History of the Genesee country (western New York) comprising the counties of Allegany, Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Chemung, Erie, Genesee, Livingston, Monroe, Niagara, Ontario, Orleans, Schuyler, Steuben, Wayne, Wyoming and Yates, Volume I, Part 15

Author: Doty, Lockwood R. (Lockwood Richard), 1858- editor
Publication date: 1925
Publisher: Chicago, S.J. Clarke Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 666


USA > New York > Genesee County > History of the Genesee country (western New York) comprising the counties of Allegany, Cattaraugus, Chautauqua, Chemung, Erie, Genesee, Livingston, Monroe, Niagara, Ontario, Orleans, Schuyler, Steuben, Wayne, Wyoming and Yates, Volume I > Part 15


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46


The bloody raids of the settlers continued until the Indians could no longer endure them in silence, and the Cresaps war fol- lowed. Prominent in the Indian forces were Logan, the Mingo chief, and Chief Cornstalk. Indian raids began with fatal suc- cess, and in all of them the humanity of Logan was conspicuous; so much so that, in spite of the fact that his wife and children had been murdered, the Indians called him, "the white man's friend." At length the Virginia bordermen mustered their regi- ments and a battle was fought at the mouth of the Kanhawa. Considering the number of combatants, it was one of the most sanguinary in the history of colonial encounters. The Indians.


3 For these and other instances, see Ketchum's Buffalo and the Senecas, Vol. 1,. pages 162 to 165 ff.


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eventually retreated after being surrounded, but the losses they inflicted were too heavy to justify their opponents' claim as con- querors.


Peace was sought by Lord Dunmore, and a messenger dis- patched to the cabin of Logan. It was upon this occasion that Logan made his celebrated speech, counted as one of the master- pieces of tragic eloquence. Col. John Gibson with his officers came into the Indian village and saw Logan and Cornstalk. The former invited the officers to walk out a little ways with him. Then, with his face bathed in tears and exhibiting every evidence of deep anguish, Logan spoke. He said:


"I appeal to any white man to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat; if he ever came cold and naked and he warmed him not. During the course of the last long bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate of peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of the white man.' I had thought to live with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unpro- voked, murdered all the relatives of Logan; not even sparing my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge; I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my re- venge. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace, but do not harbor the thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one !"


In considering the part taken by the Senecas and their co- nationals against the colonists in the events that follow, we should keep in mind their smouldering resentment against the settlers, and their love for and loyalty to Sir William Johnson and the royal power that he represented. It will be remembered, how- ever, that many of the Indians had a happier experience with the settlers, and that missionary influence, particularly that of Rev. Samuel Kirkland among the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, was of a kind that cemented them to their white neighbors. His influence and activities were confined chiefly to these people, though he had sojourned among the Senecas in 1764 and 1766, having during his visitation kept a journal which is of vast importance today.


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It is one of our best sources of information concerning life in the great Seneca town of Kanadasega.


It was in Kanadasega that Sayenquerhaghta, "the Old King," dwelt. He was the leading chief of the Senecas and greatly re- spected by them. When Kirkland came to the Old Castle (or Seneca Castle), Kanadasega, he was received by Old King (also called Old Smoke, Disappearing Smoke and Sayenqueraghta), and given protection by him, even to the extent of an adoption.


In the midst of a forest clearing two miles long and a mile wide Old Castle had its nestling place. In its center was a block- house with a roof well protected by a parapet and a spacious stockade surrounding its grounds. East and west from this imposing symbol of strength ran the great street of the castle, full one hundred and fifty feet wide. Along this highway on either side were the log houses of the Senecas. They were widely spaced, for each house had its yard and garden; the average lot was not more than two hundred feet wide, though some were closer together. The log houses for the most part were comfort- able enough, having stoned-up fire places, swinging cranes and the usual pots and kettles always found in the homes of the set- tlers. There were even Dutch ovens and roasting spits, pans and skillets. The best homes had floors of split logs smoothed off and neatly fitted, but the more humble cabins had floors of beaten clay. For carpets they had rugs of bear, deer and elk skin. Ezra Buel, who went with the English surveying party in 1765, left an interesting account of Old Castle,4 and in it exclaims: "Alto- gether the Senecas at Old Castle live as well as most of the white settlers in a new country."


The Senecas tilled the land in common, after their ancient practices, and had communal storehouses. Their crops were corn, beans, squashes, pumpkins and melons, while from their orchards they picked apples, pears and peaches. They had little need for cattle, for the woods about them furnished plenty of meat. Horses were preferred as domestic animals, as they were more easily cared for, and could forage for themselves in winter, if encouraged with a daily supply of corn. The Senecas of Old Castle in 1765 dressed for the most part like white people of the frontier. Their own native "cuts" were still to be observed, and, even when flannel and broadcloth were employed, they used the


4 See Buel, A. C., Sir William Johnson, p. 237, ff.


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Indian style of hunting shirt. Leather leggings were the vogue and moccasins were the common foot gear. Some of the Indians here treasured their military coats, which they donned on special occasions. The women were neatly dressed in broadcloth skirts, flannel underskirts and leather leggings. Their overdresses were often of light flannel or turkey-cloth of solid color, green, red or blue, and profusely beaded. Ribbons were neatly sewed on around the collar and bottom, and row after row of silver brooches orna- mented the clothing of those who had wealth and position.


East of the Seneca town was the trading post on the lake shore. Here lived the traders, the British representative and the gunsmith, together with their clerks and their families. It was a busy place, for here the Indians from near and far tran- sacted their business, and here stopped many of the travelers, traders and messengers on their way to distant tribes and posts. The Old Castle itself had a population of four hundred and twenty-seven persons, including half-breed children of English and French settlers and officers. Even the Swiss gunsmith, Dre- pard, had a half-blood wife, and the great chief Cornplanter had found a white girl and married her. Thus it was that European blood crept into the Indian villages and gradually diluted the native strain. It was the beginning of the process of amalga- mation.


Some of the Indians of Old Castle were well versed in the ways of the English settlers, and the trader had as clerks two Indian boys who had been educated at Canajoharie. The old chief Sayenqueraghta, though unlettered, was a man of extraor- dinary intelligence and judgment, and from his council-house in the Old Castle governed his people with great ability. His hu- mane qualities and sympathy for human suffering are remarked by Kirkland. Old Castle was far from being a town of mere savages, and this picture has been extended that we might catch a vision of the kind of people who were attached to the British at the outbreak of the Revolutionary war. Old Castle was des- tined to see troublous times, the reason for which we shall shortly describe.


The Senecas had little idea that the colonists were gradually becoming irritated at the action of Crown agents, or that a steady resistance was developing. They only knew that Sir William Johnson and his deputies continually urged that they retain their


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loyalty to England. This was not difficult, for the Indians found the colonists oftentimes their antagonists, while the agents of the Crown interposed to protect them. Settlers murdered Indians; the agents of the King gave them presents of food, clothing and utensils. Whom then should they trust? Should it be Sir Wil- liam, Brant and the loyal subjects of the Crown to whom they had pledged allegiance and support? Or should they believe the com- plaints of Herkimer, Kirkland and Philip Schuyler, for all of whom they had a high regard? The Senecas were greatly per- plexed, but wished to remain neutral; at least, this was their first feeling.


During July, 1774, a large body of Indians congregated at Johnson Hall, to seek Sir William's advice and interposition in the Ohio war led by Lord Dunmore. The 11th of July was a hot and disagreeable day, and Sir William had been sick for several days, yet for two hours he addressed his Indian friends. After this effort he collapsed, and two hours later breathed into the ears of his brother-in-law, Joseph Brant, these words: "Joseph, control your people, control your people! I am going away." Thus, amid a great concourse of his Indian friends, the spirit of Sir William passed out. Word quickly spread that Colo- nel Johnson's last words were spoken in Iroquois and that he had transmitted his authority to Joseph Brant. Soon afterwards Brant was elected grand military chief of the Six Nations, and many Indians believed that Sir William's power had descended to one of their own blood and kin. What effect this belief had upon them we have yet to see. As a matter of fact, however, the succession in office as British Superintendent fell to Col. Guy Johnson, upon whose shoulders rested a dangerous burden.


There could be no doubt that the colonists were preparing for a struggle with the Crown, and Sir William had debated this subject with gloomy foreboding's before he died. By April, 1775, when the news of Lexington reached Johnson Hall, it was clearly seen that the colonists were ready to resist the King and his red coats. Tory and colonist alike saw that in New York, at least, the Six Nations were to be reckoned with. With whom would they cast their lot? The British held forth every inducement, and not only promised the Indians great benefits from this war, but urged them to cling to their alliance with the Crown and to punish the rebellious subjects who made war. The patriots sought


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to explain the reason for their rebellion, that the Six Nations might understand their cause, but the reasons were beyond their comprehension, and Christianized Indians replied to their mis- sionary teachers, "You taught us to be loyal to the King, and all our prayers ended with a petition that God save him."


The Iroquois confederacy of the Six Nations did not act under the pressure of importunities of the Crown, but, with the possible exception of the Mohawks, resolved to hold aloof. The Oneidas, Tuscaroras and river Mahikans and Stockbridges declared their intention to support their friends among the settlers, and thus alienated themselves from the sympathy of Brant. In this man- ner was the famous Iroquois confederacy divided by the most serious differences that had arisen since its inception.


Even the Senecas, though for the most part they wanted to remain neutral, were not united in their loyalty to the British, but a division of them headed by Big Tree, an amiable chief of much influence, strongly favored the colonies and worked actively for them, as hereinafter recorded. The Senecas at this time were peacefully pursuing their farming and hunting, having found satisfaction in the arts of peace. Mary Jemison in her narrative relates that "for twelve or fifteen years after the French War the use of the implements of war was not known, nor the war whoop heard, save on days of festivity when the achievements of former days were commemorated in a kind of mimic warfare." In the seventh chapter of her story we find an excellent picture of the period just before the outbreak of the American Revolution.


As allies of the British, the Senecas were invited with their tribal brothers to witness the battle at the taking of Fort Stan- wix. It was an invitation to witness a holiday party, in which the colonists should be whipped by the well drilled and handsomely dressed British militia. This, indeed, would impress the Iroquois with the power of the British and the urgent necessity of sup- porting them against the rebellious colonists! All the Indians were asked to do was "to sit down, smoke their pipes and look on," said Mary Jemison. She continued her account by saying that, "contrary to expectations, instead of smoking and looking on, they were obliged to fight for their lives; and in the end of the battle were completely beaten, with a great loss in killed and wounded. Our Indians alone had thirty-six killed, and a great


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number wounded." Such was the participation of the Senecas in the first real battle, that of Oriskany, the place of nettles.


The Tory forces were under the command of St. Leger and the Indians were under Brant. The colonists were under Gen- eral Herkimer. Arrayed against him, besides the regulars and the Indians, were the Rangers under Colonel Butler. The British forces were on their way to Fort Stanwix, which the Patriots had rechristened Fort Schuyler, when Herkimer with his forces cau- tiously approached with a body of eight hundred to one thousand men. Herkimer knew something of border warfare and his ex- treme caution displeased some of his younger officers, who urged an immediate advance. He yielded and fell into an ambuscade in an unfavorable place. The fight was precipitous and wild disorder ensued until the General could bring about an order of battle. Stone in his "Buffalo and the Senecas" has described the battle of Oriskany with great vividness, and ends by saying, "-the Indians perceiving with what ardor the Provincials main- tained the fight, and finding their own numbers sadly diminished, now raised the retreating cry of 'Oonah' and fled in every direc- tion." With the flight of the Indians, the British Greens and Rangers began a retreat toward the fort where firing indicated that their presence was needed. Even here the patriots were successful in driving away John Johnson and in putting the In- dians to flight.


This battle, though an accident of war, was a happy omen. For the first time the Stars and Stripes had floated over an Amer- ican force in battle, and under it Americans had withstood the baptism of fire. Here under its sacred folds Americans had poured forth their blood that America might be free.


The nettles of Oriskany left scars in the breasts of the Sen- ecas, scars that would not heal. Chiefs who advised peace were scorned, and even Molly Brant, with tears and every display of strong emotion, urged the Senecas to follow their English allies. She scored the venerable Sayenqueraghta, and reminded him of his friendship for Sir William. This appeal by the widow of the great Johnson was not without fruit, for it served to arouse the Senecas to action. The Old King of Old Castle now resolved to lead forth his men.


The work of Brant was indefatigable, and when the Senecas finally became active partisans, they were put to their bloody


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work under Tory orders at Cherry Valley. Later they descended upon Wyoming, in the Susquehanna Valley, and by an adroit movement came upon the settlement at a time when the militia was watching for them in another direction. Brant was not present but a leader equally able commanded the Senecas; he was Sayenqueraghta.


Once the Colonial forces surrendered no lives were taken, but during the battle the carnage was frightful. Many of the Sen- ecas reverted to their primitive savagery and wallowed in blood. It must be said, however, in justice to them, that no women or children were killed by direct attack. Smarting as they were from their former defeat, the Senecas at Wyoming had full oppor - tunity to glut their revenge, and yet the restraint that they showed is no less than remarkable. Every historian knows that this battle might have been a massacre indeed had the Senecas so willed it.


Once the young warriors had felt the thrill of battle they thirsted for further campaigns. British agents and officers in- cited them to revenge and argued that the Senecas must remain loyal to the King. But all the Senecas were not agreed to this, among them Chief Big Tree," who had in 1778 spent some time with Gen. George Washington. During the summer Washington sent the Chief among his people to urge them to take the side of the colonies. Big Tree was successful in a measure among cer- tain groups, but a spy spread the news through Old Castle (Gen- undasega) and Genesee Castle (Little Beards' Town, Dyu-non- da-ga-geh), that the Americans were preparing to invade the land of the Senecas and drive them out. Whether the rumor had foundation or not, it was a shrewd guess at what was actually to happen. Big Tree could no longer prevail upon his people, whose villages were filled with warriors from far distant settle- ments. If they and he had been inclined to peace, they now were for war against those who sought to invade their land.


At this period there were no stockaded Seneca villages. All were laid out on open ground with their fields about them. No longer did the bark lodge predominate, for now houses were built of logs and even boards. Some houses were of neat appearance and well painted, their surroundings showing evidence of thrift and real taste. The Senecas felt themselves secure, and had it


5 Big Tree's Seneca name was Ga-on-do-go-wa.


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not been for the white man's war they would have been happy indeed.


Their great town, Old Castle, contained fifty comfortable houses and was surrounded by flourishing fields and orchards; farther west was Kanandaigua, a town of twenty-three houses, situated a mile from the lake on the west side. The houses here were large and comfortable, having well-built fire places. There were those who remarked that it resembled in appearance a little settlement of white settlers. Farther west, near the foot of Hone- oye Lake, was the village of Hanneyaye, a hamlet of from fifteen to twenty cabins, and all about it were fine fields and flourishing orchards. The west, or Genesee, Senecas had numerous little vil- lages and several large towns. The largest was Little Beard's Town (Genesee Castle), in Leicester, already mentioned, a set- tlement of one hundred and twenty-eight houses; Canawagus, on the west side of the Genesee opposite Avon, was a place where the trails converged. Ganosgago was at Dansville, Dyuneganooh at Caledonia, Ohagi near Leicester, Onundaoh near Nunda, Deyuit- gaoh at Squawkie Hill, Gahnyuhsas near the outlet of Conesus Lake, Big Kettle's Town near Mount Morris, Gawshegweoh near Williamsburg, Ganundase (Ga-non-da-seeh) at Moscow, Deo- westa at Portageville, Gahnigadot at East Avon, Sgahisga-ah at Lima, and Gaondowanuh Village at Big Tree in Leicester on the west side of the river. Besides these there were several smaller settlements and clusters of cabins. There was a village at Naples and several along the Susquehanna trail, particularly a large and fine settlement at Newtown, near Elmira, where the Senecas had colonized, their Sauk captives from their western wars; while Catherinestown was just south of Seneca Lake. To the west along the Tonawanda trail were settlements at Tonawanda (town of Alabama), and along the Cattaraugus and the Allegany.


The young braves on the frontier, influenced by the British, began to fall upon outlying settlements, and render other aid to the British, until the wrath of the colonial government could no longer be suppressed. General Washington planned an aggres- sive campaign against the Senecas in their own territory, and tendered the command of the expedition to General Gates, who declined the service. The leadership was then offered to General John Sullivan, a delegate to the Continental Congress, and by that body appointed Major General in July, 1776, who accepted.


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His orders were to invade the Seneca country and destroy every form of property and food, utterly devastating the Indian lands. In another portion of this history the expedition of General Sulli- van is fully described.


After an attack at Newtown the news spread that the Ameri- can troops were coming, and, as the army approached, one by one the Seneca towns were abandoned. Sullivan caused the destruc- tion of every town and hamlet that he found, burned the food supplies and cut down orchards and growing crops. The stricken Senecas were torn by fearful emotions, and, when they caught Lieutenant Boyd and Private Parker, members of General Sulli- van's scouting party, they were subjected to the torture. Boyd's mutilation is one of the most revolting in the annals of Seneca warfare, and his death may be laid to the door of the British officer, Colonel Butler, who might have saved him had he obeyed even the elemental instincts of humanity.


In the end the Senecas fled where they might, most of them westward over the Niagara trail and to the protecting gates on Fort Niagara. This was an unexpected drain upon the resources of that British stronghold, and one upon which they had not counted. It was not difficult, however, to obtain supplies from Canada and the Indians were fed on scanty rations until spring, when they were induced to move to secure places along the Cat- taraugus, Tonawanda and Allegany. Numbers returned to the Genesee Country to prowl for awhile among the ashes of their old homes, and then to build anew in other spots. Had Sullivan's successful army pushed on to Niagara, there is little doubt that he would have captured the fort and justly punished those who better deserved punishment than the misguided Senecas. Sulli- van's expedition has been described many times and varying estimates of its value given. That it was a decisive campaign there can be no doubt. It proved the power of American arms over the Iroquois confederacy; it warned the British that the "provincials" were able to cope with military problems, and it put an end to border depredations by the Senecas. It did more than this. Sullivan's expedition revealed the Genesee Country to the white man and displayed it as a paradise of fertility and productiveness. It opened up a vast domain of highly desirable land, and Sullivan's men never forgot it, but, when the war was


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over, clamored to return that they might build homes and rear mills and towns.


But Sullivan was not alone in his expeditions. One often for- gets that Colonel Broadhead left Pittsburg on August 11, 1779, for an expedition against the Allegheny Senecas, traveling four hundred miles, destroying one hundred and thirty-five Indian houses and laying waste vast fields and orchards. He scattered the Senecas, the Munceys and Mingos, and returned without the loss of a single man. And thus in the Genesee Country, from end to end, were battles and expeditions of the Revolutionary war fought out to successful conclusions. The red men had seen the new flag and respected it, for where it came British power fled. When one considers the subject, he must see that the forces of the American states laid hold of western New York and expelled the Senecas and their allies almost without a contest. Had this been the triumph of most nations, the title to the soil would have been considered extinguished and the land claimed by conquest. The Senecas, however, though scattered and humbled, did not admit defeat, and the trees with twisted tops, which they left along the line of their retreat, symbolized that "the power of the whirlwind may be great but the tree still stands, though its branches are twisted and broken."


The year 1780 was one of readjustment for the Senecas and they went back to Big Tree, Geneseo, Canawagus and scattered places along the upper waters of the Genesee, as Squawkie Hill and Canadia. Others pushed westward, many of the Beards- town people settling at Tonawanda, others going down the Alle- gheny, and still others roving westward to Ohio into the mixed settlements on the Sandusky. The bitterness of defeat still rankled, and those who had revenge to nurse sought bloody com- fort in the service of Brant and the Tory raiders south of the Mohawk.


By 1781 the Seneca, Cayuga and Onondaga refugees from their rendezvous at Niagara began to settle on Buffalo Creek, the first to establish himself being none other than Old King, Sayenqueraghta.




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