USA > New York > New York City > History of the city of New York : its origin, rise, and progress Vol. III > Part 6
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GENERAL MATTHEW CLARKSON.
were really taking in France, and the foresight of Washington, Jay, Ham- ilton, and others, in predicting a speedy dissolution of the scheme of the Convention, was condemned rather than appreciated.
Political clubs began to multiply, and the great theme was France. New York was profoundly agitated. About this time Aaron Burr was offered and declined the office of judge of the supreme court of the State, and Morgan Lewis received the appointment, Nathaniel Lawrence be- coming attorney-general in his stead. General Matthew Clarkson was elected state senator. He had in 1791 been appointed by Washington marshal for the district of New York, at the recommendation of Chief Justice Jay, who wrote, "I think him one of the most pure and virtuous men I know. During the war he was a firm and active Whig, and since the peace a constant friend to national government. Few men here of his standing enjoy or deserve a greater degree of the esteem and good- will of the citizens than he does, and in my opinion he would discharge the duties of that, or any office for which he is qualified, with propriety and honor." In the early part of 1793 Clarkson purchased the site of the Clarkson family residence, which was destroyed by fire while the city was occupied by the British as mentioned on a former page, and erected thereon the three-story brick house illustrated in the accompanying sketch. The entrance was on Pearl Street at first, but it was subse- quently changed to Whitehall Street. This continued to be his home during the remainder of his life.
Residence of General Matthew Clarkson.
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
CHAPTER XL
1793 - 1797.
PRESIDENT WASHINGTON'S SECOND TERM.
GOUVERNEUR MORRIS IN FRANCE. - EFFECTS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN NEW YORK. - CITIZEN GENET. - HAMILTON AND JEFFERSON. - THE TWO POLITICAL PARTIES. - GOUVERNEUR MORRIS RECALLED. - WAR IN PROSPECT. - CHIEF JUSTICE JAY IN ENG- LAND. - " BEDFORD HOUSE." - FAMILY OF CHIEF JUSTICE JAY. - THE WHISKEY RE- BELLION. - ROBESPIERRE. - HAMILTON'S RETIREMENT FROM THE TREASURY. - LIEU- TENANT-GOVERNOR VAN CORTLANDT. - GENERAL PHILIP VAN CORTLANDT. - THE ELECTION OF GOVERNOR JAY. - THE JAY TREATY. - EVENTS OF THE SUMMER OF 1795. - THE YELLOW FEVER IN NEW YORK. - APPROPRIATION FOR PUBLIC SCHOOLS. - THE NEW YORK SOCIETY LIBRARY. - CITY IMPROVEMENTS. - THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY. - THE FRESH WATER POND. - STEAM NAVIGATION. - POLITICAL AFFAIRS.
D URING the violent scenes of revolutionary change in France, Gouverneur Morris remained firmly at his post, although sur- rounded with innumerable difficulties, and constantly receiving advice from many quarters to follow the example of other foreign ministers and leave the country. He was at one time arrested in the street and 1793. taken before the tribunal of arrests, at another his house was searched by a body of armed men, and again, while on a journey into the country, he was arrested and sent back to Paris under pretense that his passport from the government was out of date. These insults were in every case followed by apologies from the governing body, who claimed that it was impossible to control all the acts of subordinate agents. The swift transitions from one form of anarchy to another, and the blood and carnage with which human monsters worked their way to power, rendered the laws of nations and of honor but feeble protection to any individual within their reach.
The French government had been deserted by all the world, and really had no motive for offending and alienating the United States, their last and only friend. To escape the horrors and disorders of Paris, Morris bought a country-house with twenty acres of land about thirty miles from the city, where he resided during the rest of his stay in France; but
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GOUVERNEUR MORRIS IN FRANCE.
his secretary, Henry Walter Livingston, of Livingston Manor, remained chiefly in Paris. His official duties consisted in protests against the restrictions on the commerce of the United States, imposed by decrees of the Convention in violation of the treaty between the two countries ; in remonstrances against the outrages of French privateers upon American shipping, and reclamation of vessels unlawfully seized; in urging the petitions and claims of American captains, whose ships were detained in French ports on various pretenses ; and in applying for the release of American citizens, who had fallen into prison, through being taken for Englishmen, or some informality in their papers : all of which required indefatigable industry, and from their complex character the most judi- cious management. "The state of government here is a great plague," he said, "for it is difficult to discover the best mode of compassing an object, when the parties who are to decide are constantly changing. Our old Congress was nothing to this Convention." To Robert Morris he wrote : "You tell me, that in my place you would resign and come home ; but this is not quite so easily done as said. In the first place, I must have leave to resign from the President; but further, you will con- sider that the very circumstances which you mention are strong reasons for abiding, because it is not permitted to abandon a post in the hour of difficulty. I think the late decrees respecting our commerce will show you that my continuance here has not been without some use to the United States."
New York was visibly disturbed by the irregularities attending the French Revolution. Three of her own citizens, at this juncture, were chief among the great actors whose conduct of national affairs was to determine the course America should take in the emergency. Jay and Hamilton, each in their high places, wielded exceptional power; and both were endowed with political foresight, and incomparable originality of thought and action. Morris, as Minister to France, was watched by friends and foes throughout the city with unspeakable interest. And, besides, New York was the natural refuge of French exiles. They came mostly from the nobility, and introduced French fashions, manners, lan- guage, furniture, cookery, and customs into the city, although many of them returned to France at the downfall of Robespierre.
It is the tendency of political parties to magnify their differences on all theoretical questions, and apparently to diverge wider and wider from each other. The Federalists accused the Republicans of encouraging the outrages which made the French people appear like a nation of lunatics, and the Republicans charged the Federalists with being unfriendly to liberty and freedom, and ungrateful to those who had come so bravely
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
to the aid of America in the struggle for independence. But when news reached New York that Gouverneur Morris had interposed at the risk of his life to save Madame de Lafayette from a horrible fate, arguing, in her behalf, that the family of Lafayette was beloved in America, where the whole people entertained a grateful recollection of his services, and that the death of his wife might lessen their attachment to the French republic, and further the interests of the enemies of France, the reaction of sentiment was singularly marked. The subsequent tragedies of the Reign of Terror under Robespierre stunned the reflective mind. Even the Jacobinical advocates became alarmed and listened at intervals to the logic of rule and right.
It was impossible for the masses to understand how little the French Revolution, the most gigantic and appalling illustration of the natural depravity of the human race in the annals of the world, resembled in principles our own conflict for independence. It had been decreed by the Convention that there was no God ; an impious philosophy was accepted by the rabble of Paris ; and all private worth and public respectability seemed destined for the guillotine. The more honorable and astute Amer- ican intellect could not keep pace with such a surging tide. The grate- ful affections and political sympathies which had become enthusiasm, when France assumed the name and form of a republic, were knocked about like foot-balls until time mercifully revealed the whole picture ; and in the height of the fever men were ready everywhere to believe that Washington, Adams, Jay, and Hamilton were all traitors and conspira- tors. Nothing but the immovable disregard of public clamor and private treachery which characterized the President, and the temper actuating his principal advisers which could resist a storm of aggressive action while doing justice with loftiest heroism, saved America from a fearful calamity.
Genet found sympathizers on every hand. His reception in Philadel- phia was like that usually accorded to a conquering hero. People were in a frenzy. The title " citizen " became as common for a time in the Quaker City as in Paris. When Genet visited the President he was indignant at perceiving in the vestibule a bust of Louis XVI., and com- plained of it as an "insult to France." " At a dinner in Philadelphia," writes Griswold, " a roasted pig received the name of the murdered king, and the head, severed from the body, was carried round to each of the guests, who, after placing the liberty-cap on his own head, pronounced the word "Tyrant !" and proceeded to mangle with his knife that of the luckless creature doomed to be served for so unworthy a company."
The excitement was such when it became known that the President
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CITIZEN GENET.
had received Genet coldly, that thousands of men paraded the streets of Philadelphia, threatening to drag Washington from his house and com- pel the government to declare war in favor of France and against Eng- land. A riot was imminent, and Adams afterwards wrote : "I myself judged it prudent and necessary to order chests of arms from the war office to be brought through by-lanes and back-doors, determined to defend my house at the expense of my life, and the lives of the domestics and friends within it." Jefferson was believed by the Federalists to have given encouragement to the proceedings of Genet, with whom he was on terms of intimacy ; and the National Gazette, edited by Freneau, Jeffer- son's confidential clerk, freely denied Washington's capacity and integrity, and denounced every measure of his administration ; taking care to send three copies each day to the President himself.
When Genet found that the government would enforce its laws at all hazards, he took umbrage and threatened an appeal to the people. Wash- ington immediately sent a full account of the matter, with all the corre- spondence, and a demand for Genet's recall, to Gouverneur Morris, to be laid before the French government. About the same time England threw firebrands into the powder by an order designed to distress France by cutting off her supplies, but which operated with peculiar force upon American commerce. Then, again, on the 3d of August the French frigate, l' Ambuscade, at anchor in New York harbor, was Aug. 3. challenged to single combat by the British ship Boston, Captain Courtney, which was cruising off Sandy Hook. The French vessel spread her wings and sailed forth to meet the issue ; a severe action ensued, the Boston was much damaged, and Courtney killed. Bets had run high as to the results of the encounter, and when the frigate returned to her anchorage in tri- umph, the delight of the multitude gathered in the lower part of the city burst forth in cries as wild as ever resounded through Paris under the bloody ministers of misrule.
Before the ferment subsided a French fleet of fifteen sail entered the Hudson, and her crew, as well as officers, immediately landed, and were treated with the most extravagant civility. The tricolor was seemingly in every hand, and affixed to every watch-chain. And to add to the delirium Genet arrived in the city from Philadelphia. The papers had heralded his approach, a committee went out to meet him Aug. 7. at Paulus Hook, and the salute of cannon, the ringing of bells, and the demonstrations of joy from the people who filled the streets, together with flattering addresses from innumerable societies, were convincing, even had he not before been assured that the cause he represented would receive the unhesitating support of the country. Anger at Great Britain
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was in a full blaze, and the wonder is that the flames were extinguished without serious warfare.
Genet was fêted by many distinguished persons in New York within the next ten days, not least among whom was Governor George Clinton, with whose daughter, Cornelia, he fell in love. This celebrated French- man was a member of one of the first families of France; his father was connected with the ministry of foreign affairs for forty-five years; one of his sisters, Madame Campan, was well known for her intimacy with the royal family ; and another sister was the beautiful Madame Anguie, mother-in-law of Marshal Ney. Such was his intellectual precocity, that at the age of twelve he received a flattering letter and a gold medal from Gustavus III. for a translation of the History of Eric XIV. into the Swedish language, with historical remarks by himself. His culture was exceptional, he was master of many languages, was a member of the most distinguished learned societies in Europe, wrote well, and was an accom- plished musician. He was about thirty years of age, of fine presence, graceful bearing, and polished manners ; was possessed of a kindly nature, and in conversation sparkled with anecdote. He had been from his boy- hood employed in honorable public offices ; at fourteen he was translating secretary for the eldest brother of Louis XVI., and subsequently attached to the embassies of Berlin, Vienna, London, and St. Petersburg, remaining in Russia five years as chargé d'affaires. It was his indignant protest against the order of the Empress of Russia to leave her dominions when Louis XVI. was dethroned which won for him a flattering reception by the revolutionary government on his return to Paris. Hence his appoint- ment on the mission to America.
Congress assembled in December, notwithstanding the yellow fever had visited Philadelphia during the autumn and swept away four Dec. 2. thousand victims, and in reply to the opening speech of the Presi- dent, expressed unqualified approval of his policy of preserving peace if possible, and of being prepared for war if inevitable. Almost every nation of Europe had taken up arms since the year commenced ; and the arrogant endeavor of the French republic to embark America in the quarrel was beginning to assume an offensive aspect through whatever light it might be viewed.
" The French cause has no enemies here -their conduct many," wrote Dec. 16. Rev. Jedediah Morse, the geographer, some two weeks later, from
Charlestown, Massachusetts ; 1 "there are some who undistinguish- ingly and undoubtedly approve both, and most bitterly denounce as aristo- crats all who do not think as they do. The present is considered a most
1 Rev. Jedediah Morse to Oliver Wolcott, December 16, 1793.
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HAMILTON AND JEFFERSON.
interesting period. The issue of General Wayne's expedition, of Genet's threatened prosecution of Chief Justice Jay and Rufus King, of the President's request to have Genet recalled, of the combined attempts of Britain, Spain, Algiers, etc., to ruin our commerce, of the powerful and increasing operation against France, are events of great expectation. The body of the people repose confidence in the wisdom of the President, of Congress, and of the heads of departments. The President's speech meets with much approbation. It is worthy of himself. We have some grumbletonians among us, who, when the French are victorious, speak loud and saucy, but when they meet with a check, sing small. They form a sort of political thermometer, by which we can pretty accurately determine what, in their opinion, is the state of French politics."
The strife in the Cabinet between Hamilton and Jefferson was at its highest ebb during this month. Jefferson's report upon "the privileges and restrictions on the commerce of the United States, in foreign coun- tries," his last official act before retiring from the Cabinet, was so framed as to intensify the hatred of Great Britain in America, and favor the feeling of regard for France. In the remarkable Congressional debates which followed, Madison was the chief exponent of the Jeffersonian opinion, and Smith, of South Carolina, of that of Hamilton.1 The genius of these two great men were the magazines from which opposing speakers armed themselves ; and it is wonderful to observe the sensitiveness for the honor of France that was exhibited. Every imputation upon her conduct and principles was visited with an unaccountable promptness of indignation, and the action of Great Britain was made the daily topic of excited denunciation. " The great effort appears to be to enter into a sys- tem of discrimination in our foreign commercial connections, favorable to France and unfavorable to England," wrote Oliver Wolcott to his father.
News came presently that the wheel had revolved in France, and the party by whom Genet had been employed rendered powerless. His recall, in compliance with Washington's demand transmitted through the hands of Gouverneur Morris, followed. But the French government solicited the recall of Morris as an act of reciprocity, which could not be refused. Morris remained in Europe until 1798, traveling through many countries and visiting some of the principal courts. He was in constant
1 Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, Vol. I. 458 ; Marshall's Life of Washington, Vol. II., 229 - 314 ; Fisher Ames's Speech on Madison's Commercial Resolutions ; Lord Dor- chester's Speech to the Indian Deputies at Quebec, February 20, 1794 ; Jefferson's Writings ; Tucker's Life of Jefferson ; Pitkin's Political and Civil History of the United States ; Adams's Life of Madison ; Spark's Writings of Washington ; Gibbs's Administration of Washington and Adams ; Shaffner's History of America, Div. IV. ; Sparks's Life of Gouverneur Morris ; Jay's Life and Correspondence of John Jay ; Hildredth's United States ; Lossing.
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correspondence with Washington, and the public men of America, often communicating matters of great moment.1 Genet did not deem it expe- dient to return to France, but chose a home in New York, where he married the daughter of Governor Clinton, and spent the remainder of his life.2
An interesting incident is told in connection with the appointment of a minister to succeed Morris at the French capital. The Opposition in Congress agreed to recommend Aaron Burr, and a committee waited upon the President, of whom Madison was chairman and James Monroe one of the members, to secure his nomination. Washington stood silent for some minutes after listening to the Congressional message, and then said it had been the rule of his public life never to nominate for a high and responsible office any man of whose integrity he was not assured. The committee retired and reported. The party they represented were indig- nant, and passed resolutions in favor of Burr, directing the committee to inform the President. When Madison the second time proposed Burr's name, Washington was irritated, and replied with some warmth that his decision was irrevocable : " But," he added apologetically, " I will nomi- nate you, Mr. Madison, or you, Mr. Monroe." Madison said he had long since made up his mind not to go abroad. Monroe, who belonged to the republican party, and in common with many others believed the French nation would eventually establish a free government upon the ruins of ancient despotism, was finally appointed, reaching Paris in August, 1794.
1 When Henry Walter Livingston returned to New York, he was the bearer of the follow- ing communication to President Washington from ex-Minister Gouverneur Morris : "This will be delivered to you by my late Secretary of Legation, Mr. Henry Walter Livingston ; in it you will find matters of consequence, which are not to be trusted to the public mails. You will find Mr. Livingston is to be trusted for although at a tender age his discretion may always be depended upon ; he is modest, polite, sensible, and brave, and will, I feel sure, should he want to continue in the diplomatic line, become an honor to it," etc., etc. Young Livings- ton, however, sought no further promotion in the service. He came into possession of a large estate, married the beautiful and wealthy granddaughter of Chief Justice Allen of Penn- sylvania, and built the fine mansion at the Livingston manor, illustrated on page 320 of the first volume of this work, near the site of the original manor-house, which long since dis- appeared. (See Vol. II. 296.) He was the son of Walter Livingston, one of the first commissioners of the United States Treasury, who was the eldest son of Robert Livingston, third lord of the manor. The children of Henry Walter and Mary Allen Livingston were : Ann, married her second cousin Anson Livingston, the son of Judge Brockholst Livingston ; Mary, married James Thompson, died in Paris, April 14, 1880 ; Cornelia, married Carroll Livingston, son of Judge Brockholst Livingston ; Walter, married Mary Greenleaf ; Allen, died unmarried ; Elizabeth, married William D. Henderson ; Henry W., married Caroline de Grasse De Pau, granddaughter of Admiral Comte de Grasse, commander of the French fleet during the Revolution.
2 The second wife of Genet was the daughter of Postmaster-General Osgood. (See Vol. II. 330, 331.)
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WAR IN PROSPECT.
It was apparent to all that measures must be taken to check the aggressions of Great Britain and protect the rights of the nation. The posts on the frontiers, eight in number, had not yet been evacuated in conformance with the treaty. Officers commanding these posts excluded American citizens from the navigation of the Great Lakes. Compensation had never been received for the negroes carried off by the British when the war ended. And the recent seizures of vessels laden with mer- chandise for France, under the new order, together with the searching of vessels within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States under pretense of looking for and impressing English seamen, outraged the national understanding of the principles of neutrality.
With the arrival of his successor Genet's influence waned. In justi- fication of his proceedings he published the secret instructions under which he had acted. Nothing could exceed the bitterness with which his partisans assailed Chief Justice Jay and Rufus King for having given publicity to his threat to "appeal to the people from certain decisions of the President." The darkest motives were assigned for the disclosure. " Has it become a crime," they asked, "to speak of consulting the people ? Is the President a consecrated character, that an appeal from his decisions involves criminality ?" The complaints of those impatient for a closer connection with France were uttered in language undignified and almost as disrespectful to the national administration as to the sovereign of
England. Congress was divided as to the proper course to pursue in the emergency. The opponents of the administration urged the adoption of commercial restrictions. The Federal party, of which Washington was the soul, insisted that unless Great Britain could be induced by negotia- tion to abandon her unjust pretensions, an appeal should be made to arms. An honorable peace or an open war, they said. The Opposition proposed to sequester all debts due from American citizens to British subjects, thus constituting a fund for the indemnification of such as had suffered from British spoliations. This was resented by those who en- tertained proper respect for national faith and honor of whatever party. Its discussion was interrupted by the introduction of another project - a resolution to suspend all commercial intercourse with Great Britain, until full compensation should be received for losses sustained under her orders in council, and the posts surrendered. During the stormy discus- sion that followed, Spain assumed an offensive attitude ; and a scheme was detected for attacking the Floridas by a force from Georgia organized under French agents, which was defeated by the vigilance of the legisla- ture of South Carolina. About the same time an angry remonstrance reached the President from Kentucky in relation to the navigation of the
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Mississippi, with obscure threats revealing the same seditious spirit which was soon to break forth in Pennsylvania.
In the midst of the turmoil Hamilton was cheerfully bestowing infor- mation upon members of Congress who were daily applying for data to aid in supporting or invalidating arguments. The principles dividing the two parties were more inseparably connected with the financial than with any other acts of the government. States were brought 1794. into court as defendants to the claims of land companies and indi- viduals ; and British debts rankled. The erection of a fiscal system in the face of the inveterate prejudices, conflicting interests, and violent opposi- tion of those who gave little knowledge and less study to the subject was one of the marvels of that century. " A committee of fifteen mem- bers are investigating the state of the Treasury Department," wrote Wol- March 2. cott on the 2d of March. "Some of them are enemies to the Secretary, but he is an honest and able man, and, as everything in relation to his official conduct is capable of a solid defense, no injury can be inflicted. It will occasion some hard work, but this we are used to and do not mind." It was not, however, merely as the head of a department that Hamilton's talents were exercised. He had brought the whole of his mental resources and great vigor of intellect to bear upon every fundamental maxim of government.
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