USA > New York > New York City > History of the city of New York : its origin, rise, and progress. Vol. II > Part 51
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Intelligence of the capture of Lord Cornwallis thrilled France Novem- ber 19. It reached London on Sunday, the 25th. Lord Germain was the first to receive and read the dispatch ; Lord Walsingham,
Nov. 25. VOL. II. 17 449
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
Under Secretary of State, being present, the two entered a hackney-coach to save time, and drove to the house of Lord Stormont- the Cabinet Minister who " would hold no intercourse with rebels unless they came to implore his Majesty's mercy"; he joined them in the coach, and the three proceeded rapidly to the residence of Lord North. The prime minister received the news, said Germain, "as he would have taken a ball in the breast." He threw his arms apart. He paced wildly up and down the room in the greatest agitation, exclaiming, "It is all over ! It is all over !"
Parliament assembled on Tuesday. The speech of the king was con-
fused, but he still insisted on prosecuting the war. In the debates Nov. 27. that followed Fox, Burke, Sheridan, the youthful William Pitt, and others assailed the Ministry and the war, as no ministry had ever before or has ever since been assailed. The city of London entreated the king to end hostilities ; and public meetings in every part of the kingdom expressed the same wish. Resolutions offered for the dis- continuance of the war were lost in the House by a small majority. Lord Germain was compelled, however, to retire from the Cabinet. The rigor with which Laurens was treated in the Tower was condemned in sharp language by the Opposition. Finally, news came that the son of Laurens was the custodian of Cornwallis in America, and that his treatment of the humiliated lord was exactly the reverse of what his father experienced, locked in the very prison of which Cornwallis was governor. From that hour severities were transformed into civilities ; and on the last day of December, with health greatly impaired, the ex- President of the American Congress was taken from the Tower in a sedan chair, and was henceforth a free man.
The new year dawned upon a stubborn monarch. George III.
threatened to relinquish his crown rather than change his Ameri- 1782. can policy. His party was falling off, nevertheless. February was a memorable month in Parliament. On the 28th, Conway's motion against any further attempt to reduce the colonies was carried, Feb. 28 at one o'clock in the morning, by a majority of nineteen. Burke wrote to Franklin that it was the declaration of two hundred and thirty- four members, and the opinion, he believed, of the whole house. "No sooner was the result known," says Wraxall, "than the acclamations pierced the roof, and might have been heard in Westminster Hall."
The popular cry at once turned against Lord North. He was accused of having shown himself void of every principle of honor and honesty. Fox said persons were already in Europe fully empowered to treat for a peace between Great Britain and America, but no progress could be made,
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because the Minister was "treacherous, vacillating and incapable." North denied the statement that he was averse to peace, and referred to the informal negotiations he had countenanced between Hartley and Franklin. He was met with the scornful response that during the period of those negotiations he had destroyed the confidence of Franklin by tampering with France in an underhanded manner, asking her to enter into a separate treaty with England. On the 8th of March, Lord Caven- dish called attention to the mismanagement which had nearly over- turned the splendid Empire of Britain, and all the great orators were brought to their feet. On the 18th Sir John Rous followed up the attack of Lord Cavendish by moving to withdraw the confidence of Par- liament from ministers. Lord North was individually taunted as the author of the American war, which had cost the nation one hundred millions, with the loss of thirteen ancient colonies. He defended himself and his colleagues with warmth. But the weakness of the government was no longer to be concealed. Lord North had through the whole twelve years of his supremacy been too ready to surrender his judgment to that of the king, who with a narrower understanding had a stronger will. Walpole called him the "ostensible minister"; the real minister was the king. On the 20th the house was crowded to its utmost capacity. March 20. The Earl of Surrey rose to offer a parallel motion to that of Sir
John Rous. Lord North rose at the same moment. The two parties present shouted wildly the names of their respective champions. The speaker hesitated ; when Lord North, taking the floor on a question of order, said he would save the trouble of submitting and discussing the intended motion by announcing that his administration was at an end.
The effect was indescribable. No painter could have done justice to the varied emotions of astonishment, concern, and exultation expressed upon the countenances of the members. An adjournment for a few days was moved, and carried with little difficulty. Those who had expected a long debate had not ordered their carriages until midnight, and as nearly all of them preferred waiting to walking, they crowded the anteroom to excess. Lord North had directed his coachman to wait, and as he was about to enter his equipage, he turned to a group of members standing in uncomfortable confusion, with a characteristic smile, saying, "Good night, gentlemen ; I protest this is the first time in my life I ever derived any personal advantage from being in a secret."
Rockingham, the head of the aristocratic portion of the Opposition, became Prime Minister, accepting the post on condition that there should be "no veto to the independence of America," to which the king sub- mitted in bitterness of spirit; and Shelburne and Fox were made secre-
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taries of State. Shelburne, as the elder secretary, had charge of the northern department of the British foreign service, which included America, and Fox the southern department, which included France. Thus Shelburne could treat with Franklin and not with Vergennes; and Fox could treat with Vergennes but not with Franklin. Had the two secretaries been on cordial terms with each other, mischief might not have resulted from this awkward condition of affairs. But Fox had a personal antipathy to Shelburne; and Shelburne was in reality the leader of the rival party of the Opposition. Hence the way to peace was clogged withi obstacles. When Rockingham died, three months later, Shelburne succeeded him as premier, and Fox, disliking the terms of peace then under consideration, united with Lord North and formed the famous " Coalition."
Hartley, who had with keen political foresight paved the way for over- tures, and who "lived but to promote the longed-for peace," wrote to Franklin the day following the resignation of Lord North, asking advice in relation to submitting their late correspondence to the new Ministry when it should be formed; to which Franklin replied on the 31st that his sentiments were the same as hitherto expressed, but being only one of five in a commission empowered to treat with England, of whom Adams was in Holland, Jay in Spain, Laurens in England, and Jefferson in America, he must first consult his associates.1 The same day he for- warded the Hartley correspondence to Adams. On the 5th of April he wrote to Hartley in considerable anxiety of spirit concerning the charac- ter of the inen who might be sent by the British government to confer on the subject of peace, remarking that "witli contentious wranglers a nego- tiation may be drawn into length and finally frustrated." To Secretary Livingston he wrote on the 12th in the same strain.2 Meanwhile he opened a correspondence with Shelburne, who, with the approval of the king, sent Richard Oswald at once to confer with Franklin. In conver- sation with the philosopher, Oswald said that England was prepared to concede the independence of the United States; but if France should demand concessions too humiliating England would still fight. On the
April 18. 18th Franklin and Oswald visited Vergennes, and were closeted in his cabinet nearly an hour. Shelburne's agent, a business man of moderate ability, who could not speak a word of French, was received
1 Hartley to Franklin, March 21, 1782 ; Franklin to Hartley, March 31, 1782 ; Franklin to Adams, March 31, 1782 ; Congress, under date of June 15, 1781, vested full power, special and general, in Franklin, Adams, Jay, Laurens, and Jefferson, to confer, treat, and conclude all matters relating to the establishment of peace with England, and the other European powers.
2 Franklin to Hartley, April 5, 1782 ; Franklin to Livingston, April 12, 1782.
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cordially by the French Minister, and was assured that the French Court warmly reciprocated England's disposition to end the American war ; and yet France, positively, could treat only for a general peace. Vergennes advised the selection of Paris as the seat of the negotiation, but offered to consent to any other place which George III. might prefer. Oswald desired some proposition to convey to Shelburne. " No," said Vergennes; "there are four nations engaged in the war against you, who cannot, till they have consulted and know each other's minds, be ready to make proposi- tions. Your court, being without allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It is more natural to expect the first propo- sition from you."
Oswald returned to London under the general impression that France was about to impose conditions which England would resent. In six- teen days he was in Paris again. During his absence Franklin
wrote to Jay in Madrid, entreating him to come to Paris and aid May 4. in forming a treaty, remarking, " Spain has taken four years to consider whether she should treat with us or not. Give her forty, and in the mean time let us mind our own business." But Oswald brought no propositions. His mission was to Franklin, not to Vergennes. He said the other Secre- tary of State was about to send an agent to negotiate with the French Min- ister. The British Cabinet was already in a foment. Fox, resolved upon a quarrel with Shelburne, had declared that the hostile powers must yield entirely. " If they do not we must go to war again ; that is all; I am sure I am ready ;" he said. And he chose one of his own partisans, Thomas Grenville, son of George Grenville, a very young man, with no experience in public business, and totally ignorant of the nature of the relations be- tween America and France, to discuss these subjects - of such interest to mankind - with the most skillful diplomatist of Europe. Four May 8. days later than Oswald, Grenville arrived in Paris, bearing a cordial letter from Fox to Franklin, who entertained him at breakfast, and then took him in his own carriage to Versailles, presenting him to Vergennes.
European statesmen smiled when they heard that the envoy of the "rebels " had been requested by the British Secretary of State, to intro- duce the son of the author of the American Stamp Act, as British Pleni- potentiary to the Court of France.
The agents from both Shelburne and Fox proved to be mere skirmish- ing parties. Grenville offered to grant the Independence of the United States to France, if she would restore certain specified conquests. Ver- gennes shook his head, and said that France found, but did not make America independent; he defied the world to furnish the smallest proof
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to the contrary. "There sits Mr. Franklin, who knows the fact and can contradict me if I do not speak the truth," he exclaimed, with warmth.
Grenville wrote long letters to Fox, calling him " Dear Charles," and declaring that he had not the "slightest expectation of peace." Franklin was affable and courteous ; he breakfasted both Oswald and Grenville, in company with Lafayette, who had just returned from America. A day or two after, Oswald suddenly departed for England. The same morning a letter from Hartley informed Franklin that an absolute order had gone forth for the release of all American prisoners everywhere, and that Laurens was entirely at liberty ; in a long conversation relating to
May 26. America, Shelburne had expressed himself to Hartley in the most
favorable terms. On the 26th Grenville announced to Franklin that a commission had been forwarded to him from Fox ; but it was to treat with France, no mention being made of America, and Vergennes pronounced it insufficient. Suspicion seized upon the French Court. Franklin grew reticent, and would not unfold American conditions to a person unauthorized to receive them. Grenville, mortified and irritated, blamed Oswald, and wrote to Fox that he could not fight a daily battle with " a rival agent and his Secretary of State," and advised Fox to assume the exclusive control of the negotiation. This letter broke up the British Cabinet, although the two factions held together until the end of June.
After a tedious journey John Jay arrived in Paris, Sunday, June 23, accompanied by his family. Another month elapsed before Great June 23. Britain took a decided step for commencing negotiations. On the 25th of July the king issued an order to the attorney-general to prepare a commission for Oswald to conclude a general treaty with the July 25. belligerent nations. Franklin wrote to Secretary Livingston and to Robert Morris on the same day, cautioning them "not to be deceived by fair words," but, on the contrary, to be constantly on guard, and prepared for war. Jay had been an enthusiast for foreign alliance in the begin- ning of the struggle; four years in Spain had dispelled his illusions, and now he distrusted all nations, France included. He was severely ill for a few weeks, during which time the British Cabinet was recast, Gren- ville recalled, and Fitzherbert sent to the French Court in his stead. About the middle of August, Oswald's commission arrived, to which Jay took exception because the United States were called "Colonies or Plantations." Franklin thought it would do; and Vergennes intimated that names signified little. But Jay absolutely refused to sacrifice the moral dignity of his country, and stopped all proceedings until the power he represented should be styled by its proper name. He even drafted
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the form of a commission, which, sent to the British Court, was subse- quently adopted, and the new document reached Oswald Sep- tember 27. In the interim Franklin was ill, and Jay conducted, Sept. 27. alone, the various discussions as to the details of the prospective treaty. Spain was an obstacle, and Vergennes wished to conciliate that power. Jay declined to treat with Count Arnada, whom he pronounced the ablest Spaniard he had ever known, until, according to established etiquette, he should communicate his powers from his government. " An exchange of commissions cannot be expected," said Arnada, " for Spain has not ac- knowledged your independence." " We have declared our independence," replied Jay, " and France, Britian, and Holland have acknowledged it." Lafayette, who was in company with Arnada at the moment, said the dig- mity of France would be compromised should her ally treat otherwise than as independent. Vergennes urged Jay to waive his inflexible adherence to forms, and proceed to the settlement of claims with Spain. Jay said, " We shall be content with no boundaries short of the Mississippi."
October was devoted to the subject in earnest. At the request of Franklin, Jay drew up the articles of peace. Little progress, however, was made towards agreement on the three troublesome points - the boun- daries, the fisheries, and the Tories. On the 26th Adams arrived from his successful Holland mission, and warmly commended the Oct. 26. wisdom and firmness of Jay. The month of November was nearly spent before the business drew to a close. On the 28th Laurens arrived and joined the conference, having been formally exchanged for Lord Corn- wallis. Friday, the 29th, was an exciting day for the commissioners. They met in the rooms of Jay at the Hôtel d'Orleans. Oswald and Fitz- herbert were present, also Sir Henry Strachey, Baronet, then Under Secretary of State to Townshend, who had been sent to the assistance of Oswald. It was important to come to an understanding, for the Minis- try was in a tottering condition. Something must be done, or the peace abandoned indefinitely. Hence the preliminary articles Nov. 30. were re-read, corrected, and approved. The next day they were signed.
Prefacing these preliminary articles were the words, "The treaty is not to be concluded until terms of peace shall be agreed upon between Great Britain and France." But the document not having been submitted to Vergennes until after it was signed, he was ill at ease. The sagacity and self-poise of Jay and Adams in demanding concessions of Great Britain, contrary to his advice and policy, inspired him with respect, while he pro- nounced their conduct "irregular," and in the irritation of the moment reproached Franklin with being too pliant in the hands of his colleagues. The aged philosopher hastened to mollify the Minister, and no serious harm
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ensued. The commissioners, who had been instructed to do nothing with- out the knowledge and consent of France, were severely censured by Congress. Jay said, in regard to his determination to be independent in action, that Vergennes did not consult the American commissioners about his articles, and "giving him as little trouble about ours did not violate any principle of reciprocity." And not only Adams but Franklin and Laurens sustained Jay in the sentiment expressed to Secretary Livingston : " Since we have assumed a place in the political system of the world, let us move like a primary and not like a secondary planet."
Vergennes and Fitzherbert concluded terms January 18. Two days 1783. later Franklin and Adams, in the absence of Jay and Laurens, Jan. 20. were suddenly summoned to Versailles for the signing of the general treaty. The Ministers of the three crowns of France, England, and Spain showed their commissions, as did also Franklin and Adamıs. Arnada and Fitzherbert signed the preliminary treaty between Great Britain and Spain ; Vergennes and Fitzherbert that between Great Britian and France ; and Fitzherbert, Franklin, and Adams the armistice between Great Britain and the United States.
A definitive treaty between Great Britain and America was now in order. None of the articles of the provisional treaty could be carried into effect until it was accomplished. Congress would not even take the preliminaries into consideration. The distractions in the British Court prevented immediate steps to this end. Shelburne's policy had created the greatest dissatisfaction; he was accused of stock-jobbing, criticised with virulence by the " Coalition," censured by the House of Commons, and finally retired from office. Oswald was pronounced incompetent to treat with the American commissioners, and recalled. All parties in England were disposed to prevent further waste of blood and treasure in pursuit of an object manifestly unattainable. But the methods of peace kept the lords of the realm in a perpetual wrangle. Public feeling, as well as the interests of the nation, called for a settlement of the perplexing business, and no progress could be made with the European powers until America was pacified. Thus something must be done.
David Hartley was finally selected to conclude negotiations on the part of Great Britain. His pure and lofty character, his broad views, his intuitive and tranquil discernment of things as they were, and his peculiar tact in diplomacy, rendered his appointment generally acceptable. Fox wrote to Franklin (April 19) that Hartley had " the full and entire confidence of his Majesty's Ministers upon the subject of his mission."
His commission, under the king's own hand, Adams said, was “very magnificent." It bore the great seal in a silver box, the King's arms
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engraven on it, and ornamented with two large golden tassels. He pre- sented it to the American Commission, assembled in Mr. Adams's rooms May 19. For the next three months the representatives of the two countries worked diligently. New articles were proposed, May 19. discussed, and rejected ; or, if agreed upon in Paris, rejected in London. The questions at issue affected the interests of the whole civilized world. The propositions offered by America to the British government amounted to an entire abolition of the British " Act of Navigation" with respect to the thirteen United States. The ancient system of national commer- cial policy was called upon to take a new principle into its foundation - thereby its commercial engagements with other ancient powers were materially disturbed. Vergennes recommended that the definitive treaty be completed, leaving commerce to a future negotiation; but Adams curtly replied that " nothing would be gained by delay." The new em- pire, comprehending territory greater than that of all Europe, must needs adjust a commercial system of its own, and the sooner the better.
Paris, at this epoch, was in the zenith of its pride and splendor. Never during its checkered history was such a concourse of celebrities gathered there - not only the ministers from all nations, to discuss the weightiest of subjects, but sages and philanthropists, courtiers and scholars. Franklin, who had snatched the lightning from heaven and the scepter from tyrants, was the center of attraction. Mr. and Mrs. Jay resided with him in a comfortable mansion at Passy ; and the New York beauty charmed with her fund of knowledge, wit, and vivacity, and her engaging manners, the brilliant circle which daily surrounded his table or enlivened his evenings. Mrs. Jay was also a great favorite among the courtly aristocracy. Din- ners followed dinners in endless succession. The ministers of every country entertained the ministers of every other country. There was apparent harmony of feeling ; while the great topics of the hour were uppermost in the social mind.
Spain, France, and England were embarrassed in their negotiations by a variety of clashing demands. Holland, leaning towards France, resisted England's stern conditions. Sweden, Russia, and Denmark came to witness the triumph of the young power which had dared to refuse to take the first step, except on equal footing with the proudest of them all, and were engaged in adjusting treaties of amity and commerce. In the mean time the Americans held the position of advantage, the final action of all the courts and nations depending upon the issue of their negotiations with Great Britain.
When the month of August was nearly half spent Hartley invited Adams one fine sunshiny morning to drive with him to Passy, where, in
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conference with Franklin and Jay, he communicated instructions just
received from his court. The king had ratified the provisional Aug. 13. treaty under the great seal of the kingdom. Both the Duke of Portland and Fox had given him the strongest assurances of the good disposition of government, and written him to arrange all things imme- diately upon the best footing. The contested points, particularly the fisheries and the boundaries, of immense importance to the United States, had come to be regarded by the Ministry as of minor significance in comparison with the hazard of longer delaying the settlement of the
DHartley
John Adams
Franklin
John Jay.
Fac-Simile of the Signatures upon the Definitive Treaty of Peace. [From the original in the State Department, Washington. }
European question. Hartley produced the draft of a definitive treaty he had received, which proved to be the preliminary articles with a pre- amble. He said he was now ready to sign at any moment. On the 29th,
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" Benjamin West, successor of Sir Joshua Reynolds as President of the British Academy, made an unfinished study in oil of the act which restored peace to :he world. " Page 267.
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SIGNING OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY.
when France and Spain declared their preparations complete, Hartley wrote, asking the representatives of the United States to fix the eventful day. He closed his note, saying : "My instructions confine me to Paris, as the place appointed for the exercise of my functions, and therefore whatever day you may fix upon for the signature, I shall hope to receive the honor of your company at the Hôtel de York. I am, gentlemen, with the greatest respect and consideration, your most obedient servant."
The following answer was returned, dated Passy, August 30, 1783 : " The American Ministers, plenipotentiaries for making peace with Great Britain, present their compliments to Mr. Hartley. They regret that Mr. Hartley's instructions will not permit him to sign the Definitive Treaty of Peace with America at the place appointed for the signature of the others. They will, nevertheless, have the honor of waiting upon Mr. Hartley at his lodgings at Paris, for the purpose of signing the treaty in question, on Wednesday morning at eight o'clock."
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