USA > New York > Westchester County > Westchester county in history; manual and civil list, past and present. County history: towns, hamlets, villages and cities, Volume II > Part 4
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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34
" The close of the war had left the country burdened with a large debt, on which Congress could not pay the interest, because it had no money and no means of getting any. States often refused to pay their due proportion into the public treas- ury. Open rebellion existed in some parts of the country and Congress was powerless to enforce order. No gold was in cir- culation and paper money had been issued by the States and by Congress to such an extent as to depreciate its value and render it worthless. Commerce was at a standstill and the entire country was bankrupt. Thoughtful people feared a state of anarchy would soon prevail and the disruption of the Federal Union would follow, some even believing that England would again conquer the country, for the king's troops were still quar- tered in the military posts along the northern frontier.
" Under such circumstances as these the necessity for a stronger central government became imperative, but the result was not easy to accomplish. More than one attempt was made and failed, but finally a convention composed of delegates from all the Colonies, except Rhode Island, was assembled in Phila- delphia on the 14th day of May, 1787. This convention con- tinued in session for four months, and as the result of its labors the present Constitution of the United States was framed and presented to the people for approval.
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" But little is known as to the debates which occurred during the sessions of this convention, for the only record of its pro- ceedings which has been preserved consists of the notes taken by James Madison (afterwards President of the United States) and others, who were in attendance as delegates. These notes were very full and make most interesting reading, because they show the range of subjects under consideration and the names of those who were in attendance and participated in the dis- cussions. From these records we learn that the proceedings were reasonably unanimous and free from violent discussion, except upon three questions, the most important of which was the manner in which the different States should be represented in the Federal Congress. And here we again have occasion to notice distrust and suspicion on the part of the smaller toward the larger States. The delegates from the smaller States insisted that, inasmuch as the convention was forming a union of sov- ereign States, each of the States should have an equal represen- tation in Congress, while on behalf of the larger States it was urged that the number of representatives from each State should be based upon its population. This dispute was compromised by giving to each of the States an equal representation in the Senate, and providing that in the House of Representatives the number of members from each State should be determined by the population. The two remaining questions which provoked serious discussion were whether or not the slave trade should be permitted to continue, and how slaves should be counted in estimating the population of a State as a basis for determining the number of members to which it should be entitled in the House of Representatives. These questions were of immense importance at that time, but owing to the complete abolition of slavery in this country they are now interesting to us only as matters of history."
Among the delegates attending this convention were General Washington, Randolph and Madison from Virginia; Alexander Hamilton from New York; Benjamin Franklin and the two Morrises from Pennsylvania; John Rutledge and the two Pinck- neys from South Carolina; Roger Sherman from Connecticut, and many others, all constituting an assemblage of political thinkers whose sagacity has never been surpassed.
The Convention completed its labors on September 17, 1787, after the members had signed the new Constitution.
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From the notes of the Convention, taken by James Madison, we reproduce the following to illustrate the impressiveness of the occasion :
" Whilst the last members were signing, Doctor Franklin, looking toward the President's chair, at the back of which a rising sun happened to be painted, observed to a few members near him that painters had found it difficult to distinguish, in their art, a rising from a setting sun. 'I have,' said he, ' often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that behind the President, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting; but now, at length, I have the happiness to know that it is a rising and not a setting sun.' "
The Constitution* was ratified in June, 1788, by the requisite number of States. This most important instrument has come to be regarded as a masterpiece of political wisdom, not only by those who directly enjoy its benefits, but by students of political institutions throughout the world. Of it the great English Premier Gladstone once said: " As far as I can see, the Ameri- can Constitution is the most wonderful work ever struck off at one time by the brain and purpose of man."
Mr. Froude, the great English historian, in speaking of our Constitution, said :
" The problem of how to combine a number of self-governed communities into a single commonwealth, which now lies before Englishmen who desire to see a federation of the Empire, has been solved completely in the American Union. The bond which, at the Declaration of Independence, was looser than that which now connects Australia and England, became strength- ened by time and custom. The attempt to break it was suc- cessfully resisted by the sword, and the American Republic is, and is to continue, so far as reasonable foresight can anticipate, one and henceforth indissoluble."
*The Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States is in an iron safe in the library of the State Department, in Wash- ington, D. C. The four pages of the Constitution and the pages containing the resolution submitting the Constitution to the States of the Union, are in excellent condition. The ink is as black as when fresh laid with a quill pen.
The Declaration of Independence itself is fairly well preserved, but few signatures are legible. Both these important documents were exposed to view on May 7, 1911, the first time in nine years, then because the Secretary of State had to open the safe for the purpose of inspecting the demurrers, which he found in good condition.
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PARK LAND FORMERLY IN THE COUNTY.
Pelham Bay Park, formerly within the boundaries of the town of Pelham, now belonging to the City of New York, con- tains 1,756 acres of land.
Van Cortlandt Park, formerly a part of the town of Yonkers, now belonging to New York City, contains 1,132.35 acres.
Bronx Park, formerly a part of the town of West Farms, now of New York City, comprises 716 acres.
Crotona Park, formerly a part of the town of Morrisania, now belonging to New York City, has 154.6 acres; Claremont Park, nearby, has 38 acres.
Bronx and Pelham parkway is 11,861 feet long and 400 feet wide.
Mosholu parkway is 6,035 feet long and 600 feet wide.
Crotona parkway and avenue is 3,815 feet long and 200 feet wide.
The Spuyten Duyvil parkway is 11,500 feet long, and ranging in width from 60 to 180 feet.
The Borough of the Bronx (formerly the southern section of Westchester County) has a greater area of parks than any of the other boroughs of Greater New York.
The Borough of Manhattan has 47 parks, which are improved and have official names; 10 which are improved and not named; 4 which are named but not improved. Central Park is the largest, with 943,019 acres; Riverside Park has 140,037 acres, and they are the largest of the 61 parks. The driveways in the parks are confined principally to Central and Riverside Parks; Central Park having ten miles of them, ranging in width from 35 feet to 60 feet. Central Park is now valued at $150,000,000.
STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT.
The State of New York contained nineteen counties in 1783, when in March of that year, by act of the Legislature, these counties were subdivided into townships. Westchester County, in 1790, had a population of 24,003 (see page 8, vol. 1, of this Manual), and was subdivided into twenty-one townships. The town of Bedford was considered the county's chief township and had a population of 2,470.
The townships, into which the counties were divided, were corporations invested with certain privileges. The act directs that the freeholders in the several townships shall assemble in town meetings, on the first Tuesday in April annually, and choose their town officers, viz .: One Supervisor, one Town Clerk, from three to seven Assessors, one or more Collectors, two Overseers of the Poor, Commissioners of Highways, Consta- bles, Fence Viewers, Poundmasters, etc. These to hold their respective offices one year, or until others be chosen. This act, which appears to have originated from a spirit of pure repub- licanism, came in force the first day of April, 1789. It had a happy tendency to disseminate through the State such infor- mation and such principles as were calculated to cherish the spirit of freedom and support of free republican government. The frequent gathering of people in town meetings made them acquainted with each other, and assimilated their ideas and their manners. Their being invested with power made them feel their importance and roused their ambition. Advocates of the law maintained that town meetings would be as so many schools, in which all the free citizens of the State might learn how to transact public business with propriety, and in which they might qualify themselves for the highest offices of the State. The number of town offices, it was argued, could be increased, from time to time, without additional expense to the State; and as the desire of promotion is innate in human nature, and as ambition to possess the requisite qualifications commonly accompanies this desire, the probability is that the number of persons qualified for public office would be increased, and of course the number of good citizens proportionably multiplied
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and the subordinate civil affairs of the State more faithfully and more regularly transacted.
The town meeting as it existed in the early days, and still exists in some communities, has been considered, in the opinion of best authorities on the subject of civil government, the most perfect example of a government by the people that can be found in the political history of any nation, and the town meet- ing has been a nursery of patriotism, a school for the education of citizens and a safeguard for the preservation of the liberties of the people. Doubtless these town meetings were, in the early days, what the proposed " direct primaries " are intended for in these days.
These meetings were popular because they permitted all the male inhabitants of the town, over twenty-one years of age, to have a part in the civil government. In these meetings every attendant had an equal voice and was at liberty to make motions, offer resolutions and partake in the discussions of any and all questions under consideration, such as the levying of. taxes, the election of officers and the expenditure of public money.
In New England the old custom of holding town meetings still exists in many sections, which have refused to abandon it for more pretentious governmental methods. In these meetings all qualified persons take part and attendance is compulsory, failure to attend being punishable by a fine. These town assem- blies are considered a complete exemplification of a government " of the people, for the people and by the people."
All writers are agreed that the various forms of government prevailing in the United States have been the growth of either the Township system, derived from the New England Colonies, or the County system, which was first developed in the Colony of Virginia.
The County, like the Township, was of English origin, and was, in the first instance, used to designate the portions of England in which the early inhabitants dwelt. This is shown plainly by many of the county names which still exist in England. For example, the County of Essex was originally the home of the East Saxons, and the County of Middlesex was the abode of the Middle Saxons. English history informs us that still another German tribe invaded England called the Angles. These people and the Saxons were of similar origin, and the term " Anglo-Saxon " is used to designate the union of these tribes. From the Angles was derived the name of England,
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and after their settlement they were divided into two tribes known as " North Folk " and " South Folk," from which originated the two county names of Norfolk and Suffolk. All these county names were imported to this country by the early settlers and one or more of them can be found in use to designate either a county or a city in nearly all of the original thirteen colonies.
Westchester County derives its name from Chester in Eng- land, and was given it by early English settlers.
When the Constitution of the United States took effect, in the year 1789, there were no large cities in the country. The largest city was Philadelphia, which had a population of about 31,000 inhabitants. ? Next came New York with a population of 23,000, followed by Boston with 18,000. These were the largest cities in the original thirteen states, and there were scarcely a dozen others with a population of 5,000 each, so it is apparent that questions of municipal government could not have been troublesome in those days, because it is not in small cities that the present abuses exist.
A well-known writer, in speaking on this subject, says : " The system of municipal government in vogue in this country has been the least successful of all our political institutions. The scheme of government provided by our political fore- fathers has been satisfactory in national and state affairs, but this has not been the case in the government of cities. The problems of municipal government received but little attention from them, doubtless because they believed that the citizens of a community should have sole charge of the regulation of local affairs. Even if they had considered it a part of their duty to provide a scheme for municipal government, it is doubtful if such a scheme would now be successful, for the reason that the questions which now confront those who are charged with the administration of city affairs did not exist in the latter part of the eighteenth century."
Compare the population of New York, Boston and Phila- delphia in 1789 with the population of those cities to-day ; compare the expense of running these same cities with the expense of to-day.
In 1910 the Director of the United States census published statistics endeavoring to provide reasons why cities cost so much to run and where the money goes. Most important of all were the facts showing the general cost of being a full-
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grown, modern American municipality at the present day. For the purpose of comparison as well as brevity, New York and the other members of the first group of cities have been selected. They are Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis and Chicago. It costs more to run New York city for a year than it does to run all the other four combined. Indeed, it is a more expen- sive proposition to pay for maintaining New York than the remaining fourteen cities of the United States which have populations in excess of 300,000.
The expenditures for New York city for 1907 amounted to $433,280,130. The cost of the whole group of fifteen cities was $829,093,363. It is apparent from this that New York's budget for that year, which is the last for which complete comparative tables were obtainable, was considerably more than half the whole group. For the same year the gross expendi- tures of the four cities ranking next to New York were as follows :
Chicago . $87,695,310
Philadelphia 54,630,372
St. Louis 32,869,768
Boston 55,714,029
Total. $230,909,479
The expense in New York city for 1911 will go far over the million mark.
New York police employees exceed in number double that of any other city in the Union; it had 9,604 men in 1907. Chicago had 4,529; Philadelphia, 3,201; St. Louis, 1,788; Boston, 1,386.
New York City's fire department cost in the year 1907 $7,925,277, a several times greater sum than any other city.
In view of later period changes, picture the surprises that would meet Washington were he able to walk the streets of one of our modern cities to-day: 'He never in his life saw a flagstone sidewalk, nor an asphalted street, nor a pane of glass six feet square. He never heard a factory whistle; he never saw a building ten stories high, nor an elevator, nor a gas jet, nor an electric light; he never saw a hot-air furnace, nor entered a room warmed by steam; he never struck a match, nor sent a telegram, nor spoke through a telephone, nor touched an electric bell; he never saw a horse car, nor an omnibus, nor
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a trolley car, nor a ferry boat. Fancy him boarding a street car to take a ride! He would probably pay his fare with a nickel, but the nickel is a coin he never saw. Fancy him star- ing from the car window at a fence bright with theatrical posters, or at people rushing madly by in an automobile, or at a man riding on a bicycle, or at people sailing through space in a modern air-ship.'
This reference is given to illustrate the changes which have taken place between the year 1789 and the present day. In Washington's time people were satisfied to travel as fast as horses would carry them, and then, some time, the pace was considered too rapid.
The origin of modern cities dates back to the history of Eng- land of about the eleventh century, when towns and cities began to grow in importance and receive royal recognition.
In 1789 nearly all the cities in the United States were gov- erned on the plan of the New England town meeting, except the city of New York, which had the first city government in the country. The town meeting was satisfactory until the cities became so large that the annual meetings of the citizens were unwieldy from the number attending them, and each individual citizen could no longer have a voice in public affairs. In such a case an application would be made to the State Legislature (as now) asking that a charter be granted providing a scheme of government and incorporating the city as a body politic.
Boston for a period covering one hundred and eighty years, from the date of its organization as a town to 1822, had a gov- ernment by town meeting. In the latter year, when the last town meeting was held, the town had a population of 40,000, and the meetings were so large as to be unwieldy and unman- ageable. Then an application was made to the State Legisla- ture for a city charter.
Villages may be incorporated under a general act, or by special act of the Legislature. As the population of any locality increases and the territory becomes thickly settled, such locality may become incorporated as a village whenever a majority of the voters at an election held for determining the question shall be in favor of such a change, and with the taking and recording such a vote in the office of the County Clerk.
In the early days of our Nation's history there was no ballot- voting; it was a viva voce matter, and each man knew his fel- low's creed. At the polling place, in the public hall or on the
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open green, electors assembled. On a bench raised high above the crowd were seated the opposing candidates, for Congress or State Delegates, for the close inspection of the electors pre- vious to voting. Near the candidates stood the Sheriff and Deputy Sheriff; around each of the candidates pressed com- mitteemen, workers with tallies, vociferous well-wishers, and prophets of victory, and a few personal friends. Citizens entitled to vote gathered from all sections; they came in vehicles, on horseback and afoot; the strong and the weak, the halt and the blind, the sick and the well, the old and the young; all free men, all alert, all pleasurable excited over the prospect of a political fight in which their side was sure to win.
As the electors approached the bench on which sat the can- didates, and in front of the Sheriff, the voter was to announce in a loud, clear voice the name of the candidate for whom he voted; the Sheriff as loudly recorded each vote and a clerk made record in a book of each vote so cast. At the end of the ballot- ing there was no delay in announcing the result of the election.
The custom of the time required that the candidate voted for should thank the man who voted, and that at once and pub- licly, aloud and aptly, with no slurring acknowledgment of service.
Such elections were held in this County, on the public green in front of St. Paul's Episcopal Church, in East Chester.
In the primitive days much was made of election times. It was one grand gala day, when everybody in the country around assembled expecting to meet every other man with whom he was acquainted. Friends of candidates vied with friends of opposing candidates in endeavors to provide entertainment of a substantial character in the way of nourishment, evidently believing that through banqueting the good will of electors and their votes could be secured. All ranks of society, all ages, occupations and opinions met on a common level and partook of the good cheer furnished by candidates, and, doubtlessly, feasted at the spreads provided by both candidates, accepting, probably, what they received as " honest graft," as the term is used to-day. In many ways, electors were constructed in the early days of our Nation's history as are their relatives of the present period.
Town meetings frequently continued to be held several days.
COUNTY ELECTIONS IN EARLY DAYS.
To illustrate how electors of the early days could be aroused over political issues, equally as well as electors of the present day, a report is here given of an election held on October 29, 1733, for Representative in the Provincial Assembly for West- chester County. It was not like one of those recent village elec- tion held in this County, for a few hours in the afternoon; it lasted about three days, and proved to be most exciting.
It was one of the early battles for Colonial rights, and the issue was awaited with intense interest.
Although the voters were from various towns of the County, it was an affair especially of the two great Manors of Morrisania and Phillipseburgh-the opposing hosts being made up chiefly by their respective tenantry. Lewis Morris and Frederick Phillipse were the rival lords of these Manors. They had their mansions in the city of New York and their Manorial Halls-one in Mor- risania, the other in Yonkers-on their rural domains. In the town they revolved with a lessened lustre around the provincial court, but in the country they were magnates, calling the roll of their tenants on quarter days from their stone portals.
Each of these semi-feudal proprietors held high office of state; Morris being Chief-Justice of the Province, and Phillipse an Associate-Judge of the Supreme Court. Morris had the Repub- lican traditions of his family, who were once soldiers of Crom- well's horse. Phillipse inherited the ultra-royalist principles prevalent under the Stuarts.
In 1733 Morris was sixty-five years of age, and Phillipse was near fifty. In August of that year Morris had been arbitrarily removed from the office of Chief-Justice by Governor William Cosby for a decision adverse to the Governor in his celebrated suit against Rip Van Dam. James DeLancy was then made Chief-Justice and Phillipse was promoted to the seat of second Judge.
Morris then determined to appeal to the people, and offered himself as a candidate for the Provincial Assembly for the County of Westchester, his son Lewis, Jr., being already a mem- ber of that body. Phillipse, his political and social rival, by way
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of belittling the contest, put up an obscure schoolmaster and a Jacobite, a Mr. William Forster, as the opposing candidate.
Phillipse had opposed a levy of quit rents on his Manor, which his partisans termed a "land tax," and instead of it had advo- cated the raising of revenue by excise duties. Hence the oppos- ing rallying cries of the electors. The election took place on Eastchester Green, in front of the old St. Paul's Episcopal Church, still standing there.
At that date the only newspaper in either Province was the New York Gazette, a weekly, published by William Bradford, the public printer, who was, of course, devoted to the party of the Governor. This was the first paper published in the Colony, and its first number had appeared only eight years before. The result of this election was not such as pleased the Governor, and the report of same did not appear in the court organ. A re- porter connected with the paper journeyed to the scene of elec- tion for the purpose of securing the usual "full report," but, owing to the result being adverse to that desired by the Gov- ernor's friends, Publisher Bradford refused to allow the report to appear in the Gazette. Subsequently, the reporter, John Peter Zenger, showed his report to friends of Morris, who decided to have same published, and so encouraged Zenger that he was able to issue the second newspaper of New York; the first number, entitled the New York Weekly Journal, was published on Novem- ber 5, 1733.
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