A civil and political history of New Jersey: embracing a compendious history of the state, from its early discover and settlement by Europeans, brought down to the present time, Part 5

Author: Mulford, Issac S
Publication date: 1851
Publisher: Philadelphia, C.A. Brown & Co.
Number of Pages: 1008


USA > New Jersey > A civil and political history of New Jersey: embracing a compendious history of the state, from its early discover and settlement by Europeans, brought down to the present time > Part 5


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47


"The Governor and Council of Plymouth, in New England, wish your Honours and Worships all happiness and prosperity in this life, and eternal rest and glory with Christ Jesus our Lord, in the world to come.


" We have received your letters, wherein appeareth your good will and friend- ship towards us, but is expressed with over high titles, and more than belongs to us, or than is meet for us to receive; but for your good will and congratulation of our prosperity in this small beginning of our poor colony, we are much bound uuto you, and with many thanks do acknowledge the same, taking it both for a Freat honor done unto us, and for a certain testimony of your love and good neighbourhood. Now these are further to give your Honours, Worships and Wisdoms to understand, that it is to us no small joy to hear that it hath pleased God to move his majesty's heart, not only to confirm that ancient amity, alliance, and friendship, and other contracts formerly made and ratified by his predecessors of famous memory, but hath himself (as you say) and we likewise have been in- formed, strengthened the same with a new union, the better to resist the pride of that common enemy, the Spaniards, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now for us, this is sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in all our dealings, yet many of us are tied by the good and courteous entreaty which we have found in your country, having lived there many years, with freedom and good content, as many of our friends do to this day, for which we are bound to be thankful, and our children after us, and shall never forget the same, but shall heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own, forever. Likewise, for your friendly proposition and offer to accom- modate and help us with any commodities or merchandize which you have, and we want, either for beaver, otter, or other wares, it is very acceptable to us, and we do not doubt but in a short time, we may have protitable trade and commerce together. But you will please to understand that we are but one particular colony or plantation in this land, there being divers others besides unto whom it hath pleased those Honorable Lords of his Majesty's Council for New England, to grant the like commission and ample privileges to them (as to us) for their better protit and subsistence, namely, to expulse or make prize of any, either stringers or other English, which shall attempt either to trade or plant within their limits (without their special license and commission) which extends to forty degrees. Yet for our parts we shall not go about to molest or trouble you in any thing, but continue all good neighbourhood and correspondence as far as we may; only we Jesure that you would forbear to trade with the natives in this Bay and River of Narazan-ett, and Sowames, which is, as it were, at our doors The which if you & (if you do this forbear ] we think, also, no other English will go about any way to trouble or hinder you which otherwise are resolved to solicit his majesty for redress, if otherwise they cannot help themselves."


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within certain specified bounds. The Dutch made a firm though moderate reply; they insisted upon their rights to the country, and to perfect freedom of trade therein, and declared that they would maintain their claim.


Some time afterwards, De Rasier, the principal Merchant and Clerk, was sent from the New Netherlands to the English settle- ment, for the purpose of securing a better understanding, and concluding a more perfect agreement. He was honorably received and entertained at Plymouth, and a letter was written acknowledg- ing his visit, and expressing satisfaction with his course and demeanour. This letter was similar in its general tenor to the former communication sent by the English; they repeated the same friendly expressions, but also adverted again to the subject of title. "We desire," they say to the Dutch, "that ye would take into your wise and honorable considerations that which we conceive may be a means of much future evil, if not prevented, namely, that you clear the title of your planting in these parts, which his majesty hath by patent granted to divers of his nobles and subjects of quality; lest it be a bone of division in these stir- ring evil times, which God forbid. We persuade ourselves that now may be easily and seasonably done, which will be harder and with more difficulty obtained hereafter, and perhaps not with- out blows."


This correspondence exhibits fully the relative position and claims of the English and the Dutch; both insisted upon a right to the same portion of country, and to freedom of trade therein. Such a condition of things distinctly foreshowed a collision in future, though for the present, peace was preserved. By a sort of tacit agreement, the discussion of the respective riglits of the parties, was dropped for the time, they deeming the determination of the matter in question, to be of less importance to their present pros- perity, than the maintenance of peace, and harmonious intercourse.


It was a part of the business of the West India Company to advance the settlement and population of the countries which they should come to possess. But nothing of consequence had yet been done in New Netherland for the attainment of such a purpose: The spirit of trade and commerce had directed the operations of the company, and little had been attempted that did not promise to give


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a return in actual profit. No efforts had been made for the pur- pose of extending the spliere of enjoyment or action. Lands had not been granted to settlers, or any -encouragement given to in- dividual effort. Most of the colonists were engaged in the ser- vice, and were under the entire control of the company. The country was still a wilderness.


These considerations had been brought at different times to the notice and attention of the company, and it was finally resolved that measures should be adopted for the planting of colonies. In pursuance of this purpose, a system of operations was projected embracing provisions for peopling and planting the lands within the New Netherlands, and securing the liberties and privileges of settlers.


The Assembly of Nineteen granted an instrument prescribing and explaining the particular course of proceeding. This instru- ment was termed "A Charter of Liberties and Exemptions for Patroons, Masters, and private individuals, who should plant colonies in New Netherlands, or import thither any neat cattle.11 It provided that members of the company inclined to settle any colony, might send out persons in the ships of the company, to inspect the state of the province, and to select lands or settlements upon compliance with certain prescribed conditions and terms. Members first applying were to be preferred. All persons were to be acknowledged Patroons of New Netherland, who should, within four years after giving notice to any of the Chambers, or to the Governor and Council in the province, undertake to settle a colony of fifty souls, upwards of fifteen years old. From the time any persons should make known the situation of places chosen, they should be allowed a title, in preference to all others, but afterwards might make a different selection, by consent of the Governor and Council.


The Patroons might take up for each settlement, an extent of four miles (sixteen English miles) along a shore, or half that distance on each side of a river, and extending inland as far as they might need, and they might enlarge their limits upon engag- ing to settle a proportionate number of colonists.


" Given on the 7th of June, in the year 1629.


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They should forever possess and enjoy all the lands within . their limits, which were-to be holden from the company as an "eternal inheritage."


They were to furnish the persons sent over to settle, with suitable instructions, in order that they might be ruled and governed conformably to the rules of government established in the province.


The colonists were to be free from customs, taxes; excise im- posts, or other contributions, for the space of. ten years, and then no higher custom to be charged by the company than was paid at home.


The company engaged not to take or receive from the service of the Patroons, any of the colonists; "either man or woman, son - or daughter, man servant or maid servant;" unless on consent obtained; but on the contrary, every thing should be done to ap- prehend and deliver fugitives into the hands of their Patroon, or his agent.


Private individuals (not enjoying the same privileges as the Patroons) who should be minded to go and settle, should with the approbation of the Director and Council, of the province, be at liberty to take up as much land, and take possession thereof, as they should have ability properly to improve.


The colonists might navigate and trade along the whole coast, from Florida to Newfoundland, provided they brought their mer- chandize to the Manhattans, and paid a duty of five per cent. to the company.


The company engaged to take all the colonists, as well free as those that were in service, under their protection, and to defend them against all "outlandish and inlandish wars and powers."


The Patroons and colonists were required, in particular, and in the speediest manner, to endeavour to find out ways and means whereby they might support a minister and schoolmaster, that thus the service of God and zeal for religion might not grow cool and be neglected among them, and they were also required, "for the first to procure a comforter of the sick there."


The colonists were forbidden to make any woollen, linen, or cotton cloth, or to weave any other stuff's there, on pain of being banished, and as perjurers, to be arbitrarily punished.


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The company engaged to use their endeavours to supply the colonists with as many blacks as they conveniently could, on conditions to be afterwards made.


This charter formed the principal basis upon which the civil institutions of New Netherland came to be placed. It exhibits a singular mixture of principles and views ; some of its provisions were liberal, whilst others were extremely rigid. Neither the interests of the company or those of the settlers were fully secured. The concessions that were made by the company fell short of their object, turning in a great degree to the special benefit of cer- tain individuals. The principal directors of the plan were ready to seize for themselves the advantages offered; in the character of Patroons, they secured acquisitions in the province which almost gave them a monopoly in land, and thus they were able to retain, in their own hands, some of the most important privileges yielded in the charter. To the mass of actual settlers nothing whatever was given. The charter contemplated or allowed, the establishment of a kind of feudal or manorial rule, by which the colonists would be held in a state of complete dependence. No provision was made for the division of lands, either present or prospective. The people to be sent by the Patroons, were regarded, and were to be controlled by the owners of the soil, as a servile class. They were to become American serfs. No plan could have been devised, less calculated either to benefit adventurers, or to promote the interests of the province, and by this mistaken policy, the foundation was laid for social and civil distinctions, which have not been fully effaced to the present hour, and which have always · continued to act as a cause of irritation, and a bar to general im- provement.


By a wiser provision, the charter gave liberty to private adven- turers, to make a selection of lands, and to enjoy the same by personal right. Yet these individuals were subjected to many disadvantages when acting by the side of the great proprietors, who, from their special privileges, were enabled to exert a con- trolling influence.


By the strict prohibition of manufacturing employments, the settlers under the charter were reduced to actual subjection. Articles of indispensable necessity must be taken from the com- 8


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pany, or if elsewhere procured, must be brought in a certain channel, and duty be paid upon them "for recognition," to the company.


The engagement to supply the colonists with "blacks," may have proceeded from a willingness to benefit the settlers, or from a desire to engage in a profitable trade. But whatever may have been the motive, no other effect could be produced, than to place an element of evil at the very basis of the social structure.


The full protection given to settlers, the exemption from taxes, and the regulations in relation to literary and religious instruc- tion, were provisions liberal in spirit, and proper in their ulti- mate object.


The Chamber of Amsterdam having had the control of affairs in New Netherland, the directors of that body became the earliest actors under the Charter of Liberties and Exemptions. This charter had not yet received the sanction of the Assembly of Nineteen, or of the States General, when these persons entered upon measures to secure a share of the proposed advantages. In the ships that were sent to the province, were persons having authority to treat with the natives for land, and upon their arrival in the country, these agents visited an Indian village on the south- west corner of Delaware Bay, and purchased a tract of land from three resident chiefs of that vicinity. This tract extended from Cape Hindlopen, thirty-two miles in length, and was two miles in breadth; it was taken in the name and on behalf of Samuel Godyn, and Samuel Bloemmaert.12 The next year another tract was purchased for the same individuals, on the opposite side of the Bay, at Cape Mey; this purchase was made from nine resident chiefs, and was sixteen miles in length and the same in breadth, making a square of sixty-four miles.13 Other portions of lands were acquired in different parts of the province in a similar man-


" This purchase was made some days before the final ratification of the charter of Liberties and Exemptions.


13 This tract was purchased by Peter Heyser, Skipper of the ship Whale, and Giles Coster, Commissary. It was probably the first purchase from the natives within the limits of New Jersey, at least, it is the first upon record. It was made on the 5th of May, 1630.


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ner. Staten Island was taken up for the Director Pauuw, and a large extent in the vicinity of Fort Orange, was acquired for De Heer Kiliaen Renselaer. The territory of Godyn and Bloem- maert, on the western side of Delaware Bay, was called Zwanen- dal, that of Pauuw, Pavonia, and Renselaer named his Rensalaer- wyck. In most of these instances, the tracts exceeded in extent the limits allowed in the charter, yet they were afterwards con- firmed to the purchasers, by the Governor and Council of the province. The clause providing for an extension of limits in certain cases, may have been resorted to, and have been con- sidered sufficient to warrant the confirmation.


A course of proceeding was soon devised for the purpose of establishing colonies upon the lands that had thus been obtained. 'The first attempt was made by a company of several of the large proprietors, who were willing, by such an union, to concentrate their means, and to promote the interests that were common to all. On the 16th of October, 1630, they entered into an agreement, in a formal manner, in an article of association and contract. 'Their pur- pose was to establish a colony at the South or Delaware River, and they offered the direction of the enterprize to David Pieterszen De Vries, an experienced commander. IIe was willing to engage therein upon certain conditions, which were acceded to, and an expedition was at once fitted out. 14 De Vries departed from the Texel on the 12th of December, 1630, and arrived safely at the place of destination. A company of emigrants, thirty-four in number, were landed, with their implements of husbandry, on the western shore of Delaware Bay, near to the entrance of a stream called the Hoar-Kill. It was within the territory of Zwanendal, belonging to Godyn and Bloemmaert. After such arrangements had been completed as he supposed to be necessary, De Vries,


" De Vries's account is as follows, " After my arrival from the East Indies, I met with a merchant of Amsterdam, named Samuel Godyn; he offered nie a Commandership in the New Netherland. They had a mind to form a colony there, and they would employ me as Second Patroon, as was granted by the States, and by the West India Company's Charter. 1 answered him that I was willing to accept the offer, upon condition that I should be a Patroon, equal in every thing to the others. This was agreed to, and in consequence we have formed a Patroon- ship, viz : Samuel Godyn, Killian Van Renselaer, Samuel Bloemmaert, Jan De Lact, and I, David Pieterszen De Vries."


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full of hope for the success of the undertaking, departed for Hol- land, leaving Gillis Hoossett in charge of the colony, during his absence.


Besides the association with which De Vries was connected, others resembling it in character had been formed, and they also engaged in efforts similar to those which had been made for the settlement of Zwanendal. On the 9th of January, 1631, com- plete lists of the several Patroonships were delivered to the West India Company, and the grants, with the proceedings that had been taken thereon, were approved by the Assembly of the Nineteen.


But, at an early period the operations of the Patroons brought them into opposition to the interests, or the claims, of the West India Company. They considered themselves entitled by the charter under which they were acting, not only to trade upon the coasts in the manner prescribed, but also to traffic with the natives of the country, at least in those places where no establish- . ment had been formed by the company, when the charter of Liberties and Exemptions was given. This was strongly resisted by the company. It was also contended by some, that an undue advantage had been gained by the Patroons, in the great extent, or the fortunate situation, of some of their tracts. The acquisi- tions that had been made by Pauuw, and by Godyn and Bloem- maert, were particularly objected to. Serious difficulties ensued, and at length, the " whole of the Exemptions were questioned, and called into doubt." The matters in dispute were thought of sufficient importance to claim the notice of the Government, and the States General issued an order, that a report should be made of the names of all those persons to whom colonics had been granted; but no decisive result was produced. These differences were finally allayed by admitting a number of the members of the company, into the associations that had been formed by the Patroons; a measure which may have served for the removal of jealousy, and may also have been considered as giving a degree of security against future encroachments. 15


" The Directors received as partners with the Patroons, were Mathias Van Ceulen, Hondrick Hamel, Johan Van Harinchkouck, and Nicholas Van Settorigh.


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At this period, and it may be in part; in consequence of these occurrences, a change took place in the administration of Govern- ment. Director Minuet had been in office for several years, and had managed the affairs of the colony with apparent fidelity, and with good success. But, as it is stated, he fell at this time "into disputes with the company," and the difficulty terminated in his displacement and recal. The precise nature of the charges against him, or indeed, whether any definite charges were made, are mat- ters not fully determined, but it may be supposed that he was suspected, at least, of favoring the movements and claims of the - Patroons. Isaac De Rasier shared the fortune of his superior, and after the recal of these officers, the government was adminis- tered, for a period, by the Council alone.


The return of Governor Minuet was attended by a circumstance little in favor of the interests of New Netherland. The ship in which he was returning, was compelled by stress of weather, to put into the Port of Plymouth, in England. She was immediately seized at the suit of the New England Company, on a charge advanced by Mason, one of the company, of having traded to, and obtained a cargo in countries subject to his Britannic Majesty. A petition was addressed to the Secretary of State, complaining of the Dutch, they having settled, as it was said, "as inter- lopers," between the plantations of Virginia and New England.


'The arrest above mentioned, led to a discussion between the parties immediately concerned, and finally, between the Govern- ments of England and Holland, in which the respective claims of the countries to the territory occupied by the Dutch, were fully set forth and examined. In the conclusion, a positive assertion was made by the English, of a title to the whole of New Nether- land, to which the opposite party forbore to make a reply, but they continued to urge that their vessel and people should not be detained. This demand was at length acceeded to; the Lord High Treasurer of England, ordering their release, but still, with a condition, "saving and without any prejudice to His Majesty's rights."16


18 O'Callaghan, p. 137.


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In 1633, Wouter Van Twiller received the appointment of Director General of New Netherland. 17 He had been a Clerk in the employ of the West India Company, and his elevation was probably owing to the influence of a delative.18 A cotemporary speaks of his coming into office "from a Clerkship," as "an amusing case."19 It would scarcely seem just to pronounce an opinion merely from his former pursuit, but there was nothing in the Governor's subsequent course to show a remarkable fitness for the duties of any exalted place.


The same number of officers continued in the Council as in the time of the former administration ; Jan Van Remund occupied the place left vacant by the removal of De Rasier. Hans Jorissen Houten was Governor or Commissary of Fort Orange, and Arent Corssen of Fort Nassau. Attempts were made by the Governor for the improvement of the several settlements. Orders were issued that Fort Amsterdam should be rebuilt and strengthened, a church erected "for general worship," and a mansion raised for - the Director General himself. "A large house with balustrades," with smaller dwellings for the people, were to be constructed at Fort Orange, and "one large house" at Fort Nassau, on the South River. The establishment at the latter place had not been pros- perous, the garrison had been greatly reduced, and perhaps at times entirely dispersed; yet the post had never been finally aban- doned, and the Director resolved that it should now be strengthened anew. The other settlement on the Delaware, that which had been established in Zwanendael, was not in the charge of the West India Company, but was under the Patroons. At this time, it had been wholly destroyed by the Indians; upon the return of De Vries, its founder, all was totally lost, he found nothing left of the settlement except the remains of his murdered companions.


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Director Van Twiller entered upon office at a time not favorable


- " It is asserted by many writers, that Van Twiller had been in the country be- fore, in an official capacity, and that the removal of Minuet was owing to state- ments made by Van Twiller, upon his return to Holland. But no one circum- stance has been referred to, giving evidence of the agency of this person, either in the case of Minuet or in any occurrence in the province, prior to the time of his present appointment.


" The Patroon Van Renselaer.


1º De Vries.


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for the enjoyment of ease and tranquility. At an early period after his arrival, the relations between the Dutch, and their neigh- bors, the English, began to assume a threatening character. New England and New Netherland were brought together on the borders of the Connecticut River. The Dutch had been the first to enter this stream, and they were now disposed to take posses- sion of the country upon its shores ; an agent was despatched to pur- chase the land of the natives, and he was also ordered to cause a house or fort, for the purposes of trade, to be erected thereon. This was accordingly done, and the new post was named the "House of Good Hope." But the Director was presently informed, by letters from the English Governor at Boston, that the King of Great Britain had granted the whole of this country to sundry of · His Majesty's subjects, and a warning was given to the Dutch to make no establishments within the limits of the grant.


Van Twiller replied, that the demand of the English "seemed strange unto him," and he could wish "that His Majesty of Eng- land, and the Lords States General would agree concerning the "limits and parting of their quarters." He therefore desired that the "pretence or claim" to the country should be deferred until their respective Governments should determine concerning the same. But the English were not inclined to so careful a policy, and a favorable opportunity presented for an immediate assertion of the claim they had made. They were invited by some Indians to make a settlement on the Connecticut, and a company of per- sons from New Plymouth directly prepared to improve the occa- sion." A vessel was fitted out in which they ascended the river, and passed the "House of Good Hope" in defiance of the threats and demands of the occupants, and afterwards effected a landing and erected a house. Director Van Twiller made an earnest protest against this procedure, but the English commander only replied, that he was there "by the command of the Governor and Council of New Plymouth, and that he was determined to remain in the name of the King of England, whose servant he was."




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