USA > New Jersey > A civil and political history of New Jersey: embracing a compendious history of the state, from its early discover and settlement by Europeans, brought down to the present time > Part 10
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NEW NETHERLAND.
sional treaty which was concluded in 1650, between the English and the Dutch, had failed as a measure of peace; indeed it had proved, in regard to some of the colonists, an occasion of increased offence. And besides the causes of disunion which that agreement was designed to remove, there were others of a different character, and entirely beyond its scope. The two nations were not only adverse in interest, but were also totally unlike in their institutions and character, and dispositions unfavorable to harmony, if not actually cherished, were yet rapidly increasing in strength. Their European connexions also had become unsettled, and in 1652 open hostilities broke out between England and Holland, a cir- cumstance which could hardly fail to give greater intenseness to the feelings of the colonists. Beside this, a rumor became preva- lent that the Dutch had engaged in a plot with the Indians in all parts of the country, for the purpose of destroying the entire population of New England. The intelligence of the agreement was derived from the Indians themselves, and under the circum- stances of the time, when much irritation already existed, the rumor was readily eredited. It was also supposed to be strengthened by an additional circumstance. The Governor of New Netherland directed a letter to the several colonies of New England, proposing that neutrality should be observed between them and the Dutch, during the continuance of the war in Europe, unless positive orders to the contrary, should be given. This proposal was regarded as an evidence of treachery, rather than as showing a desire for peace. Alarm was excited among the English settlers, and a special meet- ing of the United Colonies was called, which accordingly con- vened at Boston, in May, 1653.
After examining the evidence in regard to the designs of the Dutch, a majority of the Commissioners declared themselves in favor of war. But Massachusetts, the strongest, but most remote of the colonies, either in the exercise of a sounder judgment, or from a feeling of greater security against the menaced attack, re- fused to resort to hostile proceedings. At the suggestion of her deputies, a person was despatched to the Governor of New Nethi- erland, to demand from him an explanation of his conduct and course.
Upon the reception of the messenger, Stuyvesant expressed
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himself in relation to his errand, and the charge that was made, in terms of the greatest indignation and warmth. He asserted his innocence and rectitude; he had sought, he said, nothing but peace and good neighborhood, yet if he must be driven to ex- tremities, he had confidence that a just God would enable him to stand, in making a righteous defence. His reply was reported at a second meeting of the Commissioners of the Colonies, and was declared to be evasive, and not satisfactory. The majority again resolved upon war, but the deputies from Massachusetts persisted in dissent, and the general court of that colony upheld their representatives, and even went farther. It was resolved, that no determination of the Commissioners, though all should agree, should bind the colony to engage in hostilities.
Disappointed of the aid they expected to receive from their principal confederate, the remaining colonies were prevented from the prosecution of their purpose.
But Connecticut and New Haven resolved upon seeking assis- tance in a different quarter. Cromwell, who had acquired the principal control of affairs in England, was actively engaged at the time, in urging hostilities with Holland, and to him application was made.19 Falling in with his present designs, the application
"[Extract from the letter of William Hooke to Lord General Cromwell.]
"The bearer hereof, Captain Astwood, a man very desirable .and useful amongst us, can acquaint your Lordship with our affairs, and the tottering state of things in these ends of the earth, where the lines are fallen to us, concerning which I have written to you in a letter dated, I suppose, about a month before this, which I hope will come to you. Briefly, whereas our Four Colonies, The Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven have stood combined by a solemn agreement, for which many prayers were put up to Heaven, and many thanks returned to God, when it was effected, and which hath continued inviolate for the space of ten years to the terror of our enemies, whether Dutch or Indians; it is so, that the late treaty of the Commissioners for the aforesaid colonies, (of whom this bearer was one,) concerning the undertaking of a war against the Dutch, hath after several agitations and discussions of the point, occasioned the Bay to desert us, (a colony near cqual in greatness to the other three,) and to Iwrak the brotherly covenant, refusing to join in a military expedition against the Dutch, and lately against the Indians also, from whom we have received much injury and contempt. The truth is, the decliners fear their own swords more than the Dutch or natives, or the displeasure of the State of England, concerning that if the sword be once drawn it will bear rule no less in our
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was favorably received, and a squadron was sent over to aid and support the colonists, and instructions were given to the comman- der to address himself to the Governors of the several colonies, and request their concurrence.
But a peace was soon afterwards concluded between the belli- gerents in Europe, information of which was received in New
England than in yours, and so the magistrates in the general court in the Bay, fear that they shall bear the sword in vain. In the mean time we are like to feel the sad effects thereof, for great discontents are risen in the minds of many, who are willing to shake off all yokes, and utterly averse to pay the vast charge of the late long fruitless Commissioners. A language of mutiny. and sedition, and of renouncing the present authority, is heard amongst us, whereby we are . endangered as well from within as from without our selves, and great fractures and disjunctures are threatened, and the great changes hastening upon us whereof Mr. Cotton spoke on his death bed, upon occasions of the comet, which shined many nights during his sickness, and extinguished about the time of his dissolution. Trade is obstructed, commodities (especially clothing,) very scanty, great discouragements upon the most if not all. . It is strongly apprehended by the intelligent among us, that our cure is desperate if the Dutch be not removed, who lye close upon our. frontiers, so that we and our posterity (now almost pre- pared to swarm forth plenteously) are confined and strengthened, the sea lying before us, and a rude rocky desert unfit for culture, behind our backs. Our danger also from the natives is great, to whom these ill neighbors have traded and still do, multitudes of guns, with powder, shot, and weapons which the English have always refused to do, and by means of this damnable trade, (as the Dutch Governor himself calls it,) this earthly generation of men, whose gain is their God, are grown very gracious to the barbarians and have them at command as an armed people, prepared (if we enterprize ought against the Dutch) to assault the English. But I am unwilling to detain your Lordship any longer with my lines, the Captain knoweth how to supply my defects, and is indeed a fit man to be employed in service against the Dutch, if we come not too late, and if also your Lordship would be pleased to procure two or three frigates, to be sent for the clearing of the coast from a nation, with which the English cannot either mingle or easily sit under their government, nor so much as live by, without danger of our lives and our comforts in this workl. And if these men might be dislodged, it would contribute much to the cure of our in- testine discontents, which arise principally from our not enterprizing against these earthly minded men. Yet if withal, your Lordship, by your letters, or the parliamentary power interposing by their authority, or both, shall command quietness among ourselves and subjection in the people to the highest powers throughout the several colonies, and also command assistance to be afforded by the Bay to the other three colonies, in case of war against the Dutch, it may please the Lord to heal our breaches and prevent distempers, and to cause us
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England soon after the arrival of the fleet, which was thereupon recalled. In consequence, the. designs .of . the English against New Netherland, were once more suspended.
. In the treaty concluded at this. time, there was no. express stipulation in reference to the colonial possessions belonging to the parties; it only provided in general terms for the restoration of peace throughout the dominions of each. But the withdrawal of the armament that had been sent by Cromwell against New Netherland, seemed to imply a concession, not only in favor of the claims of the Dutch to the country, but also, that these countries were included on the terms of the treaty.
But the English colonists denied the inference; they insisted that in fact, the Dutch were not the owners of land in America, that they were merely intruders, and of consequence could derive no claim to forbearance from the terms of the treaty. Even if the treaty they said, extended to all the countries belonging to the parties throughout the world, (a point which was not conceded,) it still could have no effect in the case in question, because the country of New Netherland did not belong to its present posses- sors.20 With these views the colonists resolved to pursue their
to live again, wherein you. shall do a singular service to many churches of Christ, and be (through grace) an instrument in God's hand, of effecting great things in these four colonies, as God hath used you to accomplish great matters in three kingdoms, &c. Your Lordship's in most observance, .
" WILLIAM HOOKE.
" To His Excellency OLIVER CROMWELL,
" Lord General of all the forces of the Commonwealth of England.
"New Haven, the 3d of November, 1653." Thurloe's State Papers.
¥ At an early period of the colonies it had been understood that they were not bound by a statute unless they were specially named ; whether the case was the game with a treaty is uncertain. But the entire course of the colonies at this ume was such as to evince but little dependence upon the parent country. They had not considered themselves involved in the war in Europe, only as they be- came so by their own acts. They had themselves declared war against the Dutch, without any authority from England, and had only applied to that country for aid, though afterwards an order had been received from Parliament tryquiring that the Dutch should be treated in all respects as the enemies of England. Under these circumstances the treaty in Europe might not be re- garded as conclusive, as to the separate action that had been commenced or
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designs in relation to the Dutch. Application was again made to the English government, and Richard Cromwell, the Second Pro- tector, manifested a willingness to accede to the wishes of the ap- plicants. He issued orders to prepare a squadron, and gave instructions to the commanders for an invasion of New Netherland; he also caused letters to be written to the provincial assemblies, de- siring their co-operation in the proposed attempt.21 But the reins of authority soon fell from the grasp of the feeble Richard, and his designs and directions were not carried on to completion. A fur- ther respite was secured to New Netherland.
But the resolves and claims of the English continued the same, or rather seemed constantly to rise; the colonists no longer con- fined their views to the recovery or defence of a particular portion of territory, but looked to an entire subjugation of the Dutch, and the possession of the whole of the country they occupied or claimed. The people of New Haven openly declared that no New Netherland was known to them, that they considered the possession of the West India Company entirely unlawful, as not supported by a grant from the King of England, and therefore that they were resolved to extend their plantations as far as they pleased.
Whilst New England was thus advancing on the one hand, the Governor of New Netherland retained with difficulty the hold he had lately obtained, on the other. New Sweden seemed ready to pass from his grasp.
The Dutch had rejoiced in the establishment of their power upon the borders of the Delaware, and had counted upon a firm and peaceful possession. The West India Company shared the government of the country with the principal city of Holland, and officers representing their authority were placed in the respective divisions.22 The rule of these persons was rigorous. Stuyvesant
contemplated in the colonies. Such was the position taken by the colonists, and this, in addition to the claim which they urged to the country held by the Dutch, was considered as sufficient to warrant the prosecution of hostilities, notwith- standing the conclusion of the peace in Europe."
. 21 Thurloe's Collections.
2 The country on the western side of the Delaware was divided by the Dutch into two colonies. One extended from Fort Christina to Bambo-Hook, and was
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was jealous of the Swedes, and ordered his deputy in the colony of the company to "keep a watchful eye upon them, and if any should be found seditious, to send them to Manhattan !" He afterwards transmitted an order that they should all be collected into small towns, where their movements might be easily ob- served, and easily controlled. To escape from this merciless rule, a number of the settlers departed from the colony, some of them going to the adjacent province belonging to Amsterdam city. But here their condition was little improved; "when did a city ever govern a province with forbearance." The most onerous commercial restrictions were here established, and the prosperity and happiness of a people, and the advancement of a country, were considered of less importance than a profitable trade. But in a part, and an important part of the country, a different claim existed, by which, both the profits and the powers of the present possessors, were brought into jeopardy. Nearly the whole of the settlements on the western side of the Delaware, were included in the territory which, many years before, had been granted to Lord Baltimore, and was included in the province of Maryland. And the authorities of Maryland were alive to their interests.
In 1654, Ffendall, the Lieutenant of Lord Baltimore, gave in- structions to Colonel Nathaniel Utie to repair to "the pretended government and people" seated on Delaware Bay, within his province, and to require them to depart; but he might propose to the people there seated, to place themselves under his Lordships government, where they should find good conditions, and be pro- tected in their lives, liberties and estate. Utie repaired to the country accordingly, and a warm discussion ensued between him and Beekman, and Alrich, who acted on behalf of the Dutch. The latter officers proposed, that the matters in dispute should be
called the Colony of the Company. The other extended from Christina up the Delaware, to the extent of the settlement, and was called the Colony of the City. In the former of these, Jacquet was first appointed as Governor. He was suc- cerded by William Beckman. In the other colony, after Jacquet, (who exercised authority for a time in both,) Jacob Alrich was appointed, who continued in office till his death, and left as his successor, Alexander Hinoyosa. On the 7th of February, 1663, the company ceded all its rights to the Colony of the City, and after that time, Hinoyosa was Governor of the united colonies .- See Acrelius.
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referred for decision to the republics of England and Holland. Soon afterwards the Director of New Netherland became a party in the controversy ; he sent a commission to Maryland, with or- ders to wait on Ffendall, and to place before him a statement of their claims. The Commissioners were to represent, that the Dutch had an indisputable right to the country, as could be proved and shown by the patent from the Lords States General, and the West India Company, and by bills . of sale and conveyance from the natives, and the possession of more than forty years. "But the embassy was not successful. Ffendall was brief in his reply; he admitted the facts as set forth, but maintained that they were utterly ·valueless. :
In the following year Lord Baltimore again presented his claims; through his agents in Holland, he demanded of the autho- · rities in that country, that orders should. be given to the colonists on the Delaware, to submit to his Lordships rule. . The demand was refused in a peremptory manner, and the West India Company transmitted an order to their officers, not to give up the country, . but to defend it, even to the spilling of blood.23 But the spilling. of blood at this time was averted. Maryland was either unpre- pared to resort to such an extremity, or was willing to await .the course of events which seemed rapidly tending to an issue, favor- · able to her wishes and views.
. The authorities of New Netherland were still less inclined to measures of violence. Stuyvesant was well disposed to assert his authority, but.the existence of the English on the south, and their `continual encroachments on the north, gave sufficient warnings of
." The statetnent here given as to the tenor of the orders sent by the West India Company, is not in accordance with several authorities. Chalmers; and those who have followed him, declare, that the company gave directions to the colonial officers. to withdraw to the northward of Lord Baltimore's boundary, and that the country in question being thus given up by the Dutch, was imme- diately occupied by Charles Calvert, the son of the proprietory of Maryland. But the statement of the text is founded on the original despatch of the West India Company, existing in the Albany Records. If the account of Chalmers is admitted, the conclusion must be drawn, that the formal dospatches of the company, were contravened or annulled, by some private communication, and in fact, it is stated by some, that the instructions were "private." See Bancroft, vol. 2, p. 309.
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danger, and of the necessity of caution in his course. New England had become greatly superior to New Netherland, in numbers and in strength, and the dispositions of her people were entirely manifest. Stuyvesant was aware of his position, and gave full information to his superiors of the state of affairs, and urged the adoption of the means of defence. He informed the States General and the West India Company, that "the demands, encroachments and usurpations of the English, gave the people here the greatest concern." In 1660 he wrote, "your honors imagine that the troubles in England will prevent any attempt on these parts, alas, they are as ten to one in number to us, and are able to deprive us of the country when they please."
At the same time that the storm was gathering upon New Neth- erland from without, its internal condition was not favorable to vigorous exertion for its own protection. Where there is no popular freedom, the government can have little hold upon popular affection ; a people will not be easily aroused in defence of institu- tions which no experience of advantage has taught them to value.
The government of New Netherland had continued nearly the same from the time of its erection ; except the special institutions which had been established under the Charter of Liberties and Exemptions, but little alteration had been made, and through the latter instrument, no security for popular rights had been offered or obtained. Under the general control of the West India Company the government continued to be administered by the Director Gen- eral and Council. They made laws, appointed officers, and decided all controversies. The changes that had occurred with the increase · of population, and the extension of interests, were attended with no corresponding advances in the provisions relating to civil and po- litical rights.
At different periods attempts had been made by the settlers to obtain some melioration of their state. They became imbued to an extent with the views which were introduced by the emi- grants from the neighboring colonies ; the idea of popular freedom was transplanted from New England, to New Netherland. Many English had settled at Manhattan and other places in the province, and were indulged in the exercise of some of the privileges and powers, they had elsewhere enjoyed. The example was not with- 15
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out effect. In the year 1653, a convention was held at New Amsterdam, composed of delegates from several of the towns in the province, with authority to make a representation setting forth the wishes and will of the people. They demanded that no new laws should be enacted but with the consent of the people, that none should be appointed to office, but with the approbation of the people, and that obscure and obsolete laws should not be revived. But Governor Stuyvesant was tenacious of power, and had little faith in the "wavering multitude." He issued a decla- ration in which the demands of the popular delegates were treated with little respect, and the reply which they made, was noticed in no other way, than by the issue of a positive command dissolving the convention, and threatening the members with arbitrary punishment. "We derive our authority," said the Governor, "from God and the West India Company, and not from the pleasure of a few ignorant subjects." The West India Company approved of the course of the Governor. " Have no regard to the will of the people," they said, "let them indulge no longer the visionary dream that taxes can be imposed only with their consent." But to dissipate such a dream was no easy undertaking, and the attempt could only tend, as it did tend, to detach the people of New Netherland from their government, and reconcile them to the idea "of obtaining English liberties by submitting to English jurisdiction."24
2ª Bancroft, vol. 2, p. 308.
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CHAPTER VII.
SUBJUGATION OF NEW NETHERLAND, AND A SECOND CONVEYANCE OF A PART OF THE COUNTRY.
Ix the year 1660, Charles the Second recovered the Throne of his Fathers. Circumstances occurred at an early period which tended to disturb the relations of amity which for some time had subsisted between England and Holland. Charles was displeased with the refusal of the States General to elect the young Prince, his nephew, as Stadtholder. The court of France was busy in fomenting the growing aversion. The French were jealous of the increasing intimacy between the countries of Spain and Holland, and endeavoured to prejudice the interests of the latter, by fanning the displeasure of the English King. The feelings of Charles were also strengthened by reasons of State. England and Holland were rivals in trade, and in the pursuit of their interests were sometimes placed in direct opposition. This subject was noticed by the House of Commons, and a vote was passed that the in- dignities offered to the English, by the States, were the greatest obstructions to foreign trade.' The condition of affairs in America was an additional ground of dissension; the claims of the colonists in New England, and those of the Dutch in New Netherland, were directly at variance, and an actual collision between the parties, was constantly threatened. The concurrence of these several circumstances and reasons seemed to the English King to point out a course of procedure which he directly prepared to pursue ; he resolved to make an attack upon the Dutch by assert- ing his claim to their American possessions.
By this course of policy, the appearance of any new issue be-
' Robinson's England.
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tween the parties was wholly avoided ; the English had never conceded the claims of the Dutch in New Netherland, but on the contrary, had constantly maintained that the country was theirs, and that the actual occupants were only intruders who might at any time be expelled from the lands, or brought in subjection to the rightful owners. Whether the King was more influenced by such a view of the case, in his present attempt, or by a desire to strike a blow at a nation he disliked, is a matter which it may not · be easy, and which at this time, it is not important, to determine. The first act toward the completion of the purpose in view, was the execution of a grant conveying the country in question, to his Royal Highness James the Duke of York and Albany, the brother of the King.
This grant was made on the 12th of March, 1663-4, it gave the lands lying between the western side of Connecticut River, and the eastern side of Delaware Bay, including Long Island, Nantucket, Marthas Vineyard, and the Islands in their vicinity.2 It also conferred upon the Duke the powers of government, both civil and military, within the boundaries mentioned. Orders were directly given for the preparation of an armament to be · despatched to America, in order to put the Duke in possession of his new domain. As a collateral object, it was also proposed, that a visit should be paid to the New England colonies. These colonies were not in such a condition in regard to the parent State, as was suited to the views of the King, and the attempt to subju- gate the adjacent province held by the Dutch, was supposed to afford an opportunity for a general adjustment of the affairs of the country. To carry out this purpose, a body of Commissioners was appointed to attend the expedition.
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