USA > New York > New York City > Recollections of persons and events, chiefly in the city of New York; being selections from his journal > Part 16
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"'I therefore beg leave to move, that, hence- forth, prayers imploring the assistance of Heaven, and its blessing on our deliberations, be held in this Assembly every morning before we proceed to business, and that one or more of the clergy of this city be requested to officiate in this service.' " Mr. Sherman seconded the motion.
" Mr. Hamilton, and several others, expressed their apprehensions that, however proper such a resolution might have been at the beginning of the Convention, it might at this late day, in the first place, bring on it some disagreeable animad- versions ; and in the second, lead the public to believe that the embarrassments and dissensions within the Convention had suggested this measure. It was answered by Dr. Franklin, Mr. Sherman, and others, that the past omission of a duty could not justify a further omission ; that the rejection of such a proposition would expose the Convention to more unpleasant animadversions than the adoption of it ; and that the alarm out of doors that might be excited for the state of things within, would at least be as likely to do good as ill.
" Mr. Randolph proposed, in order to give a favorable aspect to the measure, that a sermon be
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preached, at the request of the Convention, on the Fourth of July, the anniversary of Independence ; and thenceforward prayers, &c., to be read in the Convention every morning. After several unsuc- cessful ·attempts for silently postponing this matter by adjourning, the adjournment was at length carried, without any vote on the motion."
From this minute account, the accuracy of which no one will question, it will be seen that although the motion was not carried, it was not directly negatived. The Convention disposed of it by adjournment. It will also be seen that those who opposed the motion did not argue against the principle of having the Convention opened by prayer. They argued from the inexpediency, as they deemed it, of introducing religious services at that juncture in the proceedings of their body. I regret that they should have taken that view of the case. The reply made to their objection, by Dr. Franklin and others, ought to have satisfied them ; but still there was nothing in their opposi- tion that can be justly termed scoffing at religion, and had the wise proposition been made when the ' Convention first assembled, in all probability it
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would have passed unanimously. But, notwith- standing these extenuating considerations, we must deeply regret that the decision in the end was such as indirectly to put a negative on Dr. Franklin's proposition.
Seldom has the nation seen so eventful a period as when the Convention met for the adoption of the Federal Constitution. A tempest had been sweep- ing over the country that made the wisest and bravest among her patriots fear that the sacrifices of the Revolution had been in vain; and if the excellent men to whom were intrusted the des- tinies of the nation at this eventful crisis, had not too much forgotten to whom they should have looked for counsel and direction, if they had com- menced and continued their deliberations by a daily acknowledgment of their dependence on Him "by whom princes decree justice," we might have had from their hands a Constitution in which God's name would have been honored, and imperfec- tions avoided which have since led to painful con- flicts. I do not forget that Washington was among them, and acting as their President ; but Washington was not so wise that he needed no wisdom from above. He would have been the last man to say so. It
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should be remembered also that the wishes of Washington were not always followed by the Con- vention, although he was their presiding officer. Had he been consulted on the question, I have no doubt that he would have avowed his hearty con- currence in the proposition of Franklin. Qualify it as we may, and regret it as we may, the whole transaction, as it stands recorded, furnishes another proof that forgetfulness of God has long been the besetting sin of the nation, and has resulted in that rife spirit of pride and self-exaltation which has become a source of alarm, awakening a painful appre- hension for the future in the minds of reflecting men. They cannot forget that it was when the king of Babylon was upon the eve of his humilia- tion that he " walked on the palace of the kingdom, and said : 'Is not this great Babylon that I have built for the house of the kingdom by the might of my power and the honor of my majesty ?'" They cannot avoid seeing an admonition to our nation in the words addressed to Israel : "Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God-lest when thou hast eaten and art full, and hast built goodly houses and dwelt therein ; and when thy herds and thy flocks multiply, and thy silver and thy gold is multiplied,
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and all that thou hast is multiplied ; then thy heart be lifted up and thou forget the Lord thy God which brought thee forth from the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage, and thou say in thine heart, 'My power and the might of my hand hath gotten me this wealth.' But thou shalt remember the Lord thy God; for it is He that giveth thee power to get wealth, that He may establish the cov- enant which He sware unto thy fathers as it is this day."
But, obvious and prevalent as may have been this tendency of the public mind to forget the Giver of all good in the earlier years of our history as a nation, the sin has become still more offensive as we have grown in numbers and strength, and especially since we have added to our territory the rich and vast regions lying on the shores of the Pacific. That event, indeed, formed a great era in the history of our country, and gave us a power of expansion and of growth seldom, if ever, possessed by any other nation. It carried us across the continent from sea to sea, furnishing us with every variety of valuable coast for purposes of commerce. It gave us com- mand of a wide extent of territory, including min- eral wealth of every description, and a soil yielding
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to the husbandman every thing which can add to the comfort or health of man. And notwithstand- ing this great addition to our boundaries, we were so protected by the two great oceans on our eastern and western shores as to feel secure against war with any foreign Power at all able to contend with us. Nothing, indeed, was wanting, but that we should be true to ourselves, to render us all that the highest ambition of the nation could well aspire to reach.
These advantages were the gifts of Him who " hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on the face of the earth, and hath determined the bounds of their habitation ;" and yet, we forgot His hand thus contributing to our greatness, and allowed these displays of His goodness to minister afresh to a sentiment of pride and self-laudation.
We boasted of our vast territory, binding, as we thought, one section of the country to another, by that law of supply and demand which renders them mutually dependent. We forgot that from this diversity of clime and consequent diversity of pursuits might arise diversity of tastes, interests, and condition, resulting in alienations and collisions fatal to the preservation of our Union. We boasted
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of our safety from war by our distance from other nations. We forgot how soon the worst of all wars might arise within ourselves, civil war, deluging the land with the blood of brother shed by the hand of brother. We were proud of our name, "The United States of America," and of a union secured, as we thought, by a Constitution so wisely framed that it promoted the welfare of each by a union of all. We forgot how soon that Constitu- tion might be violated by the jealousies of the States that formed it, and the country become distracted and divided against itself.
The man is blind indeed, who does not see in the present calamities which have overtaken the nation, a punishment for our sin, and that sin so plainly written in our suffering that "he who runs may read" it. But while under this chastisement we should be penitent and humble, we see a pledge of Divine favor in that we have not been allowed to grow old in our iniquity, before we were overtaken by the rod of correction. It is equally true of nations and of individuals, that early chastisement is a proof of mercy in store for them; while destruction awaits those who are allowed to go on unchecked, until they become
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hardened and insensible in their guilt. As a nation, we are yet in our youth. Our chastisement, though severe, has come at a time when we should " bear the rod, and Him who hath appointed it;" accepting it with humility, more anxious to see it sanctified than to have it removed.
It is not my place to inquire into the question of State Rights, or how far State authority is made subordinate to the authority of the nation by our Constitution. But whenever the question presents itself, I love to turn to the sentiments of Wash- ington and other sages of the country, when treating of the subject. Almost immediately after the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, the old Confederation was seen to have defects which must be remedied if the life of the nation was to be pre- served. The great defect was, as all admitted, a want of power in the national arm to enforce its own authority. The necessity of a Convention to prepare a Federal Constitution to meet the exigen- cies of the case, was the subject of discussion and correspondence among the leading men of the day ; . and perhaps no one gave a more full expression of his views on the whole subject than General Wash-
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ington. His mind was filled with alarm, when he saw the resistance that was made in various quarters against the authority of the General Gov. ernment; and he describes, in very plain terms, what he thought indispensable to the stability and perpetuity of the Republic he had done so much to establish.
"To me," he says, in a letter to James Warren, "it is a solecism in politics, indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation power to direct and order the affairs of the same. By such policy as this the wheels of government are clogged, and our bright- est prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment ; and from the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness."
And again : "I have ever been a friend to ade- : quate powers in Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of Europe. We are either a united people under one head, and for federal purposes,
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or we are thirteen independent sovereignties, eter- nally counteracting each other. If the former, whatever the majority of the States, as the Consti- tution points out, conceives to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be sub- mitted to by the minority. I can foresee no evil greater than disunion, than these unreasonable jealousies, which are continually poisoning our minds, and filling them with imaginary evils for the prevention of real ones."
In reply to a letter from John Jay, he writes : " We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. We have errors to correct. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation without lodging somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the au- thority of the State governments extends over the several States."
Discontents, amounting to insurrection, had broken out in Massachusetts, and in reply to Colo- nel Lee, who had written letters to him on that
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subject, he writes : "You talk, my good sir, of em- ploying influence to appease the tumults in Massa- chusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is not govern- ment. Let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. There is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them, if possible ; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it at the moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, and wants support. To delay one or other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confi- dence on the other. Let the reins of government, then, be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but not suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence."
And, once more, to James Madison he writes : " How melancholy is the reflection, that in so short a time we should have made such large strides
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towards fulfilling the predictions of our transatlan- tic foes : 'Leave them to themselves, and their gov- ernment will soon dissolve.' Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert this evil? Or will their supineness suffer ignorance and the arts of self- interested and designing, disaffected and desperate characters to involve this great country in wretch- edness and contempt ? What stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our govern- ment than these disorders ? If there is not power in it to check them, what security has a man for life, liberty, or property ? To you I am sure I need not add aught on the subject. The consequences of a lax or inefficient government are too obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at the Federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; whereas a liberal and energetic Constitution, well checked and well watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of respectability and con- sequence to which we had the fairest prospect of attaining."
No one can contemplate these anxious forebodings of Washington as to the evils then threatening the
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country, and the great need of a Constitution by which they might be remedied or prevented, without learning what were his views as to State Rights, and how they should be limited and controlled by the National authority. He had no doubts as to the right or expediency of "coercing a State" into submission when it became refractory or rebellious, . and of doing it promptly and effectually. He was more apprehensive of resistance from the States against the nation than of any wrong done to the States by the nation. He was evidently more afraid of disintegration from within than of invasion from without, and was more anxious to see a bond created that would prevent the nation from falling into fragments by dissensions among the States themselves, than to encompass the land with ram- parts that might bid defiance to the whole world. That great desire of his heart he thought was accomplished when the Constitution, as prepared by the Convention, was adopted by the requisite num- ber of States. His views are expressed in a letter to his friend J. Trumbull, in which we see exemplified his solemn recognition of Divine Providence, and his strong hope of future tranquillity and happiness for the country. " We may," said he, " with a kind of
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pious and grateful exultation, trace the finger of Providence through those dark and mysterious events which first induced the States to appoint a general Convention, and then led them, one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect the object, into an adoption of the system recommended by the general Convention ; thereby, in all human probability, laying a lasting founda- tion for tranquillity and happiness, when we had but too much reason to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us." How well would it have been for us all, if those who loved to speak of Washington as "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen," had learned to respect his well-matured judgment, and to embrace his sound political views. I have some- times thought that if the ashes of the dead can ever be disturbed by events transpiring around them on earth, how restless must be the tomb of the venera- ble man, in view of the melancholy scenes of vio- lence and blood that have recently been enacted even within sight of Mount Vernon. No one ought to doubt what part he would have taken in the present collision, and how stern would have been his rebuke to the misguided or corrupt men who
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would blot out from our flag the still illustrious motto "The United States of America." Nor can I doubt that in answer to his prayers, and the prayers of those who shared with him in his noble patriotism, the Union is again to be restored, how- ever costly may be the sacrifices through which the happy consummation is to be reached." The war has become a contest between great resources on the one hand, and great resolution on the other How long the strife may be protracted we cannot foresee. But let the abundant strength of the North in men and means be promptly called into action and wisely directed, and it would seem the final result cannot be far distant.
When viewing the calamities of our present civil war, and the causes which have led to it, I love to relieve, if not refresh my mind, by reverting to the views held by the fathers of our Republic, as ex- pressed in the above extracts from the letters of Washington. Others besides myself, I presume, must be gratified to contemplate the hearty expres- sion of these conservative sentiments from one so capable of judging as to what is essential in a Federal Union, that shall either preserve the life
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of the Commonwealth, or give it strength and emi- nence among the nations of the earth. I enter no further into the political discussion of the great question of our day than simply to record the deliberate views of a man whom all delight to honor.
But there are moral . considerations connected with the present aspect of affairs which should be carefully weighed. The peace of the nation must always be liable to frequent disturbance if they are neglected.
It should never be forgotten that the continuance of peaceful government in our country depends greatly, if not mainly, on the good will of the peo- ple towards each other. The national compact was founded on principles of concession and compromise, and can be preserved in harmony only by a spirit of mutual forbearance. In this spirit did the lead- ing men of the Convention frame our Constitution. Washington himself tells us, "Nor am I such an enthusiastic patriot, or indiscriminating admirer of it, as not to perceive that it is tinctured with some real though not radical defects." It was the best thing that could be done at the time, in which, as
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he said, one part of the country yielded "to the circumstances and prejudices" of others. When Dr. Franklin arose to move that the Constitution as adopted should be signed by the members, he said : "I confess that there are several parts of it which I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good.". And it is only by this spirit of conciliation and self-denial that the future peace of the country can be pre- served. We must learn to treat with respect and kindness, not only the rights and privileges, but the feelings, sympathies, and even prejudices of each other.
There has been a lamentable want of this senti- ment in the public mind for years past, especially in our halls of legislation; and on subjects of na- tional interest there has been a temper of harsh and fierce proscription on one side, and ostentatious arrogance on the other, that have created sad fore- bodings of evil to come, and have aggravated the evil after it came. When I have sometimes listened to public debates, I have been reminded of the words, " whose tongue is a sharp sword," for it often cuts asunder the strongest and most sacred
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ties that can bind man to man or State to State Bitter words lead to blows, and blows that often end in blood.
This spirit must be checked and changed if we are ever to have a country truly and permanently united. If we had peace to-morrow between North and South-were both past and present causes of division and irritation finally settled-there are other questions to arise that will again lead to strife, if not bloodshed, unless they are met with feelings of mutual good-will and concession. In a territory so vast as ours, and with inhabitants pursuing occu- pations and having interests so diverse, perhaps conflicting, causes of dissent must be constantly de- veloping themselves. Were we under a despotism, no political convulsions might be expected to arise from such sources; for in such a government the will of one man must be the will of all. But in a republic it is not so. Here the people are the sovereigns, and the sovereignty belongs as much to one section of the country as to another; and on questions affecting public welfare, they must give as well as take; they must yield as well as require. In other words, the spirit of Christianity must be the spirit of a republic, if it would enjoy peace as well
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as prosperity. "Put on, therefore," says Paul, " kindness, humbleness of mind, meekness, long- suffering, forbearing one another, and forgiving one another, if any man have a quarrel against any. Even as Christ forgave you, so also do ye. And above all these things, put on charity, which is the bond of perfectness." I believe it is becoming more and more the opinion of reflecting men, that a government embodying such universal freedom and equality as ours cannot subsist long, unless the masses of the people become leavened with the great principles of true religion. The really con- servative party, if party it must be called, is com- posed of those throughout the land who have the spirit and bear the name of sincere Christians ; and our best hope for the future lies in that strong hold which religion has upon the conscience of our na- tion. It is bounded by no geographical limits -- it is found north and south, east and west; and I have no doubt that when the reunion, now hoped for and prayed for, shall be effected, the most active and leading friends of the measure will be found among those who are governed by the great princi ples of the Christian faith.
In the next place, though we have no established
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church in our country -- Church and State being en- tirely distinct from each other, politically speaking -there is no nation in which civil affairs are more influenced by the prevailing sentiment of the Chris- tian community. We have no test oaths as a quali- fication for office, nor do we need them; but let a man become a reviler of religion, and he will soon find that he has established a test against himself. There is a public sentiment, created by a wide- spread regard for the great truths of revelation, that will not brook a scoffer or tolerate him as a civil ruler. There may have been exceptions to this, but the feeling itself is becoming stronger and stronger.
But while we should rejoice to see the growing prevalence of this sentiment, it lays on the Chris- tian community a heavy responsibility as to the civil welfare of the nation. When the memorable secession of the Methodist churches in the slave States occurred, in' 1844, Mr. Calhoun is said to have remarked, " that is the most efficient step yet taken to divide the South from the North." He was right. He knew the numbers and strength of the Methodist denomination in the South, and when he : saw them openly withdrawing from the North, and forming an independent ecclesiastical organization,
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he saw plainly how it would promote the purpose of those who were laying their plans for a Southern civil Confederacy. There is no country in which ecclesiastical disruption, especially if marked by geographical lines, can do more to affect public tranquillity than in the United States. And if the cause of secession in the South has been aided by corresponding action taken too promptly by the higher courts of different religious denominations, let us hope they will lead the way in healing the breach and restoring the Union, which was so long a blessing to both Church and State.
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