company marched through Haverhill to the ferry, but found that town in great distress. A destructive fire had raged there only forty-eight hours before, consuming the finest part of the village; this, in addition to the intelligence of the commencement of hostilities, was particularly depressing to the inhabitants. At nightfall they reached Bragg's Tavern in Andover, and passed the night in that town.


Resuming their march at an early hour the next morning, they reached Menotomy at noon, and halted upon the common at Cambridge about 2 o'clock. Here they were taken charge of by some officers; their alarm-post was assigned them, and two or three rooms in one of the college buildings were given them for quarters. There they passed the first night of their military service, without even knapsacks for pillows, and the college floors, as one of their number quaintly remarked, "as hard as any other floors!" The next morning the company made choice of officers. James Hackett was elected captain; John W. Gilman and Nathaniel Gookin, lieutenants; and John T. Gilman, Gideon Lamson, and Noah Emery, sergeants.


The company soon after went through their exercises on the common, and evidently attracted no little attention. The next day a report came that the British were landing at Chelsea. Captain Hackett had the honor of being the first to receive marching orders; the company from Londonderry followed. They marched as far as Medford, where they were met by the information that the British had reembarked. At Medford they found N. Folsom and E. Poor, who were going to the headquarters of the army. General Heath reviewed the New Hampshire troops, and on Sunday Doctor MacClintock, of Greenland, and Doctor Belknap, of Dover, preached to them. The Exeter company remained at Cambridge not far from a fort- night, and were highly complimented by General Heath. Then, the emer- gency having passed, and arrangements being in progress for forming a permanent military establishment, they were permitted to return home.


Exeter had also its committee of correspondence, charged with looking after the interests of the patriotic cause. An example of the work which fell to their share may be found in a dingy letter, which is still preserved, dated at Portsmouth, April 21, 1775, and signed by H. Wentworth, chair- man, by which the committee of Exeter are informed of "the attack upon the people of Ipswich," and of the expectation of the arrival of two ships of war in Portsmouth, and containing a request for "four or five barrels of powder." On the back of the letter is a receipt by the messenger for four barrels of powder, which were delivered by N. Gilman and Doctor Giddings, together with a memorandum of sixty-eight barrels more in the possession of the friends of liberty in Exeter and the neighboring towns. This powder


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was undoubtedly a part of that which was seized at Fort William and Mary in December, 1774.


Highways .- The change in the character of the public highways since 1776 is worthy of special notice. For many years before the Revolution the lumber trade was the chief business of the town. Vast quantities of the choicest spoils of the forest were brought each year from inland points to the Exeter landing, a part to be used for the construction of ships here, and the remainder to be rafted or otherwise transported down the river. The greater sharc of the money raised for the repair of the highways was ex- pended on the roads towards Brentwood and Epping, over which the staple commodity in which our citizens were so deeply interested was hauled to tide-water and a market. The result of it was that the other ways were sadly neglected. Fortunately this was of less consequence from the fact that most of the travel at that period was upon horseback. The river, too, served admirably as a public highway in former times between the settlements upon its banks. So long as people could do their business by means of boats, they were not so particular about the condition of the roads.


Navigation .- The basin of the Salt River sixscore years ago presented a far busier scene than it does today. The channel was then capable of afford- ing a passage to vessels of considerable size, and ships of from 200 to 500 tons burden were built here, six or eight of them each season, it is said. Sev- eral vessels were owned here, and made voyages along the coast, and to the West Indies and Europe. With ships unloading their cargoes at our wharves, with carpenters and calkers plying their busy trades in our shipyards, and with long lines of teams dragging the mighty pines to the riverside, the spectacle must have been full of life and animation. Perhaps something of the same sort may again be realized when the obstructions to the navigation of the Squamscot shall be removed. As the Revolution drew nigh the lumber trade declined, and the business activity of the place diminished. The break- ing out of hostilities sent some of the most enterprising citizens into the army; commerce was suspended and shipbuilding was no longer lucrative. The mechanics became soldiers or sought employment elsewhere, and Exeter, its limited resources drawn upon to the utmost to sustain the war, looked forward with anxious hope to the issue that was to bring peace and restore prosperity.


In 1776 Exeter could boast but two churches, and those both Congrega- tional; nor was there either academy or seminary then. But in the article of public houses a hundred years have probably given us no increase. There were then two taverns on the east side of the river, and the whole number was no doubt greater than it is now. This is to be explained by the different habits of the earlier generation. Auction sales and many kinds of public business were formerly transacted at the inns, as they were usually called. They were places where the citizens of all classes used to meet, especially in the evenings, and the convivial habits of the past age contributed essentially to their being well patronized.




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