USA > New York > The Pennsylvania and New York frontier : history of from 1720 to the close of the Revolution > Part 4
USA > Pennsylvania > The Pennsylvania and New York frontier : history of from 1720 to the close of the Revolution > Part 4
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For £300, the Iroquois granted Lord Baltimore the lands above the uppermost fork of the Potomac. Shikellimy would not sign this deed, because he believed it infringed upon the rights of Pennsylvania. Virginia paid £200 in goods and £200 in gold for a release of all lands in that colony, and agreed the Indians should have a road. Pennsylvania presented £300 in goods, and the Six Nations promised to compel the Delawares to make reparation for the Armstrong murder.
The crowning achievement came July 4th, when Canassatego, in his concluding address, pledged his people to maintain the old alliance with the English, and prevent any incursions of the French through their terri- tories to the hurt of any English settlements.
The Indians had certainly carried off all the honors in oratory, logical argument, and adroit negotiation, or as Richard Peters said, at the time, "Ye Indians appear superior to ye commissioners in point of sense and argument." Witham Marshe, said, in his diary, in commenting on Gacha- dowa's speech in conferring on Lord Baltimore, the name of Tocarryhogan, one living in the middle or honorable place betwixt Assaryquoa and Onas : (Gachadowa) "about forty years of age, straight limbed, and a graceful person, but not so fat as Canassatego. His action when he spoke was cer- tainly the most graceful, as well as bold, that any person ever saw. He was complimented by the Governor, who said he would have made a good figure in the forum of old Rome ; and Mr. Commissioner Jennings declared that he had never seen so just an action in any of the most celebrated orators he had heard speak."
The Iroquois had relinquished their claims to lands, they esteemed of little value, and gained recognition of their paramount authority over the other tribes. They knew their strength and the Council at Onondaga man- aged their affairs with great adroitness. During the eighteenth century, they were the balance of power between the French and English colonies. Had they gone over to the French, the English colonies, then weak, would have been exposed to attack and destruction. It is unlikely, they ever in- tended to desert the English, as they had bitterly hated the French since Champlain battled them at Ticonderoga, in 1609, but by courting the French a little, they frightened the English colonies much. That fear, always pres- ent, was a potent influence in their negotiations with New York, Pennsyl- vania, Maryland and Virginia. They could bluff with great foresight and sagacity, as they did in their threat against Maryland.
The attitude, of the Six Nations, during the war, was in full accord with the Lancaster Treaty, and, consequently, there was no desolation of the New York and Pennsylvania frontier.
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NOTES-CHAPTER THREE
1. Now Montoursville, Pa.
2. Accounts of this journey are contained in two journals written by Conrad Weiser, one in German, translated by Heister M. Muhlenburg and reprinted in Rev. W. M. Beauchamp's "Life of Conrad Weiser;" and the other in English in Society Collections of Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
3. Col. Recs. 4, 630 to 669; Bartram's "Observations."
4. Col. Recs. 4, 698 to 737; Pa. Archs. 1, 657-658, "Journal of the Treaty of Lancaster" by Witham Marshe.
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CHAPTER FOUR WINNING THE WEST
The greatest achievement, of Conrad Weiser, was winning the west.1 It had its inception in a statement made by Shikellimy to Weiser, in June, 1747, that the Indians, living on the north side of Lake Ontario, were dissatisfied with the French traders and desired to deal with the English at Oswego, where goods were better and cheaper.2 Weiser recommended, to the Pennsylvania Council, that a handsome present be given the Indians living on Lake Erie and in the Ohio region; and in October, it was resolved to send them £200 worth of goods by George Croghan.3 A little later, Weiser wrote the council, that at the house of Thomas McKee, a trader, he had seen a scalp sent by the western Indians to the Pennsylvania govenment, indicating they had taken up the hatchet against the French. He suggested that the Ohio Indians, they being nearer neighbors should have a larger present than those living on the lake. The Pennsylvania Council received a visit, November 13th, from ten warriors, living in the Ohio region, who complained that they had, only, little sticks and hickories to hit the hard heads of the French and needed better weapons. Weiser, whose advice was sought, stated that Providence had furnished this oppor- tunity to make the western Indians warm friends, and that a suitable saluta- tion present should be made with the promise of a larger one in the spring, which he would take them.4
It seems Shikellimy disapproved of Weiser's contemplated journey to the Ohio, as indicated by a letter dated March 28, 1748, and that the latter. then, somewhat agreed with him. Because of the inconsistency of his atti- tude, the council summoned Shikellimy and him to an interview.5 They appeared before it, April 11th, when Shikellimy explained that deputies of the Six Nations would arrive at Philadelphia, soon; that the Ohio Indians had not, yet, declared hostilities against the French and would not do so until the Council at Onondaga had acted; and he, therefore, sug- gested that Weiser's trip be delayed until the deputies came.6
It is probable, the contemplated treaty with the Ohio Indians dis- pleased the Iroquois Council, because it tended to lessen its authority, and that Shikellimy sympathized with this attitude. Of this a singular com- munication by Weiser made June 13, 1748 may be confirmation. Shikellimy forwarded Weiser a purported message, from the Six Nations by way of the Cayugas, to the effect that the Cayuga Council had received proposals
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from the English and refused to accept their presents, and warning the Indians living on the Susquehanna and elsewhere to be on their guard. Although Shikellimy believed the message a falsification, Weiser imme- diately forwarded it to Philadelphia and the authorities, there, wrote Gov- ernor Clinton for an explanation. He answered that he had no knowledge of any such proceeding.7
Andrew Montour, acting for the province, brought, from the west, a delegation of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawnees, Nanticokes and Twightwees; and a treaty with them was held at Lancaster, July 19, 20, 22, 1748. The Twightwees, a numerous people, living on the Wabash, were accepted in a treaty of friendship and alliance ; but the Shawnees were told the treaty, of friendship, made with them in 1739, would not be renewed, but their treacherous conduct would be forgiven on condition of better behaviour in the future.8
By the preliminary treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, signed April 19, 1748, the French war ceased and the dread of Indian hostilities on the frontier was over. This cessation opened the way for expansion of the western fur trade, by both, French and English traders. This trade was the life blood of French-Canada ; it made Albany a place of importance ; and to the great merchants of Philadelphia, with their varied interests, it provided rich emolument.
Elaborate preparations were made for the journey to the Ohio. Goods for the Indians, amounting to £828, were purchased. The province was very solicitous of the comfort and health of its great interpreter, for Richard Peters had said, when Weiser was taken ill and "liked to have died and if he had what must have become of Indians affairs." The govern- ment purchased a trunk to carry Weiser's traps, and also a hammock for it was no longer safe for the old man to sleep on the ground.9
Owing to numerous delays, occasioned by the seeming opposition of Shikellimy, the purported message of the Cayugas, and the visit of the western tribes, he was long in starting. At last with the instructions of the council in his pocket, Weiser left his home at Tulpehocken, August 11, 1748 and accompanied by his guest, Benjamin Franklin's illegitimate son, William, began his great western trip. The second night, he stayed at George Croghan's. On the 18th, he reached the Standing Stone, and on the 20th, at Frankstown, he overtook the long train of packhorses bearing the goods, and under the charge of Croghan.10
Such a scene, the dense wilderness had not witnessed since the vegetation of those western hills and mountains began. It was the first great invasion of the west. The foot trail wound about in thickets of laurel, hemlock, spruce and pine and clambered over barren rocks and moun- tain craigs, sometimes almost losing itself in bog and swamp. It was a varied cavalcade that pursued the narrow path. Led by the naked Indian guides who searched the way and with George Croghan, the greatest Indian trader of the time, well in the van, the limping horses, burdened with their heavy packs of goods and urged on by the swearing drivers, straggled along the narrow trail for miles. In the rear, swaying low in the saddle
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to avoid the foliage which brushed his lessened locks of gray, was an old man, the leader of the great mission. No other man could have led it. To the dusky redmen along the Ohio, Miami and Wabash and on the great prairies beyond, Conrad Weiser personified the riches, majesty and power of the English people. Long, had they known him, not only, as the repre- sentative of Pennsylvania, Virginia, Maryland and New York, but of the great king beyond the sea; and as the friend of Shikellimy, Canassatego and Scarooyady and trusted as a son by the Great Council at Onondaga.
At night, when the straying horses had been gathered in, white men and red men, their suppers eaten, sat about the campfires and smoked their pipes in peace. Their grim stories of the frontier, finally, told, they all gathered about the fires in sleep. To young William Franklin resting on the ground by the hammock, where Conrad Weiser reclined in the sleep- less nights of old age, the scene must have seemed a dream.
One day, they came across a dead man lying in the trail, who had killed himself by drinking too much whiskey, "and he smelling very strong, we covered him with stones and wood and went on our journey." On the 25th, they came to the Allegheny river and the next day Weiser hired a canoe and completed his journey by water. The 27th, he dined with Queen Allaquippa, "an old Seneca woman who reigns with great authority." Indian heralds had gone out among the tribes to announce his coming, and the warriors were gathering in great numbers at Logstown on the Ohio (now Ecnonmy), where he arrived that evening and was saluted with a hundred guns.
On the 3rd and 4th of September, Weiser was ill and very weak, but on the next day was able to discuss, the ensuing council, with Scarooyady. In the negotiations, he was assisted by Andrew Montour and George Croghan. He had to deal with Senecas, Shawnees, Wyandots, Mohawks, Mohicans, Onondagas, Cayugas, Oneidas and Delawares, representing, in all, seven hundred eighty nine fighting men.
The treaty was a great success. The Indians pledged their fidelity to the English or as Scarooyady said, "have tied our hearts to theirs." Weiser distributed the Pennsylvania presents, as well as £100 contributed by Virginia, all of which gave great satisfaction.
By the treaty of Logstown, Weiser bound the Ohio tribes to the English and opened the west to the Pennsylvania traders, so that Phila- delphia became the emporium of the western fur trade.
Virginia was not slow to avail herself of the opportunities offered. Thomas Lee, of that colony, associated with himself Lawrence and Augus- tine Washington and others and organized the Ohio Company, which secured a grant from the king of 500,000 acres south of the Ohio and between the mouths of the Monongahela and Kanawha rivers. The subse- quent activities, of this company, led to the French invasion of the Ohio region, the erection of Fort Duquesne and the beginning of the French and Indian War.
On Tuesday, December 6, 1748, Shikellimy died.
The last trip Canassatego made, to Philadelphia, was in August, 1749.
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The Six Nations had decided to send deputies there and those of the Senecas, after tarrying for some time, became tired of waiting and came alone, arriving about July 1st. At a conference with them, they complained about the squatters on the unpurchased lands north of the Blue mountains, presented a petition of the Conoy Indians for compensation for lands which they had abandoned east of the Susquehanna, and referred to the attempted peace with the Catawbas. The Conoy's request was refused, but they were assured every effort would be made, to turn the squatters off, and a proclamation to that effect was issued. They were given suitable presents and directed to notify the other deputies not to proceed to Phila- delphia, but to return home.11
The government had made the mistake of treating with them alone and not awaiting the arrival of the other and more important deputies. Evidently, Peters and the governor thought it cheaper to deal with a few, than with many. Early in August, the remaining deputies together with those of the Senecas arrived at Tulpehocken. Weiser was exasperated, probably, because he was privy to the scheme of Peters and the governor, and realized the smart trick was frustrated. They were in great numbers, nearly three hundred of them. Now, that he was bereft of the wise counsel of Shikellimy, Weiser lost his head and clumsily insulted Canassatego, always his devoted friend, for which he suffered a merited and stinging rebuke. Canassatego, in a manly and dignified speech, reminded him they had ever before been welcome guests, but he presumed, that now when they had surrendered their most valuable lands, they were to be treated like the Delawares and other homeless Indians.12 They would go home and never return to Philadelphia again. Weiser, thoroughly baffled, and per- ceiving he had put his foot in a bad mess, which would bring disaster to the province, got his senses and finally persuaded them to resume their journey.
Arriving at Philadelphia, they held a council with the governor, August 16th, 19th and 21st. The result was that for £500, the Indians ceded the land from the Kittatinny hills to a line running from the mouth of Mahanoy creek to the mouth of the Lackawaxen and bounded on the east by the Delaware and on the west by the Susquehanna. But, the heretofore friendly relations, between the Iroquois and the Pennsylvania government, were strained.13 Thomas Penn, who exhibited more sagacity, than either the petulant Peters or the blundering Weiser, wrote from England, "I think you went too far in pressing them not to come down, and should another time not treat with a part of the deputation, and give them presents, but only entertain them 'till the others arrive. I do not wonder at their improper behaviour after being so ill-treated and fear it will be long remembered. I am satisfied, that they were never so slighted since my father settled the country, and desire great care may be taken that they shall not be so for the future.14
Canassatego died at Onondaga, about the 6th of September, 1750.
Two of the great triumvirate, that directed Indian negotiations for many years, were gone. Of the three, Canassatego was the most brilliant
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man. He was an Onondaga and lived and died at the capital of the con- federacy. Of the Six Nations dialects, that of the Onondagas was the most perfect and in its use he was unexcelled. He chose the most striking meta- phors and expressed them in beautiful and chaste language. He was endowed by nature with a tall and majestic presence, had a well modulated and resonant voice and his graceful poise and impressive gestures lent charm to his utterance. Contemporary whites who heard him were entranced by his eloquence, and some of these critics pronounced him the greatest orator, they ever heard. But, grand as was his oratory, in subtle negotia- tion, Canassatego surpassed every Indian of his time. He was never taken off his guard and by his adroitness in debate, he snatched the leadership from his English adversaries and led every council in which he participated. Usually a temperate man, he never yielded to the allurements of strong drink, until his business was concluded. For thirty years, although inferior in rank to the sachems who composed it, this remarkable man dominated and led the Great Council at Onondaga. Canassatego was the greatest orator of the Iroquoian people.
Conrad Weiser was a shrewd, practical man. His early environment fitted him for the part he played and Shikellimy and James Logan gave him his opportunity. Accurate, skillful and truthful in his interpretations, he is esteemed as the greatest of Indian interpreters. As a negotiator, he relied, largely, on the counsel and advice of Shikellimy, who paved his way at Onondaga and gave him his cue at Philadelphia. In every crisis, he hearkened to the voice of the master at Shamokin. Shikellimy's opposi- tion to his Logstown mission made him reluctant, and he, only, went so that George Croghan should not supplant him in emolument and honor. Devoted to Shikellimy, it is to his eternal honor, that he relieved the old man's poverty and distress. There was a little instability in his character, evidenced by his religious inconsistences and his insult of Canassatego and the Iroquois in 1749. Weiser was devoted to the proprietors of Pennsyl- vania and because there was little conflict between their interests and those of the Six Nations, he was never tempted to betray the trust of the Iroquois. He had contempt for the Delawares, but never used them harshly, and justly regarded the Shawnees as a treacherous and perfidious people. He rendered invaluable services to Pennsylvania and the other English colonies. Conrad Weiser had the elements of greatness.
The better opinion, may well be, that, of the three, Shikellimy was the greatest man. He was modest, temperate and honest. He had the best of common sense and formed his conclusions with accurate judgment. His uncanny foresight enabled him to separate the true from the false, as evi- denced by his pronouncing the purported message of the Cayugas a falsi- fication, although it tended to support his opposition to the Logstown mission, and his detection of the falsity of rumors ever prevalent among the Indians. He rendered great services to Pennsylvania, but always main- tained his dignity and honesty, as representative of the Six Nations. His insistency, that the wrongs of the Indians be righted and the rum traffic be suppressed, merits great commendation. He was equally just in seeing,
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that Indian criminals in his jurisdiction were handed over to the authori- ties and punished. The Council at Onondaga implicitly trusted him and the government at Philadelphia gave him its confidence. He was a man of strict principle, as evinced by his refusal to sign the Maryland treaty at Lancaster, because he believed it gave Maryland land in Pennsylvania to which it had no right. He protected and encouraged all missionaries ; and although baptized a Roman Catholic, preferred the Moravians, because he esteemed them as true and disinterested friends of the Indians. As Anthony Palmer, president of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, said. "Shikellimy was a person of character at Shamokin."
NOTES-CHAPTER FOUR
1. The Logstown Treaty, so termed in Walton's, "Colonial Policy of Penn- sylvania, Chapter 9.
2. Col. Recs. 5 pages 84 to 88.
3. Ibid, 121, 122.
4. Ibid, 145 to 151.
5. Ibid, 212, 213.
6. Ibid, 222.
7. Ibid, 284 to 289.
8. Ibid, 307 to 319.
9. Ibid, 197.
10. Ibid, 348 to 358, containing Journal of Conrad Weiser.
11. Ibid, 388 to 398.
12 .. Peter's MSS 2, page 122.
13. Col. Recs. 5, pages 398 to 410; Pa. Archs. 1st Series, 2, pages 33 to 36. copy of deed.
14. Penn's Letter Book 2, page 297, Historical Society of Pa.
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CHAPTER FIVE
THE ALBANY CONGRESS AND SUSQUEHANNA PURCHASE
In 1750, the Mohawk chiefs told Conrad Weiser, that most of those at Onondaga were in the French interest, and that they resented their treatment by the English.1 To appease the Pennsylvania Indians, Weiser and Richard Peters, by direction of the government, removed the squatters from the unpurchased lands, and burned their cabins, along the Juniata, in Sherman's Valley, on the Tuscarora Path, in the Big Cove, and at Aughwick.2
In 1749, Celeron, was sent, by the governor of Canada, to conciliate the western tribes, and on his journey, he buried lead plates, one of which translated reads, as follows :
"In 1749, during the reign of Louis XV, King of France, we Celeron, commander of a detachment sent by Marquis De Legalissoniere, Com- mander in Chief of New France to restore tranquility in some savage villages of these districts have buried this plate at the confluence of the Ohio and Tch-a-da-koin, this 29th of July, near the river Ohio, alias 'Beautiful River, (Belle Riviere)" as a monument of our having taken possession of said river Ohio, and of all lands on both sides as far as the sources of said rivers, as well as of those of which the preceding kings of France have enjoyed possession, partly by force of arms, partly by treaties, especially by those of Riswick, Utrecht, and Aix la Chapelle."3
Thomas Penn offered to contribute £400 for the erection of a stone fort on the Ohio and £100 yearly for its support, but the assembly was adverse to its erection.4 Croghan, Christopher Gist and Andrew Montour were reproved by the Pennsylvania government for an unauthorized treaty, they had made with the Twightwees.3 In 1752, the Twightwees town on the Allegheny was attacked by French Indians and they sent a pathetic message imploring English assistance.6
The western Indians, at this time, were firm in their allegiance to the English and determined to repel French aggressions. The governors of New York and Pennsylvania desired to help the Indians, but were
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unable to do so, because of the opposition of their assemblies. Owing to this apathy and blundering tactics, the English alliance withered away.
In 1753, the French built a fort at Presque Isle and another Fort Le Boeuf. Marin, the commander, having died before this was completed, he was succeeded by another officer, St. Pierre.
Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, who may have been actuated by his friendship for Hanbury, London partner in the Ohio Company, which was vitally interested in the retention of the Ohio region, acted with more energy than the other governors. He selected young George Washington to deliver a letter, to the French commander, inquiring the reason of his invasion and threatening to repel force by force if he did not desist. Washington was, probably, selected because his brothers, Lawrence and Augustine were influential members of the Ohio Company. He was accom- panied by Jacob Van Braam, French interpreter, Christopher Gist7 as guide, John Davison as Indian interpreter and Barnaby Currin, Henry Steward, John McGuire and William Jenkins as attendants. His route from Alexandria was by the way of Will's Creek to the present Mt. Brad- dock, Pennsylvania, where Christopher Gist had made a plantation and established his headquarters, as agent of the Ohio Company. Virginia then claimed the southwestern part of Pennsylvania, as a part of that colony. At Logstown, Washington met Scarooyady and Tanacharisson, the Half King, Iroquois governor of the subject tribes on the Ohio. Accompanied by the latter and several other Indians, they made their way to Venango at the mouth of French creek. The commander there was the celebrated half-breed, Captain Chaubert de Joincaire son of Seur de Joincaire and a Seneca squaw, and the most potent agent of France in the west. He hospitably entertained the Washington party with food and wine, but the French officers boasted they would drive the English out, who although possessing the greater numbers were too slow to move.
Washington and his retinue arrived, at Fort le Boeuf, December 11, 1753 and were kindly received by Lagardeur St. Pierre, the commandant. Fort le Boeuf was located on the south of the west branch of French creek and was almost surrounded by the creek and a small branch of it. It was a well constructed palisaded fortification, enclosing the guard house, chapel, doctor's lodging and commander's quarters. Without were the soldier's barracks, stables and smith's shop. It was garrisoned by about one hundred men, exclusive of officers.
Upon the arrival of Repentingy, commander at Presque Isle, who had some knowledge of English, Washington delivered his letter. Repentigny made a translation, which Van Braam perused and corrected. St. Pierre wrote his reply and delivered it to Washington, who left December 16th. After passing Venango, Washington became impatient at the slow progress, the horses were making and he and Gist determined to go the rest of the way on foot. They soon encountered a party of French Indians and one of them fired at Washington or Gist, but fortunately missed his aim. They captured the fellow and compelled him to accompany them for a distance
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