USA > New York > The Pennsylvania and New York frontier : history of from 1720 to the close of the Revolution > Part 8
USA > Pennsylvania > The Pennsylvania and New York frontier : history of from 1720 to the close of the Revolution > Part 8
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Aughwick had become a vast encampment of savage refugees. Half starved and panic mad, they had trekked over the mountains, and by the various trails, like wild pigeons in the spring, had poured pellmell out of the woods and descended on Croghan's place. There, they were : Mingoes, Delawares and Shawnees; the Half King, Scarooyady, the Beaver, Dela- ware George, Dishickany and the lesser lights of Indian government ; feathered warriors and filthy squaws ; lusty youths and fair young maidens ; feeble old men and women ; and naked but pretty little red boys and girls. They camped in twenty cabins around Croghan's house, crowded his stables and pig sties full and filled the woods on every side. They devoured
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his fields of corn, ate his squashes and beans, filched his chicken coops, killed his pigs, milked his cows and drank themselves crazy in the woods, where they sold the rum traders what little they had, stole what they could and begged for more.
They hurrahed and whooped their welcome to Conrad Weiser, for to them, he was the government of Virginia and Pennsylvania, and spoke for their father, the king, across the great water. They expected he would tell them what the English would do, and hoped he would send a great army and drive the French away. But, if not, they intimated, all the Indians would succumb to the French, and even they be compelled home- ward, and there be friends and subjects of the French father. Weiser appeased them, as best he could, paid Croghan's bill, gathered grain and provision for their support and left them, as the only proper thing to do, in Croghan's charge.8
About October 1st, the Half King arrived at John Harris', very ill and died a few days later, and his remains were interred, there, with the full honors of Indian burial.9 Scarooyady, who succeeded him, as Half King, was sent by the governor on a mission to Onondaga.10
Governor Morris called the attention of the assembly to the critical situation on the frontier ; and the assembly submitted an act for the emis- sion of bills of credit and an appropriation for the king's use, which they knew he could not approve.11
There were no depredations on the frontier, in 1754, except an attack on Fort Massachusetts and the burning of buildings at Hoosic, in New York, by Canadian Indians.12
NOTES-CHAPTER EIGHT
1. Joshua Fry was a native of Somersetshire England, educated at Oxford and had been professor of mathematics at William and Mary College. With Peter Jefferson, father of Thomas Jefferson, he made a map of Virginia. He was a member of the House of Burgesses and was one of the commissioners who ran the line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1752, he was one of the Virginia com- missioners who made a treaty with the Indians at Logstown. He was very familiar with the Ohio region. Colonel Fry died May 31, 1754, at Wills Creek, while on the expedition of which he had command.
2. Situated about five miles east of Uniontown, Pa.
3. Col. Recs. 6, 195.
4. Report of Washington to Dinwiddie; Col. Recs., 6, 195; Historical Collec- tions of Pa., 331; Marshall's Life of Washington, 1, page 4; Bancroft's History of the U. S. 2, 384, Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 1, 269; Montcalm and Wolfe, 1, 151.
5. For description of the fort, see Pa. Archs. 12, 420; Historical Collections of Pa., 331.
6. Col. Recs., 6, 52; Pa., Archs. 2, 146.
7. Col. Recs., 6, 51, 52, 136, 151; Pa. Archs., 7, 420; Marshalls Life of Wash-
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ington, 1, pages 4, 5, 6 and Appendix note page 11; Historical Collections of Pa. 33 ; Bancroft's History of the U. S., 2, 385; Montcalm and Wolfe 1, 165 to 167; Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution 2, 270.
8. Weiser's Journal, Col. Recs., 6, 140 to 163.
9. Ibid, 184.
10. Ibid, 180, 184, 193 to 200.
11. Col. Recs., 6, 165 to 247.
12. Pa. Archs. 2, 167, 168.
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CHAPTER NINE
BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT
Alarmed by the French encroachments, the British government sent over two regiments of regular infantry, each consisting of five hundred soldiers, and commanded by Sir Peter Halkett and Colonel Dunbar. Each regiment was to be augmented by colonial enlistments of two hundred men. Major General Edward Braddock, who was appointed commander in chief of the British forces in North America, arrived at Williamsburg in February 1755. Braddock admonished Governor Morris, that he expected liberal grants of support and supplies, reminding him, that as Pennsylvania was the most opulent and prosperous colony and most affected by the French intrusion, no evasion would be permitted. He com- plained that the Philadelphia merchants had been supplying Canada with grain, which stocked the French magazines, and insisted this trade must be stopped. Morris, in his reply, admitted, with shame, his helplessness because his assembly would grant no money, and stated that Pennsylvania, alone, could supply the whole army, as the products of its farms required, for transportation, the services of five hundred ships, mostly owned by the rich merchants of Philadelphia.
Governor Morris, in compliance with the request of Sir John St. Clair, quartermaster general of the British forces, appointed John Armstrong, George Croghan, James Burd, William Buchanan and Adam Hoops com- missioners to lay and construct a road, from the settled parts of the province, to intersect the proposed route of Braddock's army. They sur- veyed it from Shippensburg to the Turkey Forks of the Youghiogheny, and began its construction.
The governor issued a proclamation prohibiting all vessels, clearing Philadelphia, visiting French ports and placing their masters under a penal bond of £500 for violation of the prohibition.
The assembly submitted a bill, for the issuance of £25,000 in bills of credit redeemable in ten years, which they knew the governor could not approve without violating the king's instructions. He pocketed the bill and sent it to the crown officials,as evidence of the perversity of the assembly, which adjourned without making any provision for raising a militia, the construction of the road or the support of the governor. The separate assembly, of the three lower counties on the Delaware, loyally
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supported the governor, with a liberal grant of supplies and cattle for Braddock's army and appropriated £1000 which the governor used in constructing the road.1
The Quakers who dominated the assembly would not grant money for war; but would appropriate it to the "king's use," knowing full well, when they voted it, that he would use the money to shoot other men. Such is the inconsistency of religious fanaticism and extreme pacifism Franklin, who had recanted his former opposition to the governor, gives amusing examples of their foolish conduct and religious eccentricity. Once, New England in need of powder, applied to Pennsylvania for a contribu- tion for that purpose. The Quaker assembly refused, because powder was an ingredient of war; but voted £3000 aid to be put in the hands of the governor and expended for the purchase of bread, flour, wheat or other grain. The council advised the governor not to take it. He replied: "I shall, take the money, for I understand very well their meaning, other grain is gunpowder." At another time, Franklin and the other non-Quaker mem- bers of the fire company desired to use some of its money for the defense of the city, which was threatened by the French, but fearing the opposi- tion of the Quakers, he proposed to a friend, who was not a Quaker, "if we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire engine with the money; the Quakers can have no objection to that, and then you nominate me and I you as a committee to purchase it. Then, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire engine."
A council of war was held, April 14th, at Alexandria, attended by General Braddock, Commodore Keppell, and Governors Shirley of Mass- achusetts, De Lancey of New York, Morris of Pennsylvania, Sharpe of Maryland and Dinwiddie of Virginia. It was agreed that Colonel William Johnson was the proper man to negotiate with the Six Nations and lead an expedition against Crown Point; and that Governor Shirley should command the reinforcement of Oswego and the force sent against Fort Niagara. It was also decided that two ships, for service on Lake Ontario and one for use on Lake Erie, should be built.2
American writers have severely and perhaps unjustly criticised Brad- dock. They, generally, extol the colonial officers as skillful and valorous and disparage the British as stupid and tactless. They have praised the Amer- ican soldier for his alertness and blamed the British for his blunders. Probably, the truth lies between these extreme views. That both were brave may be granted, for both were of the same blood and the English have always had the reputation of being brave. It was to be expected, as the British officers were of a higher social class and better educated, they would disdain the colonial officers, who were of all classes from shoemakers to lawyers and chosen for popularity and not ability. And it was inevitable that the Americans would resent this arrogance with hatred.
All agree Braddock was honest and brave. He, evidently, was no great man, but he, probably, was as good a soldier as the average English officer of his day. Stories are told both of his brutality and manliness. He was sixty years of age and far too old to learn the American manner of
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fighting by ambuscades; but he did not advance, until his army was organized and adequately supplied with munitions, provisions and trans- portation. He did not push his troops pell-mell through the woods by an Indian trail, but constructed a substantial road for its ingress and egress. His march was protected by an advance guard of scouts, rangers, and axe men ; and his main army and convoy were amply protected by outflankers. Contrary to most statements, his troops were not ambushed, but met the enemy in front and in the usual way battles begin.
There was delay in securing the needed supplies, which it was expected Virginia and Maryland would furnish, but as little was raised there except tobacco and negroes, it was necessary to fall back on the rich farms of Pennsylvania for beef and flour. The planters, in Virginia and Maryland, rolled their tobacco hogsheads down to the river wharfs and had no heavy wagons. Consequently, but twenty five wagons could be secured there, and Braddock declared, in despair, that the expedition must be abandoned for lack of carriage. Franklin, who was in his camp, inti- mated to him, that in Pennsylvania every farmer had at least one. Brad- dock employed him to procure the wagons, and Franklin advertised in Lancaster, York and Cumberland counties and in two weeks, hired one hundred and fifty wagons and horses and two hundred and fifty nine pack horses. 3
The Braddock expedition was badly planned. The troops should have been landed at Philadelphia, whence a shorter route could have been taken to Fort Duquesne, through the rich farming districts of Pennsylvania, which would have afforded plentiful supplies of bread and beef. Due to the influence of Hanbury, London partner of the Ohio Company, the route was switched to Virginia, which could supply neither supplies nor trans- portation. Most of the provisions came from the storehouse at Shippens- burg, by the way of the Conococheague route to the Potomac and up that river to Fort Cumberland. The forces rendezvoused, at Fort Cumber- land, consisted of the 44th and 48th regiments of infantry of seven hundred men each, the artillery, engineers, a detachment of sailors, the independent companies of New York and nine companies of Virginia troops of about fifty men each. George Croghan came from Aughwick with thirty seven Indian scouts.3 In all there were about twenty two hundred men.
June 3rd, the march through the mountains began, but owing to delays in building the road, the progress each day was slight. Rangers and Indian scouts were thrown out in advance, and a guard protected those constructing the road. The main army and convoy were covered by flank- ing parties and the whole line of march was protected against a surprise attack and ambuscade. To retard the advance, the Indians attacked a settle- ment near Fort Cumberland and a considerable number were killed, wounded and taken prisoners. Another foray was made on those building the road, from Shippensburg, and a man was killed, and James Smith a boy was taken as prisoner to Fort Duquesne.
At the Little Meadows, the army was divided, it is said, at the sug- gestion of Washington, who was one of Braddock's aides. Braddock with
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twelve hundred picked men, the artillery and a pack train pushed forward ; and Colonel Dunbar, with the heavy artillery and baggage wagons, was left behind to follow as best he could. The engineers examined the fords of the Monongahela and found, by crossing two of them, a narrow defile and rugged ground could be avoided.
The army marched, with an ample advance guard and strong out- flankers, and about mid-forenoon of July 9th, crossed the first ford with- out mishap. They proceeded over quite level ground to the second ford, which was at the trader Fraser's place, and about seven miles above Fort Duquesne. The water was low and the protruding rocks made an almost dry passage way. Washington looked back at the crossing horsemen, wagons, pack horses and soldiers clad in scarlet, with their shining guns and glistening bayonets, and thought it the finest sight he had ever seen. When the last pack horse was over, they formed on the comparatively level, but thickly wooded plain, which was crossed by two slight ravines and encompassed by a hill on the right and the river on the left.
At Fort Duquesne, the approaching army caused consternation. Scouts were sent out the 6th, 7th and 8th of July and they reported the advance and strength of the English force. A council of war was held and at the suggestion of Beaujeu, one of the captains, it was determined to go out and fight the English. Beaujeu appealed to the Indians and twice they refused to take up the hatchet. The third time, he made an impassioned speech and closing exclaimed, "I am determined to meet the English. What ! What, will you let your father go alone." This caught them. They took up the hatchet, painted themselves and danced the war dance. Early in the morning of July 9th, open kegs of powder and casks of bullets were placed on the ramparts and the Indians bidden to help themselves. They filled their powder horns and bullet pouches and marched away in war bands. There were between six hundred and seven hundred warriors of the various Canadian and Western tribes, one hundred and forty-six Can- adians, and seventy two regular French soldiers. They were commanded by Beaujeu and thirty six French officers. By 8 o'clock, Fort Duquesne was clear of them and they were straggling up the Monongahela.
Some have tried to account for Beaujeu's failure to ambush or attack the English at the fords, which he had plenty of time to do. But, he may have reasoned. To prevent the fall of Fort Duquesne, it is necessary to defeat and destroy the English army. Because of their precautionary advance, it is impossible to ambush them. An attack at the fords, if suc- cessful, would only destroy a part of them. The better plan is to attack them in front, when they are all over and trust to Indian tactics for suc- cess. Be it as it may, this is what he did.
Braddock's army marched across the plain, with rangers and scouts in advance and followed by the Virginia light horse, the vanguard, the advance guard of three hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel Gage, the axe men, and engineers commanded by Sir John St. Clair, two field pieces, the wagons with powder and tools, the rear guard of the advance party, then the light horse and main convoy of wagons and pack horses
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shielded by strong files of soldiers on either side and amply protected by outflanks at a distance of one hundred yards in the woods.5
When the advanced party had successfully crossed the last ravine, the scouts saw a French officer, probably, Beaujeu naked as an Indian but wearing a gorget with the insignia of his rank, dart through the woods. He spied them, shouted and the woods in front swarmed with Frenchmen and Indians, who poured a murderous volley on the advance, which fell back on Gage's force. Gage wheeled his cannon into line and discharged them at the enemy. The noise of the artillery fire terrified the Canadians who mostly ran away and the Indians who scampered back into the forest. Beaujeu was killed and Dumas who succeeded him thought all was lost. But the French regulars manfully stood their ground and with precise aim brought down many of Gage's men. The Indians recovered their senses and like hornets swarmed back to the front and secreted themselves behind logs and trees.
Braddock now ordered up his main force and formed them in a solid line. Gage's men were driven back upon them and they all became huddled together in a confused mob of bewildered men. The Indians flocked on either side and pelted them from every tree and log. From the hill they poured down their most destructive fire. The British were unused to this. They were stupid and brave and had only been trained to fight an open enemy in a solid line, and could not withstand the fire of a hidden foe. The officers were likewise blind to Indian tactics and deemed it cowardice to seek shelter from a concealed enemy. They rushed here and there exhorting their men to charge the unseen foe, who if dislodged, returned like wasps to sting them again.
Gage and St. Clair were wounded, Shirley, the secretary was killed, Halkett and his son were shot dead, Colonel Burten who commanded the 48th regiment was wounded and so were Orme and Morris, two of the aide-de-camps. Washington the other aid escaped unhurt but had two horses shot under him. Braddock, bravely and furiously raced hither and thither, commanding, exhorting and savagely beating those who sought shelter. Four horses were shot under him, and at last a bullet, probably, from the gun of an Indian hidden behind a log struck him in the thigh, went up through his body and pierced his lung. He was carried from the field a dying man.
The confused and bewildered mass of men, huddled together with- out rank or order and mowed down like sickled grain, fired wildly into the woods and blindly at the unseen foe. After three hours of this din and carnage, they broke and fled. Now that all was lost, their dying general ordered them to retreat. Without guns, wagons, pack horses and sup- plies, they crowded along in disordered flight up the river and by the way they came.
The French and Indians did not pursue, but sated themselves with plunder of the field and fallen foe. Their losses were slight, mostly among the Indians to whom must be accorded the credit of fighting and winning the battle.
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According to the list furnished by Captain Robert Orme, the English casualties were out of eighty five officers present, sixty three killed or wounded and of the men engaged six hundred killed or wounded. Frank- lin stated that seven hundred and fourteen were killed out of eleven hundred engaged.
The fugitives fled to Dunbar's camp, which was about seven miles from the Great Meadows. The mortally wounded Braddock was conveyed there, and died about 8 o'clock in the evening of July 13th. He was buried in the road and the horses and wagons were run over his grave to obliterate all traces.6
Dunbar destroyed the ammunition and superfluous provisions, which occasioned much complaint, but Orme stated it was done to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, and that it could not be moved, because all the horses left were needed to carry off the wounded. Dunbar with what was left of the army retreated to Fort Cumberland.7 Franklin reported Orme told him Braddock was silent the first day and at night said only, "Who would have thought it," and the following day muttered "We shall better know how to deal with them another time."8
NOTES-CHAPTER NINE
1. Col. Recs. 6, 300 to 476.
2. Doc. Hist. of N. Y. 2, 648; Col. Recs. 6, 365.
3. Autobiography, Franklin's Works, Vol. 1, 267; Pa. Archs. 2, 294-295.
4. George Croghan was born in Ireland of Protestant parents and emigrated to Pennsylvania, locating in 1741, west of the Susquehnana in the vicinity of Carlisle, where his only white child, Susannaha was born in 1750. He learned to converse in the Iroquoian and Delaware languages but not proficiently and was never engaged as an efficient interpreter. He engaged in the Indian trade and his chief trading posts were at Aughwick and Logstown. He hired many traders who made their way to the far west and he was called the prince of traders .. When Sir William Johnson became superintendent of Indian affairs, perhaps, because of an inclination to help a fellow Irishman, he appointed Croghan deputy superintendent. He obtained large land grants from the Indians both in Pennslyvania and New York. In 1758, he went to Pittsburgh and built a large place, which he called "Croghan Hall"; but he finally failed as an Indian trader and lost all his land ventures. During the Revolution, he was suspected of treason. Croghan died at Philadelphia in 1782.
5. See P. MacKeller, the engineer's plan.
6. Historical Collections of Pa. for site of the grave, page 334.
7. Col. Recs. 6, 487 to 491, 480, 481, 482, 484 ; Montcalm and Wolfe, 1, 420 to 434.
8. Franklin's Works Vol. 1, 274.
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CHAPTER TEN
THE BATTLE OF LAKE GEORGE
Braddock, at Shirley's suggestion, appointed William Johnson, super- intendent of the affairs of the Six Nations and their allies.1 Johnson was greatly pleased and proud of this appointment. It was the business, he knew best and he was on firm ground. He knew how, when and where to begin, which he did by selecting Peter Wraxall as his secretary. Wraxall was a native of Bristol, England and became secretary of Indian affairs at Albany in 1752. He was secretary of the Albany Congress and was an efficient and experienced clerk. Johnson derived his military authority from the colonial governors.2 He was, of course, pleased with this appoint- ment, but realized he lacked the qualifications and experience, necessary to command such an important expedition. Although, he did not like it, as with most politicians, he desired military glory. In letters, (Johnson Papers 1,456), he expressed his sincere sentiments, wherein he wrote : "That were my abilities much greater, I should think them greatly inferior to the qualifications requisite in the person to conduct an affair of so great importance. You must be convinced, that the little experience I have had in military affairs cannot entitle me to the distinction, preferable to so many of superior merit in your own government."
He did, however, have some important requirements. His business instinct taught him, that to wage successful warfare, he must have muni- tions and supplies, and he constantly importuned Braddock, Shirley and De Lancey for them. His political sagacity convinced him the easiest way, to win and hold the attachment of his officers, was to provide them liberal social festivities, and he solicited the colonial governments to provide for his military establishment so he could entertain them. Johnson had a firm friend in Goldsbrow Banyar, secretary of the New York council, who was bound to him by the close ties of mutual land speculation, and who, by countless letters, fully informed him of the attitude of the governor and assembly, and of any clouds darkening the horizon of his hopes.
The Crown Point movement may be dubbed the lucky campaign. Johnson solicited the assignment of a competent artillery officer, and Brad- dock sent him William Eyre, a captain of artillery, a competent engineer and experienced in European warfare. This was luck number one. John- son made him commissary general, and he inspected and assembled the
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munitions and supplies, had the gun carriages repaired, supervised the building of bateaux necessary for transportation and arranged the encamp- ment at Albany. Massachusetts sent Stephen Webster, a master workman and fifty carpenters to build two hundred contemplated bateaux.3
Connecticut demanded the choice of the second in command of the expedition and appointed Phineas Lyman, a young lawyer of that colony, to the position. This was luck number two. Bancroft calls him a man of uncommon martial endowments. He was brave, alert, resolute, loyal and a good soldier. Born at Durham, Connecticut in 1716, he graduated from Yale, and became a lawyer. He was in the disastrous attack on Ticonderoga and was with Amherst when he captured it and Crown Point. He served in the Havana expedition, and died in 1774 at Natchez, where he was engaged in a colonizing enterprise.
Johnson remained sometime at his home Mt. Johnson, dictating let- ters to Wraxall and dickering with the Indians. He held a conference with eleven hundred of them, June 21st and secured, their pledge to join his expedition and render assistance to Shirley at Oswego. On July 8th, at his house in Albany, whither he had removed, Johnson conferred with General Lyman and the colonels of his army. Plans for the campaign were reviewed.
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