USA > New York > New York City > Leslie's history of the greater New York, Volume II > Part 30
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Before we come upon the name of Mr. Seth Low in connection with the political history of Brooklyn, we meet with it as that of a prac- tical philanthropist. While as yet busy only with the great concerns of his father's mercantile and shipping house, his mind was directed to the maladministration and abuse of the county and city charities. The system of outdoor relief. as conducted by the Commission of Charities, had become a sink of corruption. Mr. Low conceived the idea of forming an Association of Charities, which later, after it was established and was found to be effective, was called the Bureau of Charities. Of this Burean Mr. Low was the first President, and his capable co-worker, Alfred T. White, the first Secretary. The pri- mary object of the new scheme was the co-operation of the various church and private charities in the city. These thus combined were to maintain a central office, with a salaried superintendent. To him reports were to be made by all these various societies, from which he
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was to prepare a register, recording every family or person aided, at what time such aid was rendered, by what society, in what particu- lars, and to what extent. Thus, it was hoped. would be broken up that system of indiscriminate relief which enconraged the pauper habit. whole families going the rounds of the individual societies and get- ting aid with such regularity and abundance as to entirely super. sede the necessity for work or self-help.
" Unlike any other great seaport of our country," complains an out- raged and somewhat partial citizen. " Brooklyn and the County of Kings has no separate existence as a port of entry. It suffers the humiliation of knowing that all its vast commerce is credited to New York City." Accordingly, he looked in vain among the reports of the Produce Exchange, the Chamber of Commerce, or the records of Gov- ernment, for any data distinctly belonging to Brooklyn, and show- ing the amount of business done there. He therefore went to work to sift such records and reports for himself " with infinite labor and pains," and the comparison he was thus enabled to institute some- where abont the year 1881 or 1882 exhibited the following facts: " (1) That the arrivals and departures of shipping, both sail and steam, at the wharves, piers, and docks of Brooklyn, are to New York arrivals and departures as 9 to 7. (2) That the grain receipts and shipments at Brooklyn warehouses, and by ships loading and unloading at Brook- lyn piers, docks, and wharves, are in proportion of 76 to 24 of those of New York. (3) That the proportion of receipts and shipments of provisions is very nearly 80 for Brooklyn to 20 for New York. (4) That the receipts of raw sugars and molasses from all quarters go to the Brooklyn warehouses for transfer to the Brooklyn sugar refin- eries, almost wholly, hardly ten per cent. being received in New York. (5) That the receipts and shipments of cotton are nearly one-half at and from Brooklyn warehouses. (6) That the greater part of the petroleum oils, all except those for the refineries on the Jersey side, come through the Standard Oil Company's pipes to the refineries in Williamsburgh and Long Island City, and the shipments to foreign and to other American ports go from the refineries direct on ship- board, without touching New York City, either in receipt or ship- ment. The whole, or nearly the whole, of the petroleum traffic be- longs to Brooklyn. (7) The proportion of the receipts and shipments of general merchandise is the most difficult to ascertain. While the bulk is very largely on the side of Brooklyn, as nearly as can be estimated, taking the average of the past three years, New York City has abont 44 per cent. of the values and Brooklyn abont 56 per cent. This covers the whole imports, and much of the exports."
Now this is all very patriotic and loyal, as spoken by a Brooklyn man. But yet there is a good deal of special pleading about it. If the two cities counted as one port of entry it was because in reality they were one city long before they were officially made so. Nature
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had so determined it, the very contour of shores and wealth of water approach had brought it about. The " infinite labors and pains." while bringing forward some interesting facts, were somewhat unnec- essary and superfluous, as an effort to show the superiority of Brook- lyn over New York. The handling of commerce and produce might be done in Brooklyn, but the brains and the finances had their seat in New York. The business was made in New York; it was conducted in Brooklyn. The counting-honse or the store of the merchant or banker might as well complain of his dwelling-house uptown. In olden times they were all under one roof; as business grew, and the city expanded, the business-man lived away from his office. So all sugar-refining and manufacturing was done on Manhattan Island at first, but later Manhattan Island could not hold the manufacturing plants and ware- houses that were needed to accommodate the vast traffic the metrop- olis was developing; its ground became enormously valuable, and fac- tory sites were occupied in the convenient suburbs. At any rate, the rivalry and comparison are now irrelevant. We may be as proud of Brooklyn's business as her own residents, for Brooklyn is now New York, the port of entry, as much as the portion of her on Manhattan Island, and this is as it should be, and credits need not be divided.
But entirely upon Brooklyn soil there were evidences that finan- ciers could put their heads together and arrange monopolies as finely as any of their confrères on the other side. The autumn of 1879 wit- nessed a struggle among gas companies for the control of business and prices. There were in operation in Brooklyn five great compan- ies. From the time that illuminating gas had been introduced, in 1849, the Brooklyn Gas Company had supplied the portion of the city west of Washington Avenue and north of Atlantic. It consumed thirty thousand tons of coal per annum, and as it extracted nine thousand cubic feet of gas from each ton, it manufactured the enor- mons output of two hundred and seventy millions of cubic feet of gas per year. The other four companies were the Citizens', the People's. the Nassau, and the Metropolitan. These all worked together in har- mony, dividing the city among them, and with beautiful unanimity charged $2.75 per 1,000 feet of gas. They had recently condescended to reduce that charge to $2.50 per 1,000 feet. In March, 1876, a new company was founded, the Mutual, and this, in May, 1879, was merged into the Fulton Municipal Gas Company. Here appeared the col- ored gentleman in the fence, this latter concern proposing to furnish gas at a lower rate, because it possessed the secret of making it by a cheaper process from naphtha. This was not to be tolerated, so the five companies arose in their might and consolidated their capitals. raising the united fund to ten millions, or proposing to do so. At the same time they sent out a flag of truce, with the suggestion that a surrender might be more convenient and more profitable, that is to say. the Fulton Municipal was also invited to " come in." On De-
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cember 16, the consolidation had not yet been effected, but during that month it was voted on in the several companies. The Williams- burgh companies, with a total of 20,000 shares, showed a vote of 13,- 313 shares in favor, and only 1,653 against. The vote of the hitherto disturbing company-the Fulton Municipal-stood as 4 to 1 in favor. The People's Company remained out. The capital, as actually ag- gregated, was put at $6.669,000; the works of four companies were to be torn down, and the people were given the benefit of one-quarter of a dollar's reduction, and could have the pleasure of multiplying every 1,000 feet of gas consumed by $2.25.
Among the industries of Brooklyn no inconsiderable place is oc-
BROOKLYN
STORAGE HOUSE --
OFFICE.
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eupied by foundry and machine shop products. In a report pub- lished in July, 1881, these were divided into seven branches: Brass castings and finishing; iron castings and finishing; iron castings, in- cluding stoves, heaters, and hollowware; machinery; engines and boilers; presses; steam pumps. There were no less than one hundred and sixty establishments in the city given to the production of these useful and often costly articles, and the total value of their yearly output was placed at $8,057.838. While no locomotive works are found in Brooklyn, stationary engines are manufactured in great numbers, and also engines for ocean steamers. An item of interest for Brooklyn, as for all Long Island in the way of business and develop-
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ment, is the fact that on November 29, 1880, began the connection of Austin Corbin with the Long Island Railroad. Poppenhusen & Co., of College Point, had failed in 1876, placing the road on the mar- ket. Corbin would not tell who were his backers, but they were said to be a syndicate of Boston men. The effects of the new management were soon apparent.
In 1873 the various postoffices throughout the city were more thoroughly co-ordinated. The main office was established in Wash- ington Street, near Myrtle Avenue, and those at Williamsburgh, Greenpoint, and Bedford, made branches. The building on Washing- ton Street was owned by the Brooklyn Trust Company, which seemed to have been entirely willing to profit by the General Government, for it rented the lower floor for only $5,000 a year for the uses of the Postoffice. The lease was to expire December 31, 1879, and Post- master McLeer called the attention of the Department to the in- sufficient accommodations and the exorbitant rental. He plainly intimated to the owners that they must come down in their charge and fit up the building, and meantime he looked about for other quar- ters. The Methodist Church on Washington Street, near Tillary, was considered, but it was thought to be too far away from the busi- ness centers. The Brooklyn Trust Company came to better terms, however. For $4,500 they now rented two floors in the same build- ing, and fitted them both up for the uses of the Postoffice. The Money Order and Registered Letter Departments were transferred to the second floor. A passageway was made for the carriers, so they could go out directly into Washington Street, instead of by a nar- row alley in the rear. Boxes were now placed on the lower floor, on the same plan as that introduced in New York (which seems rather a belated following of that example) at a cost of $3,000. Five carriers were also added to the force, and ten auxiliary carriers for collec- tions. A collection was now made from every box in the city at 9 o'clock at night, " something never before done, except on the prin- cipal thoroughfares," and this in 1880, in a town with a population of 566,689! It almost takes our breath away to add another startling innovation-there were to be three deliveries daily, except in the out- lying parts! Again, the carriers were provided with a uniform of navy blue. Brooklyn was indeed becoming quite a city in the estima- tion of the United States Government.
The County Courthouse had now graced the vicinity of the City Ilall for several years, the cornerstone of it having been laid in 1862. As Brooklyn increased in population, the business of its government could not be confined within its handsome City Hall. The greater city on Manhattan Island, with a City Hall less commodious though more beautiful, was then and is now compelled to colonize important departments in all sorts of odd and comparatively distant buildings. Brooklyn adopted a wiser plan, and determined to erect a convenient
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and appropriate home for all the city business that could not be lo- cated in the City Hall. Ground was secured immediately in the rear of the latter, on Joralemon Street, between the Dutch Reformed Church, then still there, and the County Court House. Building was commenced in June, 1876, and it was ready for occupancy in May, 1878. For more than one reason, the structure was a credit to the city. Its appearance was all that could be desired, the style being renaissance of the French and Italian schools, with a frontage of one hundred feet on Joralemon Street, and a depth of more than one hundred and fifty. A graceful central tower is flanked by two smaller ones at either corner of the front. But the chief wouder of it was the remarkable circumstance, recorded on a tablet, and well worthy of that perpetual emphasis, that its cost was within a little over two thousand dollars of the appropriation. The appropriation was $200,000, and the cost, $197,979.48. This is something to be set by the side of the facts in regard to the County Court House in New York, whose appropriation had been fixed by the Legislature at $250,000, and which exceeded fourteen millions before it was finished. The Departments of Tax Collection, Assessors. Board of Health. City Works, and some allied bureaus were housed here. The west side of the fourth floor was wholly occupied by the Police Department.
The extraordinary showing of the cost of the municipal building would indicate a pretty clean city government. It is true, a narra- tor of the details of its construction says, that there were " the usual strife, the usual mixture of political prejudice and desire of political preferment and aggrandizement," but yet the result was certainly satisfactory, and " perhaps never were the details of the erection of a public building of this magnitude more carefully scrutinized." Nevertheless bosses and rings were already loose in the city. Since 1863 the reign of Hugh MeLaughlin was established. He was a fish- dealer in the beginning, a very honest business, indeed, as was that of Tweed's chairmaking. For some three years, too, he held the of- fice of Register, an equally honest occupation. But he gave up the fish business, and the three years of registering could not have realized a princely sum, nevertheless wealth came apace. His leisure from business was occupied by the arduons and unsalaried duties and la- bors that belong to the political boss. He ruled the Democratic Party. and then, by means of a Republican Boss, he managed also to have a hold upon the other party, so that things would go smoothly among the officers, and the people should not get too much for their money in the way of street pavements, fire appliances, health ar- rangements, and other such matters, which are, of course, mere in- cidents compared with the drawing of salaries from the public treas- ury, and further perquisites to be extracted from the public business. Who would not " dicker " to secure such desirable results, whatever be one's party affiliatious in the larger spheres of the State or the
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Union? It was the old and oft repeated story of corruption. How could Brooklyn escape the baneful circumstances any more than New York, or Philadelphia, or any other American city? " There is no denying," says Bryce, plainly, " that the government of cities is the one conspicnous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National Government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State Governments are insignificant com- pared with the extravagance, corruption, and mismanagement which mark the administrations of most of the great cities. For these evils are not confined to one or two cities. The commonest mistake of Europeans who talk about America is to assume that the political vices of New York are found everywhere. The next most common is to suppose that they are found nowhere else. In New York they have revealed themselves on the largest scale. But there is not a city with a population exceeding two linndred thousand where the poison germs have not sprung into a vigorons life." For the causes Professor Bryce turns to the report of the commissioners ap- pointed in 1876 to devise a plan for the government of cities in the State of New York, who advance three: (1) Incompetent and unfaith- ful governing boards and officers; (2) the introduction of State and National polities into municipal affairs; (3) the assumption by the State of the direct control of local affairs.
As to the illustration which was afforded in Brooklyn of Professor Bryce's sweeping assertion, we do not propose to go into the details. The story is not a pleasant one, and besides, it has the additional dis- advantage of being monotonous. The same episodes recur with dif- ferent names and personalities in the various cities of the land. Some common, illiterate, but " smart " fellow of the baser sort comes to the foreground, manages to form a " ring " of officials by manipulating nominations and voters, and then the siege-lines are complete. the rear is secured from danger, and the advance upon the public treas. ury, filled by taxation of the poor, dumb people, is made with safety and dispatch. In Brooklyn, as elsewhere, this poor, dumb people at last roused themselves, took in the situation, and began measures to remedy the evil. Of the three causes cited above they proposed to deal with the first. To separate State and National issues from mu- nicipal elections was good. To regain control of home matters out of the hands of the Legislature at Albany was a consummation that seemed rather distant. But the most practicable point to gain seemed to be the abolishment of governing boards, and eliminating unfaithfulness in officers by simplifying the placing of responsibility. The dozen or more departments of the city's government were in the hands of as many boards, composed each of several members, never less than three, sometimes as many as eleven, apart from the Board of Education, which necessarily had even more than that. Oppor- tunities for cliques and deals and dickers were endless under such a.
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system. The boards were constituted of persons nominated by the Mayor, but not appointed until the consent of the Common Council had been obtained. The Mayor, therefore, was helpless in the face of rings, through whose machinations and deals the Aldermen of both parties would conspire to defeat every nominee of whom they could not be sure in the matter of jobs from which the bosses and their heel- ers derived their revenue. It was against the hydra-headed system of commissions, therefore, that the citizens of Brooklyn directed their attacks. A bill was drawn up for a new charter, which gave the Mayor power to appoint absolutely the men he wished to have around him to administer the affairs of the city, and whom he felt he could trust, and instead of appointing several men to administer each department, the proposed new charter provided for only one head for each. The bill was, therefore, known as the " One Head " bill. It went before the Legislature at Albany in Janu- ary, 1880. An ex-Mayor of Brooklyn, Frederick A. Schroe- der. was now State Senator. He had been elected Comptrol- ler in 1871 and Mayor in 1875; was, therefore, thoroughly ac- quainted with the workings of the city government in Brook- lyn, and while Chief Magistrate had vigorously fought, so far as was possible for him, the rings that infested the administra- tion. In the Senate he was an MAYOR SETII LOW. active and effective champion of the " One Head " bill, and, on May, 26, 1880, it was passed. Thus the new charter became a law. It was briefly described a few years later by one who was the first to work out its provisions. " In Brook- lyn," he said, " the executive side of the city government is repre- sented by the Mayor and the various heads of departments. The legislative side consists of a common council of nineteen members, twelve of whom are elected from three districts, each having four aldermen, the remaining seven being elected as aldermen-at-large by the whole city." It is seen that these seven would neutralize to a great extent the machinations of the bosses to pack the council with low politicians completely in their power. No one ward could furnish an alderman all its own, and in the matter of a large proportion of
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the whole the entire city had something to say as to what man shouldi be present in the council to aid or thwart the actions of a decent Mayor. But to go on with the charter: " The people eleet three city officers beside the board of Alderman; the Mayor, who is the real. as well as the nominal head of the city; the Comptroller, who is prae- tically the bookkeeper of the city, and the Auditor, whose audit is necessary for the payment of every bill against the city. whether large or small. The Mayor appoints absolutely, without confirmation by the Common Council, all the crcentire heads of departments.
These officials in turn appoint their own subordinates, so that the principle of defined responsibility permeates the city government from top to bottom. The executive officers appointed by the Mayor are appointed for a term of two years, that is to say, for a
term similar to his own. For one month the great depart- ments of the city are carried on for him by the appointees of his pre- decessor. On February 1 it becomes his duty to appoint his own heads of departments. Each one of these great executive departments is under the charge of a single head, the charter of the city conforming absolutely to the theory that where executive work is to be done it should be committed to the charge of one man."
But of course. under this new theory, or " idea," everything de- pended upon the Mayor who should be intrusted with the adminis- tration. " A strong executive can accomplish satisfactory results: a weak one can disappoint every hope." And if the weak one should also prove a venal one. under the control of the bosses. the remedy might prove easily a good deal worse than the disease. In No- vember. 1879. Mayor James Howell had been re-elected to his second term. and thus there would be no mayoralty election until Novem- ber, 1881, or a full year and a half after the passage of the new charter. This gave plenty of time, therefore. for the forces of reform to plan out and execute the hard work that was before them. if they wished to unhorse the boss politicians, whose ramifications of power and influence were so minute and extensive. We come. therefore. upon a very interesting and gratifying bit of Brooklyn history, well worth putting side by side with the " Brooklyn Idea." which had finally taken shape upon the statute-books. There was organized what was called with admirable simplicity and modesty. the " Brook- lyn Young Republican Club." No sounding of trumpets in this of what they were going to do; no claim to be " reformers:" just workers. that was all; and as to the " republican." it meant rather citizens of a republie than members of a party, for the help of good Democrats was necessary, and was secured in the final battle. The association unm- bered no less than twenty-five hundred men. distributed at the rate of about one hundred and twenty-five to one hundred and fifty in each ward. There was, therefore. an executive committee appointed from among this number in each ward. facilitating the concentration
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of forces from every section upon the common result. At the head of the movement was Mr. Seth Low, and when it came to select a stand- ard bearer for the new system, so desperately in need of a trustworthy man, by a spontaneous impulse the choice fell upon him. He was, therefore, nominated, and at once resigned from the club, as one of its rules was that none of their number should either hold or seek office. The club now labored incessantly to secure the election of their nominee. He was indorsed by associations of citizens who might be of a different political faith, but were at one on the munici- pal issue. " The Young Republicans " made a preliminary house to house canvass, and tabulated the results. On election day the polling places were manned by volunteers. These had in their hands lists of the registered voters, and they carefully checked off each man as he came to vote. When it seemed likely that this or that voter might prove dilatory, and fail to put in an appearance altogether, he was sent for and brought to the polls, and then these volunteers finished up their arduous labors by keenly watching the count to prevent false returns. The boss element renominated Mayor Howell, but for once the efforts of the reformers proved successful, and while Howell polled a considerable vote, or 40,937, the champion of good govern- ment received 45,434. On January 1, 1882, therefore, Mr. Seth Low went into office, and on February 1 inaugurated the Brooklyn Idea of City Government by appointing the men in whom he felt confidence, and for whose conduct of affairs he assumed direct responsibility. But the occupation of the Young Republican Chib was by no means gone as yet. What Albany had done, Albany, nuder the pressure of the defeated bosses, might undo. To secure matters there, therefore, when the election of Senators and Assemblymen drew near, the club went to work again with characteristic vigor and intelligence. They examined the records of the Kings County Assemblymen in the Legislature of 1882, and they published the result of that examina- tion in pamphlet form. This every voter was put in a position to de- cide for himself who could be trusted for a renomination by a refer- ence to the man's votes on test measures. Such information had never been supplied to voters in so systematic, convenient. and telling a manner before. In nominating men for the Legisla- ture the club refused to support any who would not pledge adherence to their principles and aims. At the end of Mr. Low's first term, when the time for another election came, he was renominated for the mayoralty. It was somewhat of a risk, for the putting into opera- tion a new system of government was not an easy task, and as likely to bring grief to injudicions friends as to malicious enemies. The re- nomination and the candidacy were felt by himself to be a chal- lenge of his course and conduct. He manfully faced it as such, and went before the people night after night during the canvass, per- snading them " by plain, cogent, logical, earnest, vet nnimpassioned
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