USA > New York > Pioneer history of the Holland Purchase of western New York : embracing some account of the ancient remains > Part 26
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Willam Galt, James Campbell, William Dickinson, and one or two others, with their families; in all about thirty persons. In 1744, they had a grist and saw-mill, and an increasing, flourishing settle- ment. It was however harrassed, during the French and English war, by some portions of the Six Nations, in the French interests. Its inhabitants were frequently, during the war, called out to defend the northern frontiers. This was the germ of the settlement of a large district of country, which in our early histories, was included under the name of Cherry Valley.
SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON.
The year 1740, is signalized by the advent upon the Mohawk, of one who was destined to exercise an important influence, and occupy a conspicuous place in our colonial history. Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON was a native of Ireland. He left his native country in consequence of the unfavorable issue of a love affair. His uncle, Sir PETER WARREN, an Admiral in the English navy, owned by government grant, a large tract of land-15,000 acres-within the present town of Florida, Montgomery county. Young JOHN- SON became his agent, and located himself in the year above named, at Warren's Bush, a few miles from the present village of Port Jackson. He now began that intercourse with the Indians which was to prove so beneficial to the English, in the last French war that soon followed, the influences of which were to be so prejudicial to the colonial interests, in the war of the Revolu- tion. He made himself familiar with their language, spoke it with case and fluency; watched their habits and peculiarities; studied their manners, and by his mildness and prudence, gained their favor and confidence, and an unrivalled ascendancy over them. In all important matters he was generally consulted by them, and his advice followed. In 1755, he was entrusted with a command in the provincial service of New York. He marched against Crown Point, and after the repulse of Col. WILLIAMS, he defeated and took DIESKU prisoner. For this service the Parliament voted him five thousand pounds, and the King made him a Baronct. The reader will have noticed his effective agency in keeping the Six Nations in the English interests, and his military achievement at Niagara.
From the following notice, which appeared in a contemporary
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publication-the London Gentleman's Magazine, for September, 1755-it will be scen how well adapted he was to the peculiar offices and agencies that devolved upon him. It is an extract of a journal written in this country :-
"Major General JOHNSON (an Irish gentleman, ) is universally esteemed in our parts, for the part he sustains. Besides his skill and experience as an officer, he is particularly happy in making himself beloved by all sorts of people, and can conform to all companies and conversations. He is very much of the fine gentle- man in genteel company. But as the inhabitants next him are mostly Dutch, he sits down with them and smokes his tobacco, drinks flip, and talks of improvements, bear and beaver skins. Being surrounded with Indians, he speaks several of their lan- guages well, and has always some of them with him. His house is a safe and hospitable retreat for them from the enemy. He takes care of their wives and children when they go out on parties, and even wears their dress. In short, by his honest dealings with them in trade, and his courage, which has often been successfully tried with them and his courteous behaviour, he has so endeared himself to them, that they chose him one of their chief sachems or princes, and esteem him as their common father."
Miss ELEANOR WALLASLOUS, a fair and comely Dutch girl, who had been sold to limited service in New York, to pay her passage across the ocean, to one of his neighbors, soon supplied the place of the fair one in Ireland, whose fickleness had been the means of impelling him to new scenes and associations in the back-woods of America. Although taking her to his bed and board, and for a long period acknowledging her as his wife, he was never married to her until she was upon her death-bed, a measure necessary to legitimatize his three children, who afterwards became, Sir JOHN JOHNSON, Mrs. GUY JOHNSON, and Mrs. Col. CLAUS. His next wife, was MOLLY BRANT, sister of the conspicuous chieftain of that name. He was married to her a few years before his death, for the same purpose that was consummated in the previous instance.
COLDEN says of Sir WILLIAM, that "he dressed himself after the Indian manner, made frequent dances after their customs when they excite to war, and used all the means he could think of, at a con- siderable expense, to engage them in a war against Canada."
The liberal patronage of the English government, and the facility with which he could procure grants of the Indians. made him an extensive land-holder. He obtained one grant, in a manner
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which has made it the subject of a familiar anecdote, from HEN- DRICK, a Mohawk chief, of one hundred thousand acres, situated in the now county of Herkimer. He had before his death laid the foundation of perhaps as large an individual landed estate, as was ever possessed in this country. His heirs, taking sides against the colonies, in the Revolution, at its close, the whole estate was confiscated.
The JOHNSON family are so mingled with our early colonial history, and the border wars of the Revolution, that most readers will be familiar with a subject that has been introduced here, only to assist in giving a brief sketch of the progress of settlement west of the Hudson previous to the Revolution; and to aid a clear understanding of some local events in that contest.
Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON died on the 24th of June, 1774-having for nearly thirty-five years, exercised an almost one man power, not only in his own immediate domain, but far beyond it. In his character were blended many sterling virtues, with vices that are perhaps to be attributed in a greater degree to the freedom of a back-woods life,-the absence of the restraints which the ordi- nances of civilization imposes,-than to radical defects. His talents, it must be inferred, were of a high order; his achievements at Niagara alone, would entitle him to the character of a brave and skillful military commander; and in the absence of amiable social qualities, he could hardly have gained so strong a hold upon the confidence and respect of the Six Nations, as we see he maintained up to the period of his death.
He died just as the great struggle of the colonies commenced. Had he lived to have participated in it he would probably have been found on the side of the mother country. In his case, to the ordinary obligations of loyality, were added those of gratitude for high favors and patronage. Though it has been inferred that in anticipation of the crisis that was approaching, he was somewhat wavering in his purposes. Mr. SIMMS, the local historian of the Mohawk Valley, upon information derived from those who lived at that period, and in the vicinity, favors the conclusion that he died by his own hand, to escape a participation in the struggle, which his position must have forced upon him :- " As the cloud of colo- nial difficulty was spreading from the capital of New England to the frontier English settlements, Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON Was urged by the British crown, to take sides with the parent country. He
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had been taken from comparative obscurity, and promoted by the government of England, to honors and wealth. Many wealthy and influential friends around him were already numbered among the advocates of civil liberty. Should he raise his arm against that power that had thus signally honored him? Should he take sides with the oppressor against many of his tried friends in many perilous adventures ? These were serious questions, as we may reasonably suppose, which often occupied his mind. The Baronet declared to several of his friends, as the storm of civil discord was gathering, that 'England and her colonies were approaching a terrible war, but that he should never live to witness it.'# At the time of his death, a court was sitting at Johnstown, and while in the court-room on the afternoon of the day of his death, a package from England of a political nature was handed him. He left the court-house, went directly home, and in a few hours was a corpse."
While it must remain perhaps, a subject of speculation how Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON would have used his powerful influence, had he lived, it is quite certain that it would not have been as hurtful to the colonies, as that portion of it was, which was inherited, with his title, by his son and son-in-law. While they were not his equals in talent-had not many of the good qualities he possessed - they used the influence that he transmitted to them in a manner that we are justified in inferring, it would not have been used, had he lived to exercise it.
Sir WILLIAM was succeeded in his titles and estate, by his son Sir JOUN JOHNSON; his authority as General Superintendent of Indian Affairs, fell into the hands of Col. GUY JOHNSON, his son-in-law. who had long been his assistant, as deputy; in which office he was assisted by Col. DANIEL CLAUS, who had married another daughter of the Baronet.
Before the close of the French and English war, small settle- ments were begun in the neighborhood of the colony commenced by Mr. LINDSAY. Previous to the American Revolution, a family of HARPERS, distinguished in that contest, had left Cherry Valley and commenced a settlement at Harpersfield, Delaware county.
* Col. Stone, in his life of Brant, rejects the inference that Sir William committed suicide; or that he was embarrassed in reference to the course he should pursue. He says, he " visiled England for the last time iu the autumn of 1773, returning the next spring. He probably came back with his loyal feelings somewhat strengthened."
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The Rev. WILLIAM JOHNSON had succeeded in planting a flour- ishing little colony, on the east side of the Susquehannah, a short distance below the forks of the Unadilla, and several families were scattered through Springfield, Middlefield, (then called New-Town Martin,) and Laurens and Otego, called Old England District. In the year 1716, PHILIP GROAT, made a purchase of land in the present town of Amsterdam. He was drowned in removing his family to his new home. His widow and her three sons made the intended settlement. They erected a grist mill at what is now called Crane's Village, in 1730. One of the brothers, LEWIS GROAT, was captured by the Indians in the French and English war, and kept in captivity four years. In this war, these primi- tive settlers upon the Mohawk were often visited by the French Indian allies, and had a foretaste of the horrid scenes that were to follow, in a few years. The valley of the Mohawk was the theatre of martyrdom and suffering, in two wars.
In the year 1740 a small colony of Irish emigrants, located in the present town of Glen. The Indian disturbances alarmed them, and after a few years they returned to Ireland.
GILES FONDA was the first merchant west of Schenectady. His customers were the few settlers upon the Mohawk, and the Indians of the Six Nations. He had branches, or depots, at Forts Schuyler, Stanwix, Oswego, Niagara and Schlosser. His prin- cipal business was to exchange blankets, trinkets, ammunition and rum for furs, peltries, and ginseng.
A church was erected at Caughnawaga, partly under the patron- age of Sir WILLIAM JOHNSON, in 1765. Churches were erected at Stone Arabia, Palatine and German Flats, before the Revolu- tion. At an early period a small church was constructed of wood, near the Upper Mohawk Castle. A bell that was in use then, was brought away by the Mohawks, in their flight westward, and was used in the temporary Mohawk settlement at Lewiston. 1- See JOHN MOUNTPLEASANT's account of the church, bell, &c.
Toward the close of the French war, the public debt of the Province of New York, obliged a resort to a direct tax. The amount levied upon the inhabitants of the "Mohawk Valley," which designation then embraced the whole State west of Albany, was £ 242,176.
In 1772, three years previous to the Revolution, Tryon county
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was taken from Albany .* It embraced all the present state of New York, west of a line drawn north and south nearly through the center of Schoharie county. It was divided into five distriets. The first court of "general quarter sessions of the peace," was held in Johnstown, Sept. 8th, 1772. The Bench consisted of
Guy Johnson, Judge.
John Butler, Peter Conyne, Judges.
Sir John Johnson, Knight, Daniel Claus, John Wells, Jelles Fonda, Asst. Judges.
John Collins, Joseph Chew, Adam Loucks, John Fry, Francis Young, Peter Ten Broek, Justices.
A glimpse has thus been furnished the reader, of the condition of things, in the county of Tryon, preceding a erisis which was to make it the theatre of sanguinary seenes; its few and scattered inhabitants, sufferers, and not unfrequently martyrs, in the harass- ing border war that came upon them to multiply three fold the ordinary endurances of the pioneers of the wilderness.t
* Named in honor of William Tryon, then Governor of the Province.
t " The population of Cherry Valley was short of three hundred, and that of the whole county of Tryon but a few thousand, when the Revolution commenced."-Campbell's Annals.
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CHAPTER III.
THE BORDER WARS OF THE REVOLUTION.
In the condition of settlement that has been briefly stated, the reader will perceive that all Western New York could have had but a remote connexion with the long and eventful struggle that ended in a separation of the colonies, and the blessings of a free and independent government. While the author has presumed in his preceding pages, that there was much of early colonial history, having a distinct local relation, with which most of those into whose hands his work will fall were not familiar, he will not regard it necessary to embrace any portion of a general history-the causes and prominent events of the Revolution-which is as "familiar as house-hold words," with his readers-formed a por- tion of their nursery tales, and are incorporated with the rudiments of our primary schools.
Foremost in its loyalty, effective and vigilant in its services, in the French war that had closed by the triumph of the English arms, -the province of New York was not backward in prepara- tions for asserting its rights, when the period arrived in which England, proud of her colonial possessions, but oppressive in its government of them, provoked resistance to its unjust requirements. "During the long and harrassing French wars, her levies both of men and money, considering her population and resources, were immense. Her territory was the principal scene of action, and she seconded with all her powers the measures adopted by the English to destroy the French influence in America."* But loyalty, faithful and enduring as it had been, began to be forfeited, and the Province of New York was early in so regarding it.
Its resistance to the stamp act in 1765, paved the way for the convening of a congress in New York, the same year.
* Annals of Tryon County.
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A public meeting of citizens of Palatine district, in Tryon county, was assembled as early as August, 1774. The Boston Port Bill had gone into operation in the preceding June. The resolutions of that meeting declared unaltered and determined allegiance to the British crown, but strenuously remonstrated against an act which it regarded as "oppressive and arbitrary," and "subversive of the rights of English subjects." The meeting approved of a previous act of their brethren in New York, in sending five delegates to the approaching congress in Philadelphia; and appointed a committee of correspondence, consisting of five persons, to correspond with committees of Albany and New York.
The ball thus put in motion, its progress was retarded by all the influence of the Jouxsox family and their adherents. In the spring of 1775, after the proceedings of the Philadelphia congress had been promulgated, during the session of a court at Johnstown, a declaration was drawn up and circulated by the loyalists of Tryon county, opposing the proceedings of that congress. It occasioned much altercation. but was finally signed by most of the grand jury. and nearly all the magistrates. Public meetings soon followed in most of the districts of the county, in opposition to the sentiments expressed in the Johnstown declaration. On a day appointed, the little church at Cherry Valley, was crowded with all ages and sexes. THOMAS SPENCER, an Indian interpreter, addressed the meeting in a strain of "rude, though impassioned eloquence." # Articles of association were adopted at this and at similar district meetings, approving the proceedings of the Philadel- phia congress, and declaring that the Johnstown proceeding was a measure which would assist to "entail slavery upon America." On the Sth of May. the Palatine committee, wrote a letter to the Albany committee. in which they say that they are busy in circulating petitions, and enlisting the citizens of Tryon county, on the side of the colonies, but they say: -
" This county has for a series of years been ruled by one family. the different branches of which are still strenuous in persuading people not to come into congressional measures; and even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all their dependents armed, to oppose the
* Mr. Campbell says :- "The noblest efforts of an Henry and an Otis, never wrought more sensibly upon the feelings of the congresses they addressed, than did the harangue of this unlettered patriot, upon that little assembly."
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people considering of their grievances :- their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into the most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed that Johnson Hall is forti- fying by placing swivel guns around the same, and that Col. JOHNSON has had part of his regiment of militia under arms, yesterday, no doubt with the design to prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause, to the world. Besides which, we are told, that about an hundred Highlanders, (Roman Catholics,) are armed, and ready to march upon the like occasion. We are informed that Col. JOHNSON, has stopped two New Englanders, and searched them, being as we suppose, suspi- cious that they came to solicit aid from us or the Indians, whom we dread most, there being a current report through the county, that they are to be made use of in keeping us in awe. We recommend it strongly and seriously to you to take it in your consideration, whether any powder and ammunition, ought to be permitted to be sent up this way, unless it is done under the inspection of the committee, and consigned to the committee here, and for such particular shop-keepers, as we in our next shall acquaint you. We are determined to suffer none in our district, to sell any, but such as we approve of, and sign the association. When any thing particular comes to our knowledge relating to the Indians, (whom we shall watch), or anything interesting, we shall take the earliest opportunity in communicating the same to you. And as we are a young county, remote from the metropolis, we beg you will give as all the intelligence in your power. We shall
not be able to send down any deputies to the Provincial Congress. as we cannot possibly obtain the sense of the county soon enough to make it worth our while to send any, but be assured we are not the less attached to American liberty. For we are determined, although few in number, to let the world see who are, and who are not such; and to wipe off the indelible disgrace brought upon us by the declaration signed by our grand jury, and some of our magistrates; who in general, are considered by a majority of our county, as enemies to their country. In a word, gentlemen, it is our fixed resolution to support, and carry into execution every thing recommended by the Continental Congress, and to BE FREE OR DIE."
At the next meeting of the Palatine Committee, in the same month, two intercepted letters were read. The first, was a letter from the Mohawk, to the Oneida Indians. Translated into English, it was as follows :-
" Written at GUY JOHNSON'S. May 1775. This is your letter, you great ones, or Sachems. GUY JOHNSON says he will be glad if you get this intelligence, you Oneidas, how it goes with him now, and he is now more certain concerning the intention of the Boston people. GUY JOHNSON is in great fear of being taken prisoner by the Boston
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people. We Mohawks are obliged to watch him constantly. Therefore we send you this intelligence, that you shall know it, and Guy JOHNSON assures himself and depends upon your coming to his assistance, and that you will without fail be of that opinion. He believes not that you will assent to let him suffer. We therefore expect you in a couple of day's time. So much at present. We send but so far as to you Oneidas, but afterwards perhaps, to all the other natious. We conclude, and expect that you will have concern about our ruler, GUY JOHNSON, because we are all united."
The letter was signed by JOSEPH BRANT as Secretary to Guy JOHNSON, and by four other chiefs. The other letter was from GUY JOHNSON to the magistrates and others, of the upper districts of Tryon county :-
" GUY PARK, May 20, 1775.
GENTLEMEN, - I have lately, repeated accounts, that a body of New Englanders, or others, were to come and seize, and carry away my person, and attack our family, under color ef malicious insinuations that I intended to set the Indians upon the people. Men of sense and character know that my office is of the highest importance 10 pro- mete peace among the Six Nations, and prevent their entering inte any such disputes. This I effected last year, when they were much vexed about the attack on the Shawnees, and I last winter appointed them to meet me this month, to receive the answer of the Virginians. All men must allow that if the Indians find their conncil fire disturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadful revenge. It is therefore the duty of all the people to prevent this, and to satisfy any who may have been imposed upon, that their suspicions, and allegations, they have collected against me, are false, and inconsistent with my character and office. I recommend this to yon as highly necessary at this time, as my regard for the interests of the country and self preservation, has obliged me to fortify my house, and keep men armed for my defence, till these idle and malicious reports are removed."
Upon the reading of these letters, the Committee adopted a set of strong resolutions confirming their former positions, and severely condemning the conduct of Sir Guy, in keeping about him a body of armed Indians, fortifying his house, and "stopping and search- ing travellers upon the King's highway." It was resolved, -"That as we abhor a state of slavery, we do join and unite together, under all the ties of religion, honor, justice, and a love for our country, never to become slaves, and to defend our freedom with our lives and fortunes."
Before the Committee adjourned, it addressed another letter to the Albany Committee,-in which they say. that they have ordered the inhabitants of the district to provide themselves with arms and ammunition, and be ready at a moment's warning; that JOHNSON has five hundred men to guard his house; that he has stopped all communication between the counties of Tryon and Albany; that there was not fifty pounds of powder in their district; that they propose, jointly, with the Committees of other districts, to force a
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communication with Albany; that JOHNSON had invited the upper Indian nations to go down to his neighborhood, but as many of the Indians were dissatisfied with him, they should endeavor to make a diversion in their favor; and that they wish the Albany Com- mittee to send them some one or two who would be able to make the Indians understand the true nature of the dispute with the mother country. They say :- "We are gentlemen, in a worse situation than any part of America is at present. We have an open enemy before our faces, and treacherous friends at our backs;" but they assure the Albany Committee that they are very unanimous in the Palatine and Canajoharie districts, and are " determined neither to submit to the acts of Parliament, or Col. JOHNSON's arbitrary conduct." In answer to a communication from Guy JOHNSON, the Albany Committee used conciliatory language; said they were disposed to believe in the sincerity of his professions; that they are sorry that reports prejudicial to his character had gone abroad; and trusted that he would "pursue the dictates of an honest heart, and study the interests, peace and welfare of his country." They also, addressed a communication to the com- mittees in Tryon county, advising as the prudent course, not to attempt to open a communication with Albany, as they had inten- ded. Before adjourning, in reference to a threat they had under- stood JOHNSON had made, of procuring the imprisonment of those who took a conspicuous part in the proceedings that were going on, they resolved to "stand by each other, and rescue from imprison- ment any who were confined in an illegal manner." Secresy, was enjoined upon all the members. It was resolved to have no social intercourse, or dealings, with those who had not joined the associa- tion. The owners of slaves were enjoined not to suffer them to go from home, except with a certificate that they were on their mas- ter's business.
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