The New Jersey coast in three centuries; history of the New Jersey coast with genealogical and historic-biographical appendix, Vol. II, Part 16

Author: Nelson, William, 1847-1914; Ross, Peter, 1847-1902; Hedley, Fenwick Y
Publication date: 1902
Publisher: New York, Chicago, The Lewis Publishing Co.
Number of Pages: 616


USA > New Jersey > The New Jersey coast in three centuries; history of the New Jersey coast with genealogical and historic-biographical appendix, Vol. II > Part 16


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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Deep in the shifting sands of almost three centuries, near the Shrews- bury Inlet, lie buried relics of many Dutch vessels brought to wreck by


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its false and changing channels, deceiving the mariners who were without charts of these almost unknown waters. There, in the romance of a Dutch shipwreck, an Indian massacre and a tangled web of land titles, be- gins the most typical of New Jersey's genealogies. Richard Stout had long resided in the New Netherlands, for in 1675 his daughter Mary was the wife of James, the son of James Bowne, and his daughter Alice married ( December 12, 1670) John Throckmorton. Both of their husbands re- ceived lands in 1667 under the Nicolls patent in Middletown, New Jersey.


At the close of the year 1665 Captain James Bollen's claim as agent for Berkley and Cartaret probably caused a delay in the immediate set- tiement of the lands granted by the "Grand Patent" to the "English of Gravesend." Not until August 10, 1667, did Governor Nicolls write "To the Inhabitants of Newvasink" in reply to a letter from them dated July 26, 1667, telling them that they "must rest satisfied with the assign- ment made by his Royal Highness, the Duke of York, unto Lord Berkley and Sir George Cartaret, of all lands on the west side of Hudson River, wherein your tract is included." The Governor's former letter to the Duke of York was written in the autumn of 1665, and it is not proba- ble that he received a definite reply before the following spring of 1666. It is impossible to estimate the "utter discouragement" of such delays and uncertainties. To-day a cablegram would decide the matter in a few hours, and official documents and letters could be exchanged in about two weeks. But when it took many weeks to cross the ocean, and reports were verbal and uncertain, six months or a year were often consumed in sending a letter and receiving a reply. During the summers of 1666 and 1667, the woodlands and rivers and inlets of Newasink, Narumsunk and Pootapeck were explored, town sites were selected, and points of vantage were noted. "Newasink Neck" included the lands between Raritan Bay and the Nave- sink River-an arm of the sea; "Narumsunk Neck" was the Rumson Neck of today, between the Navesink River and Pleasure Bay, another arm of the sea; while "Pootapeck Neck" included lands between Pleasure Bay and the ocean. The point of "Pootapeck Neck," about Monmouth Beach, was called "Pootapeck," "Racoun or Raccoon," or "The Great Island." To the latter (now a part of the mainland) Sandy Hook is attached, but when the forests of Monmouth protected the springs among its hills, a greater volume of water flowed down the rivers, carrying less sediment from the untilled hillsides to be deposited at the meeting of the waters from ocean and fountain. Sandy Hook was probably more often, if not constantly, attached to "Newasink Neck." The Dutch early called "Newa- sink Neck," "Renslear's Hook" or "Pier." . The cedars upon the point


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of Sandy Hook tell the story of an island several centuries old, but the narrow bars between that point and the mainland tell of constantly and recently shifting sands. The broad inlets or arms of the sea were import- ant to the merchants and seamen.


The Monmouth Patentees decided upon the founding of two well or- ganized towns-Middletown, upon "Newasink Neck," and Shrewsbury, or "Narumsunk Neck." They were, as nearly as can be ascertained, set- tled by the same class of men, at the same time, and were laid out upon similar plans. "Portland Poynt" was a town limited to ten families. It was very important in the early history of Monmouth as the most fre- quently chosen place for the general assembly of the inhabitants of "Newa- sink, Narumsunk and Pootapeck." At a court held at Portland Poynt, December 28, 1669, it was ordered "that the inhabitants off Portland, Poynt by virtue of this order, have full power and liberty to take up their principle lott of land on second division at or near a small creek within the limits of this town (township) of Middletown, called Many Mind Springs, and there to be laid out, that there be not land enough conveniently to accommodate them, the said inhabitants, they shall have liberty to take up what there be wanting upon Navesink River, in some convenient place, to make up ye full complement of the number of acres of plantable land, together with meadow equal to ye rest of the inhabitants of the afore- said town." This town, now probably Navesink, or once called "Riceville," nestled in an amphitheatre of hills beside good springs, with a waterway to the harbor, and limited to ten families, was laid out and organized like its twin sisters, Middletown and Shrewsbury.


After Hugh Hartshorne, upholsterer of London, the brother of Rich- ard, already one of the Middletown associates of the patentees, and re- siding at Waakaack, became one of the twelve English proprietors. Rich- ard, his brother, received on June 28, 1676, a patent for 6,750 acres of land in and about Portland Point, Middletown and Waakaack. When, years later, he left the towns and moved to his out-plantation, he built a manor house which he named Portland Place. This beautiful home on the Nave- sink River is still the home of his descendants, and retains that name. Henry Percy, Richard Richardson, James Bowne, Randall Huet and Ber- nard Smith were five of the earliest "lott" purchasers of Portland Point. Richard Hartshorne probably took up a share upon Navesink River at a later time.


As early as December 28. 1669, John Hance had taken up "lotts" upon Pootapeck Neck, two of which were held "for and in behalf of Edward Wharton and James Heard." Deeds show that lands were early held there


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by Reape, Lippincott, Tilton, Slocum and others, but these tracts or lots were out-plantations, and not town or home lots. There does not seem to have been any effort to establish a town upon Pootapeck Neck. Many years passed before the sands of the ocean front of Monmouth became almost fabulously valuable. To the patentees of Monmouth they were useless wastes, save as homes and lookouts for the whalemen and fisher- men.


Of the records of the three towns-Middletown, Shrewsbury and Portland Point-only the Town Book of Middletown has been preserved to give some insight into the lives of the Englishmen who gave form and character to the commonwealth ten years before the Proprietors began ac- tively to take part in the settlement of the State. Middletown was typical as an English Colonial town in the seventeenth century.


The following names of some of the purchasers of lands prior to the year 1670 prove that their blood is still potent throughout the United States to the present time :


Middletown.


*James Ashton,


*Stephen Arnold,


*John Bowne,


*Henry Marsh,


William Bowne,


*George Mount,


*Benjamin Burden.


*Anthony Page, William Reape,


William Cheeseman,


Walter Clark,


*John Ruckman,


*Thomas Cocks or Cox,


*Richard Sadler,


*Edward Smith ( also Philip),


William Compton, Nicholas Davis,


* John Smith, Samuel Spicer, Benjamin Spicer,


*Richard Gibbins,


*William Golding.


*Job Throckmorton,


*James Grover, Sr., James Grover Jr.,


* John Throckmorton,


*Edward Tartt,


*Richard Hartshorne, Samuel Holman,


*Thomas Whitlock,


*John Wilson,


*Joseph Wilson,


*Walter Wall,


* Samuel Willit, 1672.


*Thomas Maurfoott or Morford,


*John Maurfoott or Morford,


*William Layton,


* John Stout, Richard Stout,


*James Dorsett,


*Benjamin Duell.


*David Estell,


*John Harrabin,


*Jonathan Holmes, John Haws, Obadiah Holmes. Jr., Robert Jones,


*William Lawrence, Henry Lippet,


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HISTORY OF THE NEW JERSEY COAST.


Shrewsbury.


Christopher Allmey,


Bartholomew Lippincott,


Jobe Allmey,


James Leonard,


John Allen,


Edmund Laphitra,


Francis Brindley,


Joseph Parker,


Nicholas Brown,


Edward Pattison,


Edward Cole,


Thomas Potter,


John Cook,


Richard Richardson,


George Chute, (died 1676),


William Shaddock or Chadwick,


Gideon Freeborn,


Robert Taylor,


William Gifford.


John Thomson,


Randall Huett, Sr.,


Emanuel Wooley,


Randall Huett, Jr ..


Eliakim Wardell,


John Hance,


Bartholomew West,


Robert Hazard,


Robert West,


John Jenkins,


John Wood.


Richard Lippincott,


*Homes recorded with registered ear-marks of the owners of cattle in Middletown.


The pioneer Englishmen who first settled upon the three "Necks" must have located their claims and moved with their families to their newly built homes before surveys were finally made. On December 14, 1667, a General Assembly was held at Shrewsbury on Narumsunk Neck. Officers for Middletown were Richard Gibbons, constable; Jonathan Holmes and William Lawrence, overseers; Stephen Arnold and James Ash- ton, deputies; for Portland Poynt, between Atlantic Highlands and the little town of Navesink: Henry Percy and Richard. Richardson, over- seers ; James Bown, deputy; and for Shrewsbury, Peter Parker, constable ; Christopher Allmy and Edward Pattison, overseers; Eliakim Wardell and Bartholomew West, deputies. At this assembly a final survey was ordered. and on December 1, 1667, the plan of the town lots of Middletown was laid out and the lines were to be surveyed by James Grover, assisted by Richard Stout and James Ashton.


James Grover belonged to the Grover family of Gloucester, Massa- chusetts-a family of seamen. Among the British Colonial State Papers is a proposal made by James Grover on August 19, 1656, for transporting persons from Long Island to Jamaica Island. He was probably a sea cap- tain trading between New England and the West Indies. About this time Admirals Penn and Venable had obtained Jamaica as a British pos- session, and Cromwell, who was much interested in its settlement, en- couraged emigration from New England. Navigation and surveying were allied sciences, so the old sea captain of the commonwealth became a land


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HISTORY OF THE NEW JERSEY COAST.


surveyor in the new English settlement of the lands granted to the Duke of York. After the Restoration, James Grover was an anabaptist, and after the passage of the Act of Uniformity could not sail a government vessel. Rich- ard Stout, a merchant of New Amsterdam, probably had known and traded with the Navesink and Raritan Indians, had visited their villages and slept in their wigwams. They brought him peltries from the old fauna of the grand forests of oaks, chestnuts, beeches, walnuts, pines and cedars of Newasink, Narumsunk and Pootapeck, yes, and even from the head- waters of the Schuylkill and Delaware. Richard Stout's out-plantation a few years later included some of the finest lands of the county. The Navesink Indians had their corn fields, and knew something of the soil of Monmouth. James Ashton was already related to the Holmes and Stout families by marriage.


It seems strange that men who were merchants and seamen should select inland sites for their towns, several miles distant from any harbor. Were they safer from the attacks of foreign war vessels? Their patent demanding self-defence. In 1701 the inhabitants of New Jersey were warned "against an invasion of a French fleet." The first three important towns of note in Monmouth-Middletown, Shrewsbury and Wickatunck, or later, Freehold-were located near Indian villages, among the hills where fine natural springs gushed forth, feeding small rivers flowing down to good harbors. The English always built their homes upon the highlands, while the Dutch of Long Island and New Jersey built theirs in the lowlands and often almost upon the marshes. The salt-meadows were highly valued as pasture lands for cattle. Both the English and Dutch thought that cattle would not thrive without salt hay. In locating Middle- town a site was chosen very near the Indian village named Chaguasett or Choquasett, among the hills where there were many fine springs. The plan of the new! English town was at first a cartway running almost east and west, with home lots of from eight to twelve acres upon either side, "beginning at the west end upon the south side." On April 9, 1670, in "a. legall towne meeting," it was ordered "that the way wch was formerly layd out by James Grover throw the mountainy ffeild and Poplar ffeild shall be enlarged with the allowance of two pole of the breadth of every man's. lott ffronting the said highway to make the sayd way full six pole (ninety- nine feet) in breadth." The roadway was one mile long, and the town limits were one hundred and sixty rods, or one-half mile either way from it. West of the town Mahoras Brook flowed in almost a northerly direction until it emptied into the Bay of Waakaack, while among the hills which divided them- the hills of the "Mountainy ffeild" -- arose Chancsis Supus


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Run, later Compton's Creek, flowing along the south side of the town and then turning to the northwest, and emptying finally into Shoal Harbor.


Thus, on an eminence, probably in clearings where Indians had long planted their corn fields, where celebrated springs were plentiful, near an Indian trading village, with broad salt meadows for the grazing of their cattle, with a fine run of water upon the right and left, highways to the harbors open to a vast trade with the old and new world, a few men built a blockhouse, a few simple cabins, and laid the foundations not only of a town but of a commonwealth. Although the town was definitely planned and the town lots were assigned and numbered, the early -- very early-sales and transfers of lands do not seem to follow those plans. It was impossible because of the roughness of many of the lots. Exchanges and compensating advantages were made and given.


On January 6, 1668, after passing ordinances concerning the felling and ownership of timber, an ordinance "concerning wolves" was passed, viz. : "It is ordered that if any one shall kill a wolfe hee shall have twenty schillings for his paines, all soe if any Indian shall kill a wolfe and bring the head to the constable: The Indian soe doing shall have for his reward twenty gilders, provided it can bee discerned that it (was) killd within ten miles of the towne; this order is disannulled concerning the paiment of 20 gilders to Indians." This ordinance does not simply reveal the fact that wolves were numerous and troublesome, but it reveals also the early confusion in money matters which continued for so many years in the Colonies. The Indians understood the value of Dutch currency. The English town clerk, James Grover, spelled the English word "shilling" after the Dutch fashion, "schilling," and the value of wampum, peltries and tobacco in Dutch and English currency were changeable and difficult to adjust.


On the same day that the bounty was placed on wolves, the "Fence Overseers," John Wilson and Thomas Cocks, were appointed. Out in the forests during the winter months, with axe and wedge, the rail-split- ters would be annoyed by the wolves. These buckskin clothes pioneers in raccoon cap-sailors, merchants and Indian traders of old Monmouth-were prototypes of the pioneers of Kentucky and Ohio, who, coming nearer to our own time, we can better picture. The same blood flowed in the veins of both. But some of the older men of Monmouth had ridden in the iron armor of Cromwell's Ironsides, and at Marston Moor and Nasby had sung the Psalms of David as they charged and scattered the cavalry of Prince Rupert. Some had sailed the Spanish main, and given conscien- tiously the Word of God to the crew's of Spanish galleons in exchange for the plundered wealth of Peru and Mexico. The same voices sang those


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Psalms accompanied by the ringing of the axe in the forests of Monmouth. The Indian, the wolf, and Appolyon, the most dreaded of all enemies, were lurking near at hand. These men were a part of the world that John Bunyan portrayed and Milton idealized-Bunyan and Milton were in prison and obscurity for the same cause that drove their comrades and compatriots to an unknown country.


With the setting of fences and the planting of grain in the spring of 1668, came the need of the mill. It was "mutually agreed by the major partt of the inhabitants this day assembled together in a legall towne meet- ing that the ffull and whole agitation about a mill building bee wholly re- fferred to Richard Gibbins, Richard Stout, William Lawrence and Jona- than Holmes, wholly to agitate with Robert Jones concerning giving and taking land as all soe in disposing the townes former grant to the said Jones as first 3 hundred gilders in Seawan; 2nd. The drawing of the whole mass of timber pertaining to his house and mill; 3d. and the use of a towne share of land keeping his mill in repair for the townes use; 4th. and ten acres of upland adjoining to the mill: 5th. and Helpe to raise the work when it is framed; 6th. and the twelfe 'bushell tolle; all wch i's granted to the above sayd Jones in consideration of his building a mill and keeping her in repayre for the townes use at the place commonly called and knowne by the natives of the countrey Choncis supus." July 22, 1668, "the lott number 33 with all the appurtenances and priviledges thereunto belonging: together with ten acres of upland adjacent to the mill; both ich are given and granted unto Robert Jones of New York his heires suc- cessors or assygns for ever ; together with the water streame whereon the mill shall be sett; for him the sayd Jones to have and to hold as his ffree owne land of inheritance; withall and singular privaledges as any of this town can or may Injoy by any purchase, gift, or grant whatsoever ; alwaies provided that the abovesaid Robert Jones his heirs, successors or assignees doe build and maintain a good sufficient mill and take the above-said Jones, his heires, successors or assignees is hereby engaged nott to sell or give away partt or parsell of the above said land from the mill but that it be kept entire to it."


Eighteen months later, December 25, 1669, "the whole quantity of upland of the lott : number : 16: was this day by the present Posessor : viz : James Grover ; Senior; surrendered to the town: the town upon the sur- render at the request of the said Grover did grant the full quality of up- land of a town lott to lye on the southiward side of the mill stream beginning at the southward side of the mill dammee and soe running 40 Rods up the hill; and soe (in length) towards the river (Swimming River)." The


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HISTORY OF THE NEW JERSEY COAST.


same day "James Grover requested of the (towne) an enlargement of land to the mill, promising to perform the conditions following, viz. :


"I: to maintain the mill in good repaire to grind the corne for the in- habitants of Middletown.


"2: to grind the towne corne before any from other townes if demanded.


"3 : to grind the townes corne for the twelfe bushcll : tolle :


"4th : to make as good meal for the townes people as is usually made within this province or within the government of New York : provided the corne be in good condition to make good meale and having water sufficient.


"5 : to keep the enlargement of lands : granted : and not to dispose of any part : or parcell :


"6th. to be bound both him: and his heires for the performance of the above named conditions.


"In consideration of the performance of the above sd conditions the use of 30 acres of upland was by the major vote: onely Jonathan Holmes dissenting) granted to the present posesor of the mill: ( James Grover) running 70 rods along by the Runne and so in breadth up into the woods : together with the quantity of two acres of low ground lying upon the north ward side of the mill pond."


Robert Jones for some reason gave up the mill and its property, but retained his town lot until 1699, when he died intestate, and the lot was granted by William Jones, of Piscataway, to Thomas Applegate. This lot was upon the south side of Middletown, adjoining "Mordecay" Gib- bons' lot. Thomas Applegate was the son of Johanna, daughter of Richard Gibbons, and sister of "Mordecay." James Grover, the old sea captain, surveyor, town clerk, etc., became the town miller. Chancis sepus Run, arising in the amphitheatre of hills south and west of the town, had been dammed just south of the town, where a glen formed the borders of the mill pond, surrounded by deep, dark forests almost impenetrable. To-day these glens and ravines are smooth rolling hills and wide, green meadows, and scarcely a brook marks the bed of the "Run" which fed the old mill pond. It seems like dreaming to clothe those hills with century-old for- csts, to dam the river and build the old log mill, to bring its stones in a little sloop from New York or Gravesend to Portland Point and cart them to the mill, to hear the old miller tell of the West Indies, the buccaneers, the Commonwealth, of Roger Williams and the fishermen of Gloucester, Massachusetts, and to gather about the old mill the Lenni Lenape Indians curiously watching the grinding of the corn. All have passed away- even the contour of the hills is changed. Imagination only can picture the beautiful scene.


Although the blockhouse was probably the first public building erected.


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HISTORY OF THE NEW JERSEY COAST.


we have no account of its construction. It was the first necessity-a de- fense against the Indians, a lodging place, a place of meeting for the dis- cussion of secular and religious affairs appertaining to the welfare of the colony. Such a means of defense was ordered in the patent. The old blockhouse meeting place in Middletown soon became historical as the scene of strenuous measures in the defense of the patent against the Pro- prietors and the Deputy Governors. Tradition has located the site of the "Fort" as that upon which the Episcopal church now stands. It is proba- ble, as this was about the highest point and about midway of the broad cart- way or street running through the town. Tradition also states that it was burned by the retreating British army after the battle of Monmouth, but this could not have been true-it must have been burned or destroyed prior to 1746. On January 19, 1846, when the present Episcopal church building was consecrated, the new edifice was erected upon the "spot occupied by the old building for ninety years." As a defense against the Indians the blockhouse was not long needed. The Monmouth Patentees seem to have had little real dread of the Indians, except when the red men had imbibed liberally of the liquor which the whites had introduced. They were some- times annoying, but there is no record of any permanent or strong ill-feel- ing. These men of Rhode Island had learned from Roger Williams the true wisdom of negotiating with the natives. Their secret was unbroken faith and just dealing. They had little faith in the savage, but they re- spected his rights and so made him respect theirs.


The constables, overseers and deputies, taking into consideration the "dangerous practice of selling liquors to the Indians," on September 9, 1670, ordered "that noe person what so ever shall directly or indirectly either sell or trade any sort of wine, strong liquor or strong beare to any Indian within the limits of this townshipp; upon penalty of the forfeiture of ten pound for every such default, and that (after due proces made) to be forthwith levied upon his estate; the one-half to the informer; and the other half to be disposed of; at the discretion of the courtt." "It is like- wise ordered that all Indians that shall bee found drunke in the towne or neere about shall be sett in the stocks till they be sober ;" also, "for any per- son to seize upon any sort of wine; strong liquor ; or strong beare that is in the possession of any Indian and take it away from him."


There had been recent trouble, and many Indians had "been drunken and distempered" and had "offered violence and fury to severall of the peaceable inhabitants," "endangering their lives." The excitement was great, and John Hawes covenanted to make a pair of stocks for the Towne at a cost of 12s: 6d: for the stocks and 15s for the irons. The same day that the above ordinances were passed "at a court holden in the towne of


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Middletown," "The constable testified that hee required John Job to aide him : and hee refused: and further to watch with the drunken Indians: wch thing also he denied : and further the sd Job said : what a divell have I to do with you or his majesty either : and further said ( when others laid hold on him at the constables command: his shirt then tearing ) a plague confound ye all * "John Job pleaded thatt hee knew nott that hee (Edward Smith) was constable," but in spite of all his troubles John Job was forced to pay forty shillings and court costs.


The constable also "testified that Richard Sadler said : his son should not watch: (the drunken Indians) and the next morning he charged the constable with these words : viz: You are sett to keep the King's peace and you break it: and further said : what boyes play did you play last might : this the said Sadler denied." The sentence in this case was "Whereas Richard Sadler hath been convicted before the court for comtumelious speeches of the constable, Therefore the court doe fine the sayd Richard Sadler twenty shillings : or else to make a public acknowledgement of his offence in open Towne meeting and pay court charges." A week later an order was made forbidding the sale or trade of "any ammunition to any Indian or Indians within the liberties of the towne," and also an order that "upon Rumors and Reports of the Indians Rising in armes: that a watch shall be kept in the towne consisting of six men in one night."




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