USA > New Hampshire > Merrimack County > Canterbury > History of the town of Canterbury, New Hampshire, 1727-1912, v. 1 > Part 25
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There was no compromise in Mr. Foster's nature. His war- fare against evil was one of extermination. He dealt sledge ham-
House erected by Col. Asa Foster, son of Dea. Asa Foster, and the birthplace of Stephen S. Foster, the noted abolitionist. Described in Hackleborough chapter under number 28.
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ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION.
mer blows and his speech bristled with invective. Conversion with him must come from deep conviction aroused by the enor- mity of the offence and there was no thought of conciliation. He would have gone to the rack or the stake in defence of his principles with all the composure and fortitude of the early religious reformers. Throughout a long and eventful life, he was the eloquent champion of the cause of the weak and unfor- tunate. A radical among radicals, a lonely pioneer blazing the trail for an advancing civilization, he was always sustained by a sublime faith in the justice of his cause.1
With such a spokesman in town making opportunities at home and abroad to preach the doctrine of the manumission of the slave, Canterbury could not be otherwise than a prominent center for the discussion of a question which divided neighbors and friends, disturbed the peace of the family and impaired the usefulness of even the church itself. This epoch covering a full genera- tion was undoubtedly the most brilliant in the history of Can- terbury. The town was in the forefront of the rural commu- nities of the state, giving its support to progressive ideas and taking advanced steps in education, social betterment and phil- anthropic work. Rare, indeed, was the public gathering at the capital from 1850 to 1880 that some representative of Canterbury was not present whose acquaintance was state wide. Nearly all of these men had grown up from boyhood with Stephen S. Foster and were quite as tenacious in their opinions as he. They argued with him at the stores and in public gather- ings the slavery question, combating his extreme views. Later, most of them were found ardent advocates of the abolition of slavery when rebellion made it a war necessity. All of them were strong and patriotic citizens, doing their full duty in the trying period from 1861 to 1865, although differing frequently as to methods. Some mention of them is essential to a thorough knowledge of the town at this time, for it was through their activity and prominence in all matters that affected the welfare of the state that this community became preeminent as a pro- gressive township.
During this vital period of the town's history Canterbury had no more loyal citizen than Edward Osgood. Whatever affected
1 For facts about the life of Mr. Foster see the genealogy of the Foster family in the second volume of this history.
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HISTORY OF CANTERBURY.
the welfare of the town had his zealous support. He gave his time and contributed his means to advance every worthy project. The church, the schools, philanthropy and good citizenship were causes early enlisting his attention. In his day probably no resi- dent of the town did more to give it prominence in the state by interesting its people in all advance movements than Mr. Osgood. His strength of leadership lay in his patience and persistency. Where others wearied of conflict, he seemed to gather strength by the force of opposition. Lacking the attri- butes of the orator, he had the persuasion which comes of tact- fulness and earnest and logical reasoning. There was hardly a town meeting in which his voice was not heard, and, whether successful or not, the judgment of time usually vindicated his position. He was frequently honored by his fellow-townsmen with elections to positions of trust, and he discharged all duties with fidelity and with credit to himself and the town.
Col. David M. Clough was a man who would have stamped his individuality upon any community. Positive in his opin- ions, he had at all times the courage of his convictions. Such men invite opposition by their aggressiveness. Yet such opposition serves to bring out their latent powers. Colonel Clough preferred defeat to concession, confident that the prin- ciples he advocated would eventually triumph. Seldom was there an exciting town meeting when he was not in the storm center of debate. As a representative of the town at state gatherings, he was always heard with attention, whatever the subject under consideration. Prominent as a farmer, he was an important factor at legislative and public meetings in awaken- ing interest in the cause of agriculture and in securing coop- eration among the farmers to promote and protect their interests. "The Corn King of New Hampshire," as he was familiarly called because of his large and successful cultivation of this cereal, exerted a wide influence in the state as an agriculturist. Participating in public affairs, he was also prominent in the councils of the Democratic party.
David M. Foster, another leading citizen of Canterbury, pre- served all the traditions of his family for intellectual strength and independent thought. A pioneer in moral reform, of warm and ardent sympathies, eloquent of speech, his voice was ever raised in behalf of the wronged and the oppressed. With a
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PROMINENT CITIZENS OF THIS PERIOD.
larger environment and constituency, he would have attained state distinction, though it is doubtful if he would have secured marked political preferment, owing to his independence. No more effective speech was made in the legislature of 1880, of which he was a member, than that of Mr. Foster appealing for jus- tice to a political opponent whose seat was contested. But such breaking away from party fidelity was not at that time conducive to party promotion.
The strength of Thomas L. Whidden lay in his sterling hon- esty and his capacity as a public official. His knowledge of town business was unsurpassed. He inspired confidence by his straightforward methods and his clear judgment. No man of his generation was more respected by his fellow-townsmen. He was not much given to public speech, but his influence was nevertheless felt in town affairs. Except for the partisan asper- ity of the times, he would have been the first choice of the voters of Canterbury for chairman of the board of selectmen even in the years his party was not in power.
Capt. David Morrill was the one individual in Canterbury who could bring order out of confusion in a stormy town meet- ing and who, after debate was seemingly exhausted, could pre- sent such a clear statement of the issue involved as to carry conviction to his hearers. It was on such occasions, when the last word seemed to have been spoken on a subject before the town meeting, that he would arise to address the chair. No matter what the turmoil and confusion, a respectful silence would immediately fall upon the assembly. Then in well-chosen speech he would state the question before the meeting with such clear- ness and force that no one could misunderstand it.
The Ayers brothers, Jonathan, Joseph and Charles, all gifted men, though not frequent participants in debates, were never- theless influential citizens; Charles, the youngest, becoming prominent at a later period. Jonathan Ayers studied for the min- istry, was licensed to preach, but was never ordained. He came to the front in the forties and represented the town in the legislature in 1850 and in 1851. For several years he was mod- erator, and a turbulent town meeting had in him a master. If he could not quell a turmoil by a demand for order, he would vault over the desk into the midst of the crowd and by his physical strength quiet the disturbance. He was a most potential force
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HISTORY OF CANTERBURY.
during the Civil War in securing prompt action by Canterbury in filling her quota of troops. To encourage enlistments, it was necessary after the first two years of the war to offer large boun- 'ties. It was not always an easy matter to secure appropriations for this purpose. Mr. Ayers had a remarkable hold upon the young voters of the town, and his influence was always thrown in support of the national administration, although he was not in accord with its political views. An earnest man, impressive in manner, prompted by the highest ideals, he was one of Can- terbury's most useful citizens.
Joseph Ayers by precept and example taught the value of education to the young. From the income of his farm he sent three sons through college and gave to his daughters the most scholastic training then attainable by women. Twice during the Civil War he gave his services as a member of the board of selectmen and was publicly thanked by the town for his patri- otism. A very public-spirited citizen, warmly espousing every good cause, he became its abiding advocate, and enjoyed a popularity in the community second to that of none.
Others there were not so conspicuous in town affairs as those already mentioned who formed a background of substantial citizenship, contributing to the advancement of the interests of the town. Luther Sargent and Lyman B. Foster, school teachers for many years and frequently members of the school board, were men of wide information. Galen Foster, educated for the bar, returned to Canterbury, not to practice his profession, but to live the quiet life of a farmer. A radical and a reformer like his kinsman, Stephen S. Foster, he was in the advance guard of all forward movements. Nathan Emery, Jr., was another strong factor in the business and politics of the town for many years, being a recognized leader for more than a generation. Jacob C. Whidden, Moses Emery, James S. Elkins, Moses C. Lyford, Enoch and Samuel C. Pickard, Moses A. Foster, Joseph G. Clough, Sr., and Simon Stevens Davis were the natural selections of their fellow-townsmen for positions of trust and responsibility because of their clear judgment and sub- stantial attainments. Of this number Moses A. Foster alone is living, still vigorous mentally and physically. Never seeking office, helpful in every cause enlisting public attention, he has been a constant contributor to promoting the interests of the town.
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PROMINENT CITIZENS OF THIS PERIOD.
The moderators of the strenuous town meetings of this period were Jeremiah L. Clough, a gifted son of Canterbury and a model presiding officer, Matthias M. Moore, a student of books rather than of men, Nahum Blanchard, a man of native ability and strong self-reliance, and two of whom mention has already been made, Jonathan Ayers and David Morrill.
The popular town clerks elected for successive years were Dr. Lorrain T. Weeks and Alfred H. Brown. The former was a practicing physician, referred to in the last chapter. The latter has a long period of service to his credit. No turmoil ever dis- turbed Mr. Brown and his record was never questioned, no mat- ter how bitter the partisan strife of the day. In the discharge of his duties he has ever been courteous, obliging and helpful, and as a public official, he has enjoyed the confidence of all parties.
Coming to Canterbury in 1861, Mr. Brown began trade as a merchant, and his store soon became a popular resort. During the long winter evenings it was the place where politics and current events were discussed. No lyceum ever afforded more earnest debates and very few more entertainment. The argu- ments of political speakers and the facts presented by public lecturers were here analyzed and dissected. These gatherings night after night with their exchange of views contributed to make a Canterbury audience most critical, and he who came to address them was fortunate if his statements were not chal- lenged by one or more of his hearers. If these store discussions took an acrimonious turn, Mr. Brown had the happy faculty of changing the current of thought of his visitors.
During this period until the year 1860 there is nothing in the records of the town meetings to indicate the character of the political contests waged in Canterbury. The warrants call for action on questions that relate only to the routine business of the community. It was at the stores, the lyceums, the political meetings and at the fireside that questions like the annexation of Texas, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and kindred measures affecting slavery were discussed. Quiet canvasses of voters were made throughout the year by the leaders of both parties. It required but three months' residence in town at that time to entitle a man to vote, and the days of November witnessed great activity in providing homes for transient voters to enable them to have their names on the check list for the suc-
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HISTORY OF CANTERBURY.
ceeding March election. Employers of labor gave preference to those of their political faith. The voter just coming of age was labored with to insure his starting right in his political career. The young men who went to other states to seek their fortunes kept their parental homes until they were married, and the sec- ond Tuesday of March saw more absent sons return to Canter- bury than the Old Home Week observations of the present gen- eration. The women of Canterbury were quite as enthusiastic as the men, and, if the young voter married into a family whose politics were antagonistic to his own, it was a serious question of the leaders whether he would remain true to the traditions of his parents or be persuaded by his wife into making a new polit- ical alliance.
It was in preparation of the campaign of 1860 that the town became ambitious to increase its representation in the legisla- ture to two members. Both parties began early in the fall of 1859 to swell the list of the voting population. All well-to-do farmers increased the numbers of employes for the winter's work. When there was not room for the accommodation of these employes in the household, temporary lodging places were pro- vided. Never before or since was there such apparent business activity in town. These colonists were not of the type of which new towns and cities are built. They were mostly men who are here today and there tomorrow, and they were far from having settled political convictions. After they were located, they were susceptible to persuasion to depart. They were the objects of special attention from both parties, those who imported them, and those who were anxious to break up their continuity of residence for the three months necessary to establish their right to vote. It was an expensive and troublesome cam- paign and it became necessary to guard these "voters of fortune" with zealous care. One resident of the town took his auxili- ary citizen with him wherever he went, even to the prayer meet- ing, of which he was a constant attendant. He did not insist, however, that his companion occupy a front seat. While the services were in progress one evening, this prospective voter was spirited from a back seat in the meeting house to a sleigh just outside the door and driven at a furious pace to a distant town. There he was well cared for until it was too late for him to report at town meeting. The good church member of Canter-
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AN EXCITING ELECTION.
bury who had harbored him for several weeks was reminded by his political opponents that in trying times it was necessary "to watch as well as to pray."
There was no certainty that the men who were thus colonized for voting purposes would sufficiently appreciate their winter's board to support the political ticket favored by those who had harbored them. At the last moment something more per- suasive than intellectual arguments was liable to convert them to the other side. This led one of the local wits to remark that he always found it "cheaper to buy cattle in the spring than to feed them all winter."
January, February and the early days of March, 1860, were busy ones for the active politicians of Canterbury, and perhaps no town election was approached with more uncertainty of the outcome. There was grave apprehension of disturbance. There had been a spirited contest in the regulation of the check list, and bitter feelings were aroused thereby. If the vote was close, it was sure to be disputed, and the town meeting might end in disorder and riot. The transient voters were many of them of the lawless class, and they might be incited to acts of violence. To preserve order and to guard the ballot box the selectmen on the morning of town meeting appointed the fol- lowing persons police officers for the ensuing year:
William M. Fletcher, John P. Kimball, Lyman R. Fellows, John N. Hill, David K. Nudd, Charles H. Fletcher and Robert Dearborn, all stalwart men who would have been a host in themselves. Then, as a reserve, nearly seventy of the citizens of the town were sworn in as special policemen in charge of various superintendents. Such elaborate preparations for trouble prevented its occurrence and, except an occasional disturbance which was quickly suppressed, the election passed off without serious friction.
The March election of 1861 was without incident. No attempt was made to give expression by resolution or otherwise to the deep anxiety with which the people of Canterbury regarded the future of the country. Although the slave states had then seceded and organized a government, there was still a lingering hope that the Union might be preserved by compromise between the sections as it had been in the past. The excitement of the presidential contest of the fall before had not disappeared and
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HISTORY OF CANTERBURY.
the alignment of political parties in the spring election was as firm as ever. With a few, however, there was a feeling when the town meeting adjourned that the voters would soon be called together again to take action upon national affairs. Nor were the people kept long in doubt.
The president's call for troops was issued April 15, and a town meeting was summoned for May 18 to see how much money Canterbury would appropriate "for the purpose of raising troops and for the support of the families of those who may enlist in the United States service." Thomas L. Whidden was chosen moderator. It was then voted to dismiss this article in the warrant. The question of the right of towns to make such appropriations in the absence of specific authorization by the legislature was raised and the doubt was solved by deferring action until the legislature could assemble in June. The meet- ing could not have more than adjourned, however, before there was a petition started for another. This was held June 8, and the same article appeared in the warrant. Immediately after the election of a moderator, the following resolution was offered: "Resolved that we pledge the town for the support of the fami- lies of all volunteers now residents of Canterbury who may enlist in the United States service for three years or during the war to the amount of $5,000. if that amount should be needed."
A lively discussion ensued, but the resolution was lost when a vote was taken. The same objection to the legality of action by the town in advance of legislative authorization, that had defeated the purpose of the previous meeting, was again successfully interposed. The legislature was then in session at Concord, having assembled three days before this town meeting in Canterbury. There was no question that this body would adopt all measures necessary to enable towns to fill their quotas of troops and provide for the needy families of those who enlisted. There was no legal or technical barrier, however, to the town's declaring its patriotism and its cordial support of the war. When, therefore, the vote was announced that defeated the proposed appropriation, Edward Osgood offered the following resolutions which were adopted:
"Resolved that the present rebellion existing at the South is without any just cause and in direct violation of the constitution
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WAR MEASURES.
and should be regarded and treated as a traitorous effort to over- throw the government of the United States.
"Resolved that it is the duty of every loyal citizen to demon- strate his devotion to his country by sustaining the flag, the con- stitution and the Union under all circumstances and under every administration against all assailants at home and abroad.
"Resolved that we believe in the perpetuity of our Union and that we will use all laudable efforts for the enforcement of the laws agreeably to the constitution.
"Resolved that we as citizens of Canterbury are fully prepared to stand by, defend and maintain the constitution, the Union and the laws of these United States and will give the present administration our undivided support for this purpose."
There does not appear to have been any discussion of these res- olutions or any opposition to their adoption. So far as the records show, they were passed without a dissenting vote. The town was now committed to do its part towards the vigorous prosecution of the war, and from this time forward the people of Canterbury responded promptly to every successive call made upon them for troops, besides contributing generously for the care of those who were dependent upon citizens of the town enlisting in the service.
The legislature by an act approved July 4, 1861, gave the needed authority to towns to offer bounties for enlistments and made appropriations for the families of those who were in the army. At a special meeting October 8, following, Canterbury ap- propriated $500 to pay to "indigent families of persons that may have enlisted from the town" and authorized Jacob C. Whidden, the chairman of the board of selectmen, to expend so much of this amount in relief as "may in his judgment be required." The next year an additional $300 was appropriated for the same purpose.
By the summer of 1862 it became apparent that the war was to be one of long duration and that bounties must be given to insure enlistments. At a special town meeting held August 12 the selectmen were authorized "to hire a sufficient sum of money to aid the families of those who enlisted, and to borrow $9,000 to offer as bounties to volunteers for three years in the service and to pay $300 each to citizens of this town who shall volunteer before September 1, 1862, and be mustered into service."
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HISTORY OF CANTERBURY.
Another town meeting was held September 3 at which it was voted "to pay volunteers for nine months enlistment $100. when they are mustered into the service and an additional $100. when they leave the state to join the army." The selectmen were authorized to borrow a sum not exceeding $4,000 to pay the bounties of the nine months' men.
At the annual meeting in 1863, Col. David M. Clough offered a resolution requesting the legislature to assume all the debts contracted by towns for the prosecution of the war. This reso- lution was referred to a committee consisting of Colonel Clough, David Morrill, Edward Osgood, Jacob C. Whidden, Ebenezer Batchelder, Benjamin Sanborn, Joseph Ham, John Lyford, Joshua Parker and James S. Elkins, who reported the following substitute, which varied but slightly in text from the original.
"Resolved That our representative be instructed and our sena- tor be requested to procure the enactment of a law at the next session of our state legislature requiring the state to assume the debts of the several towns occasioned by paying bounties to volunteers for the United States service." This resolution was adopted. It preceded by eight years the action taken by the legislature of 1871 whereby the state did assume the war debts of the towns.
Three special town meetings were called during the last half of the year 1863. At that held July 30 it was "voted to pay $300. to the men who may be drafted and mustered into service from this town under the present call." A loan of $9,000 was authorized for this purpose. At the next meeting, September 24, the foregoing vote was enlarged so that the amount might be paid "to the order of each drafted man or to the order of his sub- stitute." The last meeting of the year was held November 30. To answer the latest call of the president for volunteers, the selectmen were authorized to give bounties equal to those offered by the general and state governments.
Still further inducements were held out to volunteers at another meeting called February 22, 1864. The annual election followed in two weeks and the selectmen were authorized "to pay to each drafted man from this town who procured a substitute such addi- tional sum as, with the sums already paid and voted to be paid, will equal the sum paid out by him in procuring said substitute, provided it can be done legally."
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WAR MEASURES.
A special meeting was held July 21, at which Col. David M. Clough was chosen agent for the town to keep the quota of enlistments full "until the presidential election in November." Bounties were offered to reënlisted men. August 26, Thomas L. Whidden was elected co-agent with Colonel Clough to promote enlistments, and the amount of the bounty paid volunteers was increased to $500. Eleven days later this bounty was raised to $1,000. The beginning of the year 1865 saw no cessation of activ- ities in Canterbury to answer the calls of the general government for enlistments. At a meeting held January 7, Benjamin F. Brown was chosen town agent, and it was voted to hire $8,000 for military purposes, the bounty of $1,000 for volunteers being continued. This loan was supplemented by another at the annual meeting in March of $20,000.
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