USA > New Mexico > History of New Mexico : its resources and people, Volume I > Part 58
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72
The claims of most of these theorists are somewhat clouded in ob- scurity and lost in the antiquity of the subject. What seeems to have been at all times an attribute of the Swastika is its character as a charm or amulet, as a sign of benediction, blessing, long life, good fortune, good luck. This character has continued into modern times, and while it is recognized as a holy and sacred symbol by at least one Buddhistic religious sect, it is still used by the common people of India, China and Japan as a sign of long life, good wishes and good fortune. Whatever else it may have stood for, and however many meanings it may have had, it was always ornamental. It spread itself practically over the world, largely, if not entirely, in prehistoric times, though its use in some countries has continued into modern times.
In tracing the origin of the Swastika, as found among the aboriginal tribes of the American continent and their descendants, the Indians of to- day, it is interesting to note, in conjunction with the theory that the Indian tribes are descendants from the Mongolians, that the Swastika was used in Japan, China and Korea in ancient as well as in modern times. In all these countries it was used as a decoration on porcelain and china ware long before the discovery of the New World, possibly before the settlement of Northern Europe. Some writers contend that there is strong evidence that its use in those countries antedates the Christian era by many centuries. In Thibet and in India its use in early times has been established. In Baby- lonian and Assyrian remains it has ben searched for in vain. It likewise has never been found in the ruins of Phoenicia. In Armenia it has been found in rare instances. In Caucasus it has been found in great purity of form. Many specimens were found in the ruins of ancient Troy. A con- sensus of the opinions of antiquarians is that it had no foothold among the Egyptians, though it has been found in Algeria, and even in Ashantee. The Greek fret, so well known even outside of antiquarian circles, is a modified form of the Swastika. Prof. Goodyear, in his "Grammar of the Latus," says: "There is no proposition in Archaeology which can be so easily dem- onstrated as the assertion that the Swastika is originally a fragment of the Egyptian Meander, provided Greek geometric vases are called into evi- dence." But Wilson claims that Egyptian Meander here means Greek fret, and that "despite the ease with which Prof. Goodyear says his proposition can be demonstrated, * doubts must arise as to the existence of
408
HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
the evidence necessary to prove his proposition." It surely has not been proved. On the contrary, it is difficult, if not impossible, to procure direct evidence on the proposition. Comparisons may be made between the two signs ; but this is secondary or indirect evidence, and depends largely on argument.
Nearly all varieties of the Swastika came into use during the Bronze Age; and prehistoric archaeologists claim that bronze was introduced into Europe in prehistoric times from the extreme Orient. If bronze came orig- inally from the extreme Orient, and the Swastika belonged there also, and as objects of bronze belonging to prehistoric times and showing connection with the Orient have been found in Swiss lake dwellings of prehistoric times, it is a fair inference that the Swastika mark found on the same ob- jects came also from the Orient. This inference is strengthened by the manufacture and continuous use of the Swastika in both bronze and pot- tery, until it practically covered, and is to be found over, all Europe whereon the culture of bronze prevailed. Nearly all the varieties of the Swastika came into use during the Bronze Age. It is found not only in the Mediter- ranean countries. but in Switzerland, France, Germany, and even on the Scandinavian peninsula and in several places in Great Britain. Many coins found in the ruins of ancient cities of southern Europe contain the Swas- tika mark in various forms. It is also found on the ancient Hindu coins and on Danish gold bracteates.
That the Swastika found its way to the Western Hemisphere in pre- historic times cannot be doubted. . It was found as early as 1881 in an an- cient mound on Fains Island, in Jefferson county, Tennessee, engraved on a shell ornament. Specimens have also been found in other prehistoric mounds in Tennessee, all of which are declared by archaeologists to be the genuine Swastika. Their discovery naturally suggests investigation as to evidences of communication with the Eastern Hemisphere. Other figures of sufficient similarity to the Swastika have been found among the aborig- ines of North America to show that the symbol was widely known. They were found years ago in Georgia, Ohio, Illinois, Arkansas, Kansas and sev- eral of the states and territories of the Rocky Mountain region.
In the fifth annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, under the title of "The Mountain Chant ; a Navajo Ceremony," Dr. Washington Matthews, U .S. A., one of the most eminent authorities in anthropologic work in the United States, whether historic or prehistoric, describes one of a number of ceremonies practiced by the shamans, or medicine men, of the Navajo Indians in New Mexico. The ceremony is public, though it takes place at night. It lasts for nine days, and is called by the Indians "dsilyidje qacal" -literally, "chant toward (a place) within the mountains." The word "dsilyi" may allude to mountains in general, to the Carrizo mountains in particular, to the place in the mountains where the prophet (originator of the ceremonies ) dwelt, or to his name, or to all of these combined. "Qacal" means a sacred song or a collection of sacred songs. Dr. Matthews de- scribes at length the myth which is the foundation of this ceremony, which is summarized as follows:
An Indian family, consisting of a father, mother, two sons and two daughters, dwelt in ancient times near the Carrizo mountains. They lived by hunting and trapping, but the place was a desert, game scarce, and they moved up the river further into the mountains. The father made incanta-
409
INDIAN TRIBES
tions to enable his two sons to capture and kill game. He sent them hunt- ing each day, directing them to go east, west or north, but with the injunc- tion not to go to the south. The elder son disobeyed this injunction, went to the south, was captured by a war party of Utes and taken to their home far to the south. He escaped by the aid of "Yaybichy" and divers super- natural beings. His adventures in returning home form the body of the ceremony wherein these adventures are, in some degree, reproduced.
Extensive preparations are made for the performance of the ceremony. Lodges are built and corrals made for the use of the performers and the convenience of their audience. The fete being organized, stories are told, specches are made and sacred songs are sung in a progressive series on four certain days. Mythological charts of dry sand of divers colors are made on the earth within the corrals after the manner of the Navajo and the pueblo Indians. These dry-sand paintings are made after a given for- mula and are intended to be repeated, year after year, although no copy is preserved, the artists depending only upon the memory of their shaman. One of their pictures, or charts, represents the fugitive's escape from the Utes, his captors, down a precipice into a den or cave in which burnt a fire on which was no wood. Four pebbles lay on the ground together- a black pebble in the east, a blue one in the south, a yellow one in the west, and a white one in the north. From these flames issued. Around the fire lay four bears colored and placed to correspond with the pebbles. When the strangers (the Navajo and the supernatural beings) approached the fire the bears asked them for tobacco, and when they replied they had none, the bears became angry and thrice more demanded it. When the young Navajo fled from the camp of his captives he had furtively helped himself from one of the four bags of tobacco which the council was using. These, with a pipe, he had tied up in his skin robe, so when the fourth demand was made by the bears he filled the pipe and lighted it at the fire. He handed the pipe to the black bear, who, taking but one whiff, passed it to the blue hear and immediately fell senseless. The blue bcar took two whiffs, and passed the pipe, when he, too, fell over unconscious. The yellow bear succumbed after the third whiff, and the white bear in the north after the fourth whiff.
The Navajo now knocked the ashes and tobacco out of his pipe, and rubbed the latter on the feet, abdomen, chest, shoulders, forehead and mouth of each of the bears in turn, and they were at once resuscitated. He then replaced the pipe in the corner of his robe. When the bears recovered they assigned to the Navajo a place on the east side of the fire, where he might lie all night, and they brought out their stores of cornmeal, "t cilt cin" and other berries, offering them to him to eat; but "Yaybichy" warned him not to touch the food, and disappeared. So, hungry as he was, the Indian youth lay down supperless to sleep. When he awoke in the morning the bears again offered food, which he again declined, saying he was not hungry. They then showed him how to make the bear "Kethawns," or sticks, to be sacrificed to the bear gods, and they drew from one corner of the cave a great sheet of cloud, which they unrolled, and on it were painted the forms of the "yays" of the cultivated plants.
In this cloud-painting, which is reproduced by the medicine men, the central figure is a bowl of water carried with black powder; the edge of the bowl is garnished with sunbeans, while outside of it and forming a
410
HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
rectangle are the four "ca 'bitlol" of sunbeam rafts on which seem to stand four gods, or "yays," with the plants under their special protection. The white god protects the corn; the blue god protects the bean; the yellow god protects the pumpkin, and the black god protects the tobacco plant. The figures of the gods form a cross, the arms of which are directed to the four cardinal points of the compass. The plants form another cross, having a common centre with the first, the arms extending to the intermediate points of the compass. The gods are shaped alike, but colored differently. They lie with their feet to the centre and heads extended outward, one to each of the four cardinal points ; the faces look forward, the arms half extended on either side, the hands raised to a level with the shoulders. Around their loins they wear skirts of red sunlight adorned with sunbeams. The gods have, respectively, a rattle, a charm and a basket, each attached to his right hand by strings. This basket, represented by concentric lines with a Greek cross in the centre, has, extending from each of its quarters, arranged per-
pendicularly at right angles to each other, in the form of a cross, four white plumes of equal length, which at equal distances from the centre are bent, all to the left and of the same length. Thus are formed in this chart four specimens of the Swastika with the cross and circle at the intersection of the arms. It is a prehistoric or Oriental Swastika in all its purity and sim- plicity, appearing in one of the mystic ceremonies of the aborogines in New Mexico.
It will be seen that the origin and early history of the Swastika are lost in antiquity. As to its significance it might have served, Ist, as a symbol of a religion, of a nation or people, or a sect with peculiar tenets ; 2d, as an amulet or charm of good luck, or fortune, or long life; of benediction or blessing; or against the "evil eye"; 3d, as an ornament or decoration. It may have been originally discovered or devised by a given people in a given country, and transmitted from one generation to the next, passing by migration from one country to another, and it may have been transmitted by communication to widely separated countries and among differently cul- tured peoples ; or it may have appeared in these latter countries by duplicate invention or by accident, and without contact or communication. But one conclusion is inevitable : it was certainly prehistoric in its origin. The name by which it is recognized today in all literature is a sanscrit word, and was in common use among thie Sanscrit peoples early in their history. It doubt- less was in use, more or less, common among the people of the Bronze Age anterior to the Chaldeans, Hittites or the Aryans. Upon the evidence sub- mitted, we must accept it first as a symbol of that sect of Jains within the Buddist church originally in Thibet, which spread itself in the Asiatic country under various names. They gave it the translation "su," meaning "well," and "asti," meaning "it is," the whole word meaning "it is well," or "so be it," implying resignation under all circumstances. The Swastika was used a thousand times on the tombs of Christians in the Catacombs at Rome. This is evidence of its use to a certain extent, in a sacred or funereal character. Beyond these instances there is no evidence of its having served as a symbol of any religious or philosophic idea, or of any sect or organiza- tion. Its most probable use among prehistoric peoples, among Orientals other than the Buddhists, was as a charm or amulet signifying good fortune, good luck, long life, or benediction and blessing.
411
INDIAN TRIBES
If the Swastika was a symbol of religion in India and migrated as such in times of antiquity to America, it was necessarily by human aid. If it came to America with Buddhism it must have been since the founda- tion of the Buddhist religion, which is approximately fixed in the sixth century before Christ. But in America there has been found no trace of the Buddhist religion, nor of its concomitants of language, art or custom. Therefore if it came from India or eastern Asia, it came earlier than twenty-five hundred years ago. The fact that in this country it is to be found upon such subjects as indicate the common and every-day use, and not upon images of gods, statues, monuments or altars, indicates that it probably was used in the Western Hemisphere for much the same purpose as in western Asia and Europe-simply as a charm or token of good luck, or against the evil eye.
Prof. Wilson says, in concluding his interesting report :
"The Swastika of the ancient mound-builders of Ohio and Tennessee is similar in every respect, except material, to that of the modern Navajo and pueblo Indian. Yet the Swastika of Mississippi and Tennessee belong to the oldest civilization we know in America, while the Navajo and pueblo Swastika were made by men still living. A consideration of the conditions brings out these two curious facts: That the Swastika had an existence in America prior to any historic knowledge we have of communication be- tween the two hemispheres; but we find it continued in America and used at the present day, while the knowledge of it has long since died out in Europe."
Within recent years popular interest in the Swastika as produced by certain Indian tribes of New Mexico, notably the Navajos, has greatly in- creased, and this emblem of "good luck, good fortune, long life," etc., is now eagerly sought by visitors to the Territory, and by its inhabitants, who extend it as a gift to friends in all quarters of the globe. Originally mounted in the form of a silver pin, it is rapidly assuming different forms, under the tutelage of the white trader. Watch charms, bracelets, scarf pins and even the ends of spoon-handles are now made by the Navajos in the form of the Swastika. Usually they are manufactured from solid silver, though occasionally one of gold, and rarely of copper, will be found. The town. of Gallup has become the chief center of commercialism in this respect, owing to its proximity to the land of the Navajos. Unprincipled dealers in various parts of the Territory now have thousands of spurious Swastikas made every year for sale to the inexperienced traveler through New Mexico, disposing of them under the guarantee that they are made by the Indians. It requires an expert of long residence among the tribe to detect the fraud in some cases. It is estimated by a well-informed authority that during the year from July 1, 1905, to July 1, 1906, fullv sixty thousand Swastikas in their barious forms, including both the geneuine Indian product and the spurious Swastika of commerce, were sold in New Mexico. As the average retail cost is in the neighborhood of forty cents, and varies from twenty-five cents to three dollars, according to the article and the work- manship, it will be seen that the trade in this interesting symbol has assumed proportions of no small importance.
412
HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
HISTORY OF BANKING IN NEW MEXICO
The history of banking in New Mexico dates from the year 1870, when Lucien B. Maxwell, who had sold the famous Beaubien and Miranda land grant, applied for a charter for a national bank. This institution was finally organized at Santa Fe in December, 1870, as the First National Bank of Santa Fe. Maxwell realized from the sale of his grant the sum of six hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Some of this money he invested in bonds of the Texas & Pacific Railroad, then in course of construction, but the entire amount was lost. Somebody suggested to him that a profit- able investment for part of his money would be in the establishment of a bank in the territorial capital. The idea appeared to please him, for he applied for a charter with a capital of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, putting up all the money himself and distributing ten shares to a sufficient number of friends to constitute a directory. In due course the bank opened for business, but for some reason deposits did not flow in at all liberally. It was a new experiment at New Mexico, and the people needed some preliminary education before they could be brought up to lodge their funds with a bank. The only approach to banking facilities in the Territory prior to that date was afforded by the commission merchants in St. Louis, to whom the producers here consigned their cattle, sheep, wool and hides, and through whom they made their purchases. The wealthier citizens, having pursued this course for many years, inheriting it from their fathers, and grandfathers, did not take kindly to any sudden and radical change of methods. Again, the personnel of the new bank for some reason did not inspire them with confidence. This was not in any way due to Maxwell, who was well known throughout the Territory, and was looked upon as an upright and honorable man, of simple tastes and character. He had, however, no particular banking experience or knowl- edge and the gentlemen whom he had associated with himself in the enter- prise, and who were supposed to furnish the skill and training essential to the successful conduct of the business, were not as well known, and hence did not create the necessary feeling of confidence in the institution, so that the bank ran along for some months without doing much business.
The original stock certificates of this bank were of remarkable design, bearing a vignette of Maxwell with a cigar in his mouth. The trusting nature of the promoter of this institution is well illustrated by the fact that he signed in blank more than a hundred of the stock certificates, so that his absence at his home in Cimarron might not interfere with the expected activity in stock dealings. Maxwell was fond of horse flesh, and during his incumbency of the presidency he advertised in Kansas City papers the racing virtues of his mare "Fly," offering to bet a large sum that she could beat anything in the wav of a racer that could be produced. Some wag in Kansas City cut out this advertisement, and, placing it on a letterhead
William W. Griffin, First Grand Master, Grand Lodge of New Mexico, A. F. & A. M.
413
BANKS AND BANKING
of the Santa Fe bank, and writing over it the legend, "Banking in New Mexico," hung it in the lobby of a Kansas City bank.
In the spring of 1871, Stephen B. Elkins, then a rising political figure in New Mexico politics, and afterward United States senator from West Virginia, with Thomas B. Catron of Santa Fé and others, were on the point of making application for a charter for another bank, but pending the completion of the necessary steps, Maxwell, tiring of his financial operations in Santa Fé, sold his bank to these men. At this time it was the only institution of the kind in New Mexico and Arizona. The United States maintained a depositary at Santa Fé and at Tucson, and to these, at stated intervals, currency and coin were sent from St. Louis, under charge of an official of the treasury department and with a military escort.
Early in the '6os J. F. Merline, afterward assistant treasurer of the United States, had charge of one of these expeditions for the replenishment of the money stock of these two depositories and on his return wrote and published under the title of "Two Thousand Miles on Horseback," a very interesting account of the two territories as he found them at that time. Acting upon the advice of Mr. Elkins. Jose Leandro Perea, Manuel Antonio Otero and Felipe Chavez bought blocks of the stock, and the first mentioned became the owner of nearly one-third of the entire capital of the bank. Browne & Manzanares were also subscribers at this time. The bank, under Senator Elkins's management and control, was a success from the start and soon had accounts from all parts of the territory and from Arizona, and the men who risked their funds in the stock were rewarded with sub- stantial dividends, so that a second bank anticipated even more favorable results. But this bank went into liquidation at the end of its term of twenty years in 1892.
Prior to the advent of the Santa Fé Railroad banking was conducted under conditions very different from those which have since prevailed. Currency, supplies and shipments had to be brought in and sent out by mail, by coach, by Barlow & Sanderson's stage route along the main line of travel and over the star routes. There was little loss, however, either by way of stage hold-ups or by mail robbery or employes. The banks were not much affected by the state of the money market in the great financial centers, and business went on verv much the same in times of adversity or prosperity. Interest averaged from one and a half to two per cent a month, and exchange was three-quarters of one per cent.
The next banking enterprise in New Mexico was that founded by the Raynolds Brothers at Las Vegas.
William W. Griffin, for many years one of the most widely known residents of northern New Mexico, was a native of West Virginia. In young manhood he went to Little Rock, Arkansas, where he lived a few years, going from there to Texas, and in 1860 went from Galveston to Santa Fé, walking most of the distance. In the latter city he learned sur- veying, and was employed in much important work, including the survey of the famous Maxwell Land Grant. At times he was compelled to per- form his work under military escort on account of the menace of the Comanches, Utes and other wild tribes of Indians. In 1870 he assisted Lucien B. Maxwell and others in the organization of the First National Bank of Santa Fé, the first banking house in New Mexico, served as cashier for many years, and was its president at the time of his death in
414
HISTORY OF NEW MEXICO
1889. He was an active and very influential Republican, and at the time of his death was serving his eighth year as chairman of the territorial Republican central committee. In Masonry he was very active. He filled the office of grand master of the first grand lodge of New Mexico, was a charter member of Montezuma Lodge of Santa Fé upon its reorganization, and filled all the chairs in that body. His son, William E. Griffin, now game warden of New Mexico, was born in Santa Fé in 1867 and was educated in Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania. He, also, is prominent in Masonry, being high priest of the Santa Fé chapter and eminent com- mander of Santa Fé commandery. He was appointed game warden in 1906 by Governor Hagerman. In the war with Spain William E. Griffin served as a first lieutenant in the First United States Volunteer Cavalry, and upon the surrender of Santiago was assigned to duty on the staff of General Leonard Wood, being appointed by the latter as provost marshal of the city, which position he filled until his regiment was ordered back to the United States.
The United States Bank and Trust Company of Santa Fé, which was incorporated under the laws of New Mexico in May, 1906, and opened for business June II following, is probably the only banking house in the United States which inaugurated operations with a formal reception. The bank occupies a new building erected by Hon. N. B. Laughlin, and its quarters are in many respects the most attractive throughout the entire West. Arizona onyx predominates in the interior construction. This bank has a capital stock of $50,000. Howard S. Reed is president, C. H. Ingram vice-president and cashier, P. F. Knight assistant cashier, and P. S. Wilson assistant cashier and manager of the Taos branch bank, which was opened at Taos in July, 1906. The United States Bank, an institution which had been sadly needed in Santa Fé, was made a possibility chiefly through the co-operation of ex-Judge N. B. Laughlin with the foreign promoters. His name on the directorate gave the business men of Santa Fé confidence in the new institution, and the deposits the first day aggregated $37,301.10.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.