USA > New Jersey > Hudson County > Jersey City > History of Jersey City, N.J. : a record of its early settlement and corporate progress, sketches of the towns and cities that were absorbed in the growth of the present municipality, its business, finance, manufactures and form of government, with some notice of the men who built the city > Part 14
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After consolidation an attempt was made to ascertain the condition of Greenville's finances, and an expert worked on them for a long time, but no definite report was ever made. It was alleged that bonds and improvement certificates had been illegally issued, and litigation re- sulted, in which some of the old bitterness was continued. A number of claims were audited and paid by the Jersey City Board of Finance, and a block of $270,500 in bonds was added to the general city debt as a legacy from the street commissioners. In a general way the gain to Jersey City in area and population by annexing Greenville was a strip of territory abont a mile wide and a mile and a half long, extending from Myrtle Avenne to the Morris Canal, with a population said to be 5,000. The debt was abont $300,000 and the ratables about $3,250,000.
The members of the Township Committee during Greenville's independent career were :
James Gibson, 1863. H. G. Vreeland, 1863. D. L. Van Horn, 1863. James Currie, .863-64-65-66-67-68. J. O. Seymour, 1863.
J. J. Detwiller, 1864-65-66-67.
Matthew Armstrong, 1864-65-66-67.
N. S. Vreeland, 1864-65-66-68. John Waters, 1865-66-67.
George Schmolze, 1867. Peter Rowe, 1868. Gustav Thau, 1868-72. L. B. Bruen, 1868. G. A. Lilliendahl, 1869-70-71.
George Vreeland, 1869-70. Isaac Van Winkle, 1869.
Schumm, 1869. G. A. Emmitt, 1869. Frederick Lockwood, 1869.
M. D. M. Vreeland, 1869.
John Morrell, 1870.
John Kennell, 1870-71.
John A. Cadmus, 1870-72. Thomas Carey, 1871.
John Myers, 1871-72. J. B. Vreeland, 1871. Nicholas Jantzen, 1872. William Cox, 1872.
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HISTORY OF JERSEY CITY.
The Clerks were : Jacob J. Detwiller, 1863 ; W. H. Storrs, 1864-68; E. P. Barker, 1868-69 ; George F. McAneny, 1869-70; John Rowe, 1870-72.
There were but two enumerations of the population during the ten years under the town- ship government. These were the State census of 1865, whichi showed a total of 1,356, and the National census of 1870, which showed 2,789. The School Census, which was taken annually, will indicate in a manner the growth of the population. It shows these totals :
1863
340
1869
600
1864
395
1870
633
1865
417
1871
797
1866
447
1872
950
1867
450
1868
533
1873 consolidated.
This would indicate an increase of nearly 300 per cent. in 1873, when the township was consolidated and separate enumeration ceased. The school-house of the old district was a small affair, and there were but two teachers employed when the township was created. The needs of the people soon outgrew its capacity, in spite of the fact that a great many of the residents were unable to allow their children to go to school after they reached an age when their services could be utilized. A board of education appointed by the town committee was created soon after the town became independent. It was hampered by a lack of funds and could not give the school accommodation that was required. As there was but one small school, no town superintendent was needed, and the county superintendent performed all the work that was necessary. In 1869-70 the new school-house was erected, and on April 11, 1870, it was opened for use. The roll showed 228 pupils and three teachers. In 1871 the roll had increased to 404 pupils and eight teachers were employed. This was about the condition when consolidation took effect. The members of the Board of Education, with their officers, during the existence of the township were :
PRESIDENTS.
D. M. Vreeland, 1863-4-5.
S. B. Vreeland, 1866. Robert McDongal, 1867. M. Armstrong, 1868. M. Schultze, 1869-70-1. J. Sesso, 1872.
CLERKS. John Armstrong, 1863-4. W. J. Barker, 1865. George Schmolze, 1866-7. Robert McDougal, 1868. James Currie, 1869. Thomas Carey, 1870.
J. A. Van Nostrand, 1871-2. Richard Routh, 1872.
John Armstrong, 1863-4-5. Matthew Armstrong, 1866-7-8.
B. L. Budd, 1863. L. B. Bruen, 1864. Wm. J. Barker, 1865-6. James Currie, 1867. Thomas Carey, 1868-9-70. William Currie, 1869. A. J. Dewey, 1871. Charles Herig, 1869-70. Aug. Kriezer, 1872. Robert McDongal, 1867-8-9. J. H. Midmer, 1863-4. John Morrill, 1869. Wachter, 1872.
MEMBERS.
George B. Osborne, 1871. Norman L. Rowe, 1870. John Ritter, 1870. Richard Ronth, 1872.
J. Sesso, 1872. Michael Schultze, 1865-6-7-8-9. George Schmolze, 1866-7. Michael Terhune, 1868.
D. M. Vreeland, 1863-4-5. George Vreeland, Jr., 1863. S. B. Vreeland, 1864-5-6. J. A. Van Nostrand, 1871-2. James R. Williams, 1870-1-2.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CHANGES IN THE CITY GOVERNMENT-THE OFFICIALS AGAIN MADE ELECTIVE-GROWTH OF THE CITY DEBT-BALLOT-BOX STUFFING-THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION-RISE OF THE PEOPLE AGAINST POLITICAL BOSSISM-OFFICERS MADE APPOINTIVE-RISE AND DECLINE OF THE CITY DEBT.
HE consolidation of 1870-73 enlarged the area and population of the city, but did not produce a community of interests. Before the first consolidation became operative each section of the larger city made haste to secure all that was possible in the way of local improvement. It made no difference to the men in office that each section of the city would feel the common burden that was to be created by these improvements. Each set of officials seemed to think that their section would get public work done at the expense of the other sections. This was vicious reasoning. Even if it had been entirely true, it would have been semi-legalized robbery. Each set of officials justified its action by claiming that their section would not have influence enough in the larger city to secure a fair share of benefits. They also claimed that they would only have to bear one-third of the expense. Hudson City and Bergen combined brought about an equivalent of what Jersey City contributed to the new municipal corporation. They, by their unwise action in awarding illegal and uncalled for contracts for local improvement on the eve of their consolidation, piled up a general debt which exceeded the combined debt prior to consolidation. This fact did not appear at the time, but it soon became apparent. The local burdens placed upon property benefited, or supposed to be benefited, bore heavily on the owners, so heavily in many cases that taxes and assessments reached the point of confiscation. The city liens exceeded the value of the property. In this bad management Bergen was the chief sinner. It was improved beyond what it could bear. Hudson City was second in this madness, but a long way behind Bergen. Jersey City had most at stake, and was naturally the most conservative. The form of the new city government was not suited to the larger city. In one year everybody was satisfied that a change would have to be made.
The centralization of power which under wise management would have produced more efficient and economical administration had only exhibited possibilities for power and personal aggrandizement. The democrats had control of the municipal machinery when it proved inadequate, and the people expressed their dissatisfaction by electing their opponents. They wanted a change. The power to raise money by the issne of bonds, the amount of ratables on which taxes could be levied, and the number of profitable places with which the political workers could be rewarded, all combined to make the control of the city government desirable to the politicians. Both parties were organized under strong leaders. The republicans who were in power used their patronage to strengthen their position and seemed to be invulnerable.
The financial panic of 1873 practically paralyzed the city government. Taxes and assess- ments were to a large extent ignored by the property-owners. The heavy drain caused by claims on contracts, interest on improvement certificates and on bonds, made the tax rate rise. The expedient of changing the fiscal year as an excuse for selling bonds to provide money for current expenses was resorted to, and over $300,000 added to the bonded debt. Greenville, flee- ing from its independence to escape the results of internal dissension, was admitted to the municipality in an illegal manner, and brought with it a bonded debt of $250,000, for which it had nothing to show. The defalcation of the city treasurer, who absconded with SS;,oco of city bonds, contributed to make the year disastrous in a financial aspect. The politicians who were out made many charges against those that were in, most of which were untruc They were apparently justified by the increase in debt and taxation, but the mass of the pcople did not believe the allegations.
92
HISTORY OF JERSEY CITY.
In 1875 Charles Siedler was elected mayor. He was in sympathy with the city officials but was conservative, and the city prospered with the general improvement in business which fol- lowed the depression of 1873. During the two years that Siedler was mayor the people paid a larger percentage of their taxes and made considerable payments on arrears of preceding years. The outrageous reservoir contraet was closed and a dangerous claim settled by reason- able compromise. The new state constitution was adopted with its clause prohibiting special legislation and the people felt reasonably safe against violent political changes. In spite of the constitutional inhibition the legislature of 1877, which was democratic in both branches, in one house by a majority, and the other by a deal which broke a tie vote, passed a new charter for the city. This might have been a good thing for the city if the charter had remedied any ex- isting evils, of which there were many. It was more or less identical with the old one. The only change made was in legislating out of office all the commissioners who had been appointed by the joint meeting of the legislature and providing that their successors should be elected by the people. Six commissioners were to be elected to each board, one from each aldermanic dis- trict in the city. Each commissioner was to receive a salary of S500 a year. The constant charge of peculation and extravagance made by the outs, and the demand for home rule and the recurrent desire for a change helped the outs and they got in. The illegality of the act passed by the legislature was generally admitted, and there was a desire on the part of many to carry the case to the courts. The officials who were in office considered the matter carefully and decided that the people evidently wanted a change, and they resolved to surrender control of the city government peaceably. The following year the democrats passed a bill to legalize the act of the preceding year, thus admitting the insufficiency of the first statute.
When the democratie politicians secured control they immediately dismissed the city em- ployes without regard to competence or experience, and installed their own partisans. The re- publican politicians who had controlled the city for half a dozen years were far from perfect, but they were on the whole wrongfully accused. While it was true that taxes had been high and the bonded debt had more than doubled, they were to blame for only a small part of the increase. There was at least something to show for the money. In looking over the record of the dozen years which followed this change it appears that taxes were maintained at high rates, the sinking fund was emptied, and bonds were issued equal in amount to what had been issued by the city officials from 1871, and there was nothing to show for the immense expendi- ture. So far as publie improvement was concerned the city stood still. Any local improve- ments that were made were done at the expense of the property benefited. The promise of reform was forgotten. The tax levy was mainly expended for salaries. This created a horde of officeholders. The spoils created jealousy, and rival leaders sprang up among the success- ful politicians. The people soon became tired of the new management and wanted another change. They found that this was no easy matter. No headway could be made against the men who controlled the political machinery. The ballot boxes were under the charge of tools of political bosses, and the votes of the dissatisfied property-owners were either not counted or nullified by fraud. The democratic party was in the majority, and it was their party machinery which was seized. Men were nominated for a price, and the elections were a farce. The peo- ple were slow to believe charges of fraud, especially members of the dominant party who were not directly concerned in the criminal work, but after a time the evidence became public and the change came.
There was little of special interest in the civic history for more than a decade after city officials were inade elective. No public buildings and few public improvements were made. The population increased rapidly, and the people made long advances in numbers and wealth.
A notable event in the civic history was the celebration of the centennial of the battle of Paulus Hook, which was observed with great ceremony on August 19, 1879. The idea of an ap- propriate celebration originated with F. G. Wolbert, a prominent citizen, and it became popular at once. A number of gentlemen met in the city hall in response to a call published on June 27, 1879, and formed an organization by electing Mayor Henry J. Hopper, chairman, and C. H. Benson, of the Evening Journal, secretary. Speeches commending the enterprise were made by Hon. A. A. Hardenbergh, F. G. Wolbert, Rev. P. D. Van Cleef, Maj. David A. Peloubet, B. W. Throckmorton, George W. Clerihew and Hon. George H. Farrier. Committees were appointed to prepare the details, and at a subsequent meeting a program was adopted.
93
HISTORY OF JERSEY CITY.
Sunrise was ushered in with much din caused by blowing every steam whistle in the city and harbor, ringing the bells, and a Federal salute. The Hudson County Artillery, under Captain Peter Ehler, repeated the salute at noon and sundown. At noon there was a meeting in the Tabernacle, which was presided over by Mayor H. J. Hopper. The list of viee-presidents and secretaries embraced many of the prominent citizens of that date, and for that reason they are preserved. They were : Ex-Gov. Joseph D. Bedle, Hon. John R. MePherson, Hon. L. A. Brig. ham, Hon. A. A. Hardenbergh, Hon. I. W. Seudder, Hon. Robert Gilehrist, Hon. Rudolph F. Rabe, Hon. Leon Abbett, Hon. John J. Toffey, Hon. Asa W. Fry, Hon. Jonathan Dixon, Hon. B. F. Randolph, Hon. J. N. Davis, Hon. John Garrick, Hon. W. T. Hoffman, Hon. J. Owen Rouse, Hon. T. J. McDonald, Hon. S. W. Stilsing, John G. Fisher, Abraham P. Newkirk, James Reid, Dr. T. R. Varick, Dr. D. L. Reeve, Dr. Wm. A. Durrie, Dr. Wm. C. Lutkins, Dr. J. H. Vondy, Dr. John D. McGill, Dr. I. N. Quimby, F. O. Matthiessen, H. A. Greene, Amadee Spa- done, A. Zabriskie, Jacob Ringle, George W. Helme, B. G. Clarke, Hon. Henry Dusenberry, Hon. G. A. Lilliendahl, Hon. James Stevens, Major D. A. Peloubet, Ex-Mayors Charles Siedler, · Henry Traphagen, Charles H. O'Neill, Orestes Cleveland, James Gopsill, William Clarke, David S. Manners, B. F. Sawyer and G. D. Van Reipen, Hon. Henry Meigs, Wm. B. Rankin, James H. Love, C. H. Benson, E. W. Kingsland, Marcus Beach, John Mullins, M. M. Drohan, Isaac Taussig, Simeon H. Smith, Jeremiah Sweeney, Henry Pattberg, Edward O'Donnell, John Mc- Donough, Bernard McCarthy, Thomas Leather, Simeon M. Ayres, Charles A. Roe, F. W. Wright, John Q. Bird, John S. Smith, David C. Joyce, Charles Stier, Otto W. Meyer, Edward P. East- wick, J. H. Gautier, Benjamin Gregory, Charles Somers, E. M. Pritehard, W. H. Waite, Peter Henderson, Patrick Sheeran, J. F. Crandall, E. O. Chapman, James R. Thompson, Matthew Armstrong, David Taylor, George W. Clerihew, Charles H. Murray, Walter Neilson, John A. Blair, B. W. Throckmorton, H. A. Booraem, I. S. Long, I. I. Vanderbeek, Sinith W. Ilaines. Wm. D. Garretson, Samuel M. Chambers, Charles L. Krngler, John Coyle, H. H. Farrier, James M. Brann, John Hart, J. W. Knanse, Wm. Buck, James McCrea, William Hogencamp, Robert Bumsted, William King, William Hughes, P. F. Meschutt, Garret Haley, Jr., John MeLaughlin, Stephen Yoe, Benjamin Van Kenren, H. R. Vreeland, Lewis E. Wood, M. W. Kelly, Michael Reardon, Thomas Reilly, Frederick Payne, Thomas Doran, Wm. F. Kern, C. A. Woolsey, E. N. Wilson, John G. Berrian, Hiram Wallis, Hayward Turner, J. B. Cleveland, Lyman Fisk, M. Mullone, Alexander Bennell, Louis A. Lienau, Henry Lembeck, James Flemming and F. G. Wolbert.
The secretaries were : John E. Scott, Alexander T. McGill, Henry S. White, William A. Lewis, Benjamin Edge, William Muirheid, H. R. Clarke, James B. Vredenburgh, Peter Bentley, E. W. Kingsland, Jr., George H. Farrier, F. G. Woibert, John W. Harrison, Robert C. Bacot, Z. K. Pangborn, E. F. Emmons, Hudson Clarke, F. P. Budden, Gilbert Collins, A. D. Joslin, Frank Stevens, Thomas S. Negus, Charles H. Hartshorne, George W. Edge, E. F. C. Young, William Pearsall, John H. Cable, Flavel McGee, H. E. Hamilton, William Taylor, Williamı R. Laird, D. E. Culver and D. C. McNaughton.
The services were opened with prayer by Rev. Paul D. Van Cleef, and closed with a bene- diction by Rev. R. M. Abercrombie. The addresses were made by Mayor Hopper, James B. Vredenburgh, Hon. Charles H. Winfield and B. W. Throckmorton.
A civic and military parade took place during the afternoon. Major-Gen. John Ramsey was marshal, and his aids were Major D. A. Pelonbet, Captains Wm. B. Mason, Frederick T. Farrier, Robert Clark, Henry E. Farrier, Thomas J. Armstrong, Roderick B. Seymour, Frede- rick Payne, L. E. Brown and Michael Nathan. The parade was in five divisions and had the Fourth and Ninth regiments, N. J. N. G., four companies of regular army infantry and a regular army battery. There were many civic societies and the city police and fire departments. A collation was given at Taylor's Hotel in the evening. A display of fireworks was given on the heights at the head of Montgomery Street, which was visible from the greater part of the city. It was a notable celebration, and the whole city took a holiday on account of it.
The faet that fraud was perpetrated in the elections was suspected in 1877, and more than suspected during the ensuing three years. In the November election of 1880 it was openly charged by both parties. It was a notorious fact that the election of a governor was consumi- mated by barefaced ballot-box stuffing. It required strong political influence to prevent the facts from getting into the courts. It was a mistake that the frauds were not stopped at that
94
HISTORY OF JERSEY CITY.
time. The city would have been saved from much disgrace and expense. From that time until 1890 there were continuous frauds in the elections. The party managers became bosses and quarreled among themselves, but made common cause against the city and reduced it to a condition of submission. Many persons abstained from voting because they believed their ballots would not be counted.
In 1884 the thinking men of both parties combined in a citizens' movement and elected Gilbert Collins Mayor. He was not in sympathy with the city government politically, but was unable to eradicate the evils because the law did not give him the power. The city debt con- tinued to increase, and the amount required to pay interest on it prevented a reduction of taxa- tion. The city government was extravagantly administered, and in many departments was grossly mismanaged. On December 1, 1887, ten years after the people had seenred the change, the municipal debt had increased to $20,674,361.26, or nearly six millions more than it was when the political complexion of the city government had been changed, and there was nothing to show for the money. The unpaid taxes and assessments aggregated $8, 502,103.03. The people believed the money collected for taxes was uselessly squandered, and payment was withheld by many property-owners. Money was borrowed in anticipation of the payment of taxes, and the temporary loans were paid by the sale of long-time bonds. In this manner the city's liens for taxes and assessments were hypothecated. The interest became such a burden that the prop- erty-owners sought for relief. Augustus F. R. Martin, an assemblyman from Essex in 1885-6, had an act passed by which municipalities suffering from burdensome tax arrears could obtain relief. By the application of a number of citizens to the court a commission was appointed to examine the city's liens and scale them down to an equitable amount. The law was known as the Martin Act, and among its provisions there were two that were salutary. Property in arrears more than two years after the taxes had been adjusted could be sold for the city's claim, and the money received under the operation of the law was to be used to retire the bonds for which the arrears was pledged. The commissioners began operations at once and sealed down the city claims an average of twenty per cent. Everyone hoped that the work done by the commissioners would soon result in a material reduction of the bonded debt and thus lower the tax rate.
The bosses and the machine politicians continued to control elections and to squander the city funds until the people became thoroughly alarmed. In the early spring of 1889 a new charter was proposed as a means of getting relief. It was approved by the governor on April 6, 1889. The facts in relation to its passage and subsequent adoption by the people were caleu- lated to arouse suspicion, but the people were so tired of the party that had been in control for a dozen years that they were willing to try any expedient for ridding themselves of their pres- ence. This charter gave to the mayor power to appoint the principal city officers. Mayor Cleveland was in office when this charter took effect, and his appointments were a surprise ; apparently every man from Jersey City who voted for the bill in the legislature had been pro- vided with an office. There were many good features about the new charter. It separated the branches of the city government. It created a separate sinking fund commission and it has done good service. It abolished the old board of assessors and provided tax commissioners. It provided for commissioners of appeals and thus gave aggrieved property-owners a hearing.
In the fall election of 1889 the ballot-box stuffing, which had been increasing semi-annually as the elections eame around, was pushed to an extreme. The men engaged in it as a business ceased to practise it as an art. It was done by day labor and unskilled labor at that. A legis- lative committee appointed to examine the ballot boxes at the session of 1800 found over 7.000 fraudulent ballots in them. There is good reason for believing that every person elected by the alleged majority held office illegally. So flagrant was the fraud that sixty-seven election officers were indicted. They were only a part of the guilty crowd. Their trial and conviction revealed the fact that they were rewarded for their crimes by receiving appointments to city or other public offices. The exposure of the crimes cansed a revulsion of popular sentiment. The first opportunity afforded for expressing the change was offered by the charter election of 1892. The fact that so many men had been sent to state prison for cheating at elections de- terred the ballot-box stuffers, and Gen. P. F. Wanser was elected Mayor. Ile was not in sym- pathy with the men who controlled the city government, and reforms came slowly. As soon as the law would permit, he filled the city offices with new men, representing both parties. He
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95
HISTORY OF JERSEY CITY.
enforeed retrenchment in spite of the opposition of city officials and employees who were op- posed to him. The legislature which was elected subsequently was also opposed to the mayor politically, and its power was invoked to obstruct his operations. In 1894 the legislature was in sympathy with him, and many changes were made in the City government. The effect was shown in many local improvements. The people began again to see something for the money they paid in taxes. New schools and public buildings, good roads and many lesser improve- ments became visible. The money derived from the arrears of taxes under the Martin Aet had been used in a large measure for current expenses prior to Mayor Wanser's term, but that and the economies enforced began to tell on the bonded and floating debt, and money accumulated in the city sinking fund.
The city was unfortunate in being composed of separate municipalities. Each had a sepa- rate plan for drainage and local improvement before consolidation was effected. The street lines were not coincident in many instances and bad angles have been made, as in Grand Street, Newark Avenue and other thoroughfares. The street nomenclature, the names of churches and other buildings and organizations had to be changed to get rid of duplicates. These, except in the matter of sewer levels, were minor ills when compared with the evils in- troduced by polities. During the last twenty-five years the struggle between politicians to secure supremaey has caused frequent changes in policy and administration, and the period covered by these struggles compares disadvantageously with the earlier period. The struggle between politicians has too often obseured publie spirit and patriotism, and the needs of the city have been lost sight of. The blame does not rest entirely upon any party or set of parti- sans. In looking over the long list of men who have made the history of the city, it would be easy to select men who have been demagogues, men who for personal aggrandizement have sacrificed the public weal, and they would represent both political parties, though one party by reason of longer dominance would supply the larger number ; but the majority of the men who have controlled the affairs of the city have served it loyally. When a majority of the people learn that municipal government is and should be a corporate business carried on for the hene- fit of the people, then party politics will have little to do with the conduct of municipal affairs. Most of the ills the city has suffered from can be traced to polities, and politics too often was simply a cover for personal greed. The salary list and the contracts for publie work offered many prizes which seemed desirable, while the craving for power to dispense the city patron- age caused wrangles for leadership that were not beneficial to the physical, financial or moral condition or reputation of the municipality. Fortunately for the city, the condition of affairs is improving. The debt is growing smaller, the ratables are increasing, and much public work is in progress and contemplated. The rise of the city debt from the time of consolidation to the maximum in 1887, and its subsequent decline, can best be exhibited in tabular formn. The city comptroller was unable to provide the data for the years 1872-73 and 1876-77, but the upward progress can easily be estimated by the preceding and succeeding years.
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