Centennial History of Butler County, Ohio, Part 20

Author: Bert S. Bartlow, W. H. Todhunter, Stephen D. Cone, Joseph J. Pater, Frederick Schneider, and others
Publication date: 1905
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1149

USA > Ohio > Butler County > Centennial History of Butler County, Ohio > Part 20

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his appearance. The outlines of his head can lay no claims to intellectuality. He can not be a great man, every one feels it. He displays no oratory, but judging from the peculiar twinkling of his eye, he is no slouch at wit. Ugliness predominates; rough and rugged in manners and looks, he still is conceded to possess fine talent as a debator. The idea of comparison with Douglas is ridiculous, and no one but a fool or an idiot ever thought of it. His visit to Ohio is to be an offset to the popularity of the 'little giant.' Lincoln owes his tem- porary notoriety to Douglas. Pitted against him in the great Illinois campaign, in de- bate literally flayed and picked to the bones, beaten on the hustings and at the polls, he now follows at a safe distance in the wake of Dug. resting solely on the glory of be- ing his opponent for fame and name. Every one is free to confess the swindle, and set the thing down as a remarkable instance of Republican claptrap and insignificant lit- tleness. Douglas after all. aside from his political proclivities as a politician and a statesman, as a man of the people, is with- out a rival in America. No matter how pol- iticians may prate and editors babble, no matter what truckling schemes are gotten up to set aside his popularity and misinterpret his motives, all the slander and lies of the opposition, all the intrigues of cliques and parties, of Abolitionists and slavery fa- natics and rip-raps, all the power of the flesh and the devil, can not change one jot or tittle, the wish and will of the American people."

CAMPAIGN OF 1860-THE DOUGLAS MEETING

Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, the "Little Giant," candidate for the presidency, was

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here Wednesday afternoon, September 26, to the number of several hundred, paraded 1860. The great political gathering of 1840, on foot and on horseback. Milford was rep- resented by an immense hickory vehicle filled with Democratic voters and drawn by six- teen farmers' horses, each mounted by a "Little Giant." when both political parties met in Hamil- ton on the same day, and all other great po- litical gatherings pale into insignificance as compared to the Douglas mass meeting, when 40,000 people assembled to see and hear the great champion of popular sover- eignty.

Senator Douglas came by special train of six cars from Dayton.

Along the line from Dayton to Hamil- ton there was an enthusiastic reception everywhere. Salutes were fired, and where opportunity offered Judge Douglas ap- peared on the platform and was enthusiastic- ally cheered. His arrival at Hamilton was greeted with the wildest demonstrations of regard. A procession was formed; amid the firing of cannon and the music of sev- eral bands, the guest of the people was es- corted from the depot to the center of the city. The Democracy of old Butler turned out in their strength, and gave good evi- dence of what they can accomplish when they make an effort. Bands of music, im- mense hickory wagons, hickory poles. ban- ners, inscriptions, etc., characterized the procession. Wayne township bore off the palm for hickory wagons. One of them was drawn by thirty-five horses, and upon each horse was a good Democratic voter, draped in black pants, red shirt and glazed cap. Several others, over which canopies were erected, were loaded with misses rep- resenting the states of the Union, gaily and appropriately draped for the occasion. Mad- ison township turned out handsomely in numbers, and with large hickory wagons, banners and mottoes. "Douglas Boys" and "Little Giants." in oilcloth capes and caps,

One long hickory wagon was filled with boys, and upon each side of the vehicle was the significant inscription. "Fathers, Protect us from Negro Equality."

The speaker's stand was erected in the court house yard, which was filled to over- flowing. and when the thousands who could get within hearing distance had assembled, the streets were still alive with people. The trees even were loaded with men anxious to listen to the views presented by Judge Doug- las upon the great national questions which now agitate the public mind. The appear- ance of Mr. Douglas upon the stand was hailed with cheers from ten thousand per- sons, the waving of banners, and music by the bands.

When the tumult had subsided, William H. Miller. Esq., of Hamilton, came forward and made a beautiful and appropriate wel- coming address, which was attentively lis- tened to, and warmly applauded by the mul- titude. Judge Douglas followed in response, and although laboring under very great hoarseness from continued speaking. made an address occupying about half an hour. He said in part :

Fellow citizens of the Miami valley, I regret that I have not the voice to reach the extremity of this vast audience, but if you will observe en- tire silence, I will make as many of you hear as it is possible for me to do.

I did not think that we had much chance of carrying the state of Ohio, at this election, until within the last few days. From what I have al- ready seen since I have entered the state, I am

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now satisfied that Ohio is nearly as sure for the Democratic party as New York or Illinois. [Loud cheers.] The enthusiasm among the people shows that you are thoroughly aroused to the importance of the great issue involved in this contest. Never in the history of our country has there been a time when the peace of the country and the perpe- tuity of the Union have depended in so great a de- gree upon the success of the Democracy as in this very election. In the midst of abundance and of prosperity, which ought to make any people on earth happy and contented, we find sectional strife and discord prevailing. One portion of the Amer- ican people are being alienated from the other- the North is aroused and excited against the South, and the South against the North. What, let me inquire of you, is the cause of this sectional strife? It is to be found in the attempt of the federal government to interfere with and control the domestic institutions of the people in the ter- ritories.

Whenever congress has attempted to touch the question of slavery it has aroused the worst passions of the American people; and on the other hand, when it has observed the true line of policy, that of non-interference with the ques- tion of slavery, there has been peace and fraternal feeling between the different portions of this Union. ["True."] If I am right in this statement of facts, which I apprehend no man can question, what is the true line of policy and duty for us to follow? I answer, it is to maintain that old Democratic principle of non-interference by con- gress with slavery. I call it a good old Democratic principle, and yet the Democratic party is not en- titled to the exclusive credit of originating it. You all remember how in 1850 the Freesoilers of the North, and the Disunionists of the South drove this country to the very verge of disunion on this slavery question. and how the Union Whigs and the Union Democrats, under the lead of Clay, Web- ster and Cass, rallied together and adopted the compromise measures of that year as the only mode of relief and safety. [Cheers.]

Those measures were predicated upon the prin- ciple that congress should not interfere with the question of slavery at all, but that it should be banished from the halls of congress, and referred to the people of the territories to decide as they pleased, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. In 1852 the Whig party assembled in national convention at Baltimore, and pledged its faith to the support of this principle. The same

year the Democratic party met in national con- vention at the same place, and made a similar pledge for the Democracy. Thus you find that only eight years ago, every Whig and every Demo- crat stood in honor bound by the platform of his party to carry out the principle of non-interfer- ence by congress with slavery in the territories. [Great applause.]

The Republican party, in opposition to this principle of non-intervention and self-government in the territories, demand that congress shall inter- fere to prohibit slavery wherever the people de- sire to have it; while, on the contrary, the seces- sion party of the South-the men who bolted at Charleston and Baltimore-demand that congress shall interfere to maintain and protect slavery wherever the people do not want it. [Laughter and cries of "That's it."]

The Republicans only ask that congress shall prohibit slavery wherever the people want it, for the reason that wherever the people are opposed to it they will prohibit it themselves. [Laughter and applause.] On the other hand, the Breckin- ridge men say they do not desire to have con- gress interfere with slavery only when necessary. When is it necessary in their opinion? Not when the people are in favor of slavery, for whenever they desire to have it they will maintain and pro- tect it themselves. The Breckinridge secessionists, therefore, only desire congress to interfere in fa- vor of slavery where the people do not want it, and will not have it. [Cries of "That's true," and applause.] From this it appears that the Republi- cans under Lincoln and the Disunionists under Breckinridge agree in principle. They agree first, that congress shall decide the question of slavery in the territories; second, that congress shall de- cide it in every case against the wishes of the peo- ple, [laughter and applause] and third, in denounc- ing non-intervention and popular sovereignty as a humbug. Agreeing thus far, they only differ only as to which way congress shall decide the ques- tion, the Northern Republicans claiming that it shall decide in favor of the North, and the South- ern secessionists insisting that it shall be decided in favor of the South. If either of these parties succeed, therefore, the American people are to be divided by a geographical line. The Republicans appeal to all Northern men to rally under one ban- ner, and the secessionists ask all Southern men to rally under another banner, and thus divide the country into two parties, the one arrayed against the other in deadly hostility. How long can this

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Union be preserved under the control of such par- ties as these? I tell you, my countrymen, there is but one escape from the evils of such sectional organizations, and that is by adhering to the good old doctrine agreed to by the Democrats and Whigs in 1852, of non-intervention by congress with slavery in the territories. (Applause)

My friends, I will not detain you longer. You see[loud cries of "go on, go on"] that I am speak- ing with great effort, and neither doing justice to you, nor to myself. [Cries of "We are satisfied, go on," etc.] When I commenced this canvass I did so under the promise that I should not be called upon to speak but once in two days. Shortly after I entered into it I was required to speak once a day, and here lately I have been obliged to make at least three speeches a day. It has been growing and growing, until the day before yesterday I believe I was called upon to address eight different crowds. [Cheers.] I am willing and ready to devote all my energies, all my voice, all my power to the good cause, [applause] but there is a limit to every man's exertion. I only hope, my friends, that you will do as much as I. [Cries of "We will try to," and applause.] With- out any further remarks I will now retire from the stand and let some one take my place, who can entertain you better than I have done.

UNION MASS MEETING ·

On April 18, 1863. a union .mass meet- ing was held in Hamilton. The streets were crowded wtih visitors from neighboring cities, and from a distance. The town was full of flags and patriotic decorations. Across High street, at the court house, a large banner was hung with following de- vices : About a portrait of President Lin- coln was: "The people will sustain the people's choice. Honor to a President and not to a partisan." Above the portrait of Washington was: "The Union, it shall be preserved."

"The Battle Cry of Freedom" was the best received of the songs given by the Ham- ilton Union Glee Club with Dr. C. Markt as leader.

At the afternoon meeting Col. Lewis D.

Campbell presided. Addresses were made by Governor David Todd, of Ohio, Governor Oliver P. Morton, of Indiana, Judge Stan- ley Matthews, Hon. Henry Winter Davis, and General Ambrose E. Burnside. Gen. Burnside spoke as follows :

My Friends: If I had the faculty of speaking in public it would not be proper for me here to speak to you at any length. I came to this Depart- ment for the purpose of attending to military du- ties and with no intention of taking part or mix- ing, further than I could help, in the administra- tion of civil affairs. I do not come here today to identify myself by remarks, with any political creed or doctrine, but to meet and confer with the friends of the country. I came here to meet the loyal citizens of this neighborhood, many of whom knew me in my boyhood, and as I could not see them all singly, this afforded me an excellent op- portunity to make my acknowledgements for the interest they have shown in my welfare. There- fore I may be excused for absence from headquar- ters for a few hours. It certainly affords me great pleasure to meet my friends who have done me the honor of coming here to meet me, and espe- cially to learn that there are so many earnest hearts interested in the cause of the country. I am blessed with little more authority than you here in suppressing treason and all those acts which go to create dissension and I deem it the duty of every man and woman to aid me in this work. [Cheers and "We will."]

It may not be amiss for me to say something to you of my general views as to the results of this war, and something of my creed, in which I shall risk repeating some remarks which you may have already seen in print. I came here with the full belief that we shall ultimately succeed, and re- solved to devote whatever of physical strength and mental ability I possess to the suppression of this rebellion. I do not believe this rebellion can succeed because it originated in wrong. [Cheers.] It will most undoubtedly maintain its integrity, if we ourselves use the powers God has given us to help sustain it.

VALLANDIGHAM'S RETURN FROM EXILE.

In 1863 C. L. Vallandigham was ar- rested at his home in Dayton by order of General Ambrose E. Burnside, commanding

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the department which included Ohio, for violating "Order Number Thirty-eight," prohibiting treasonable utterances. Subse- quently he was tried by a military tribunal held in Cincinnati, found guilty and sen- tenced to banishment beyond our lines in the South. Later he turned up at Windsor, Canada, and while there he was the Demo- cratic candidate for governor of Ohio, in October. 1863, but was defeated by John Brough, by a majority of 101,000.

In June, 1864, when there were about four thousand soldiers from Butler county at the front, Dr. John McElwee, Jacob Troutman, David W. Brant and Edward Dalton, who were warm political and per- sonal friends of Mr. Vallandigham, went to Windsor, Canada, and prevailed upon him to return from exile, and address the Democracy of the United States from Ham- ilton. He returned with them, but in dis- guise and incognito, and on June 15, 1864, in his true person he delivered an address at the court house. He said :

MEN OF OHIO: Today I am again in your midst, and upon the soil of my native state. Today I am once more within the district which for ten years extended to me highest confidence, and three times honored me as its representative in the con- gress of the United States. I was accused of no crime against the Constitution or laws, and guilty of none. But whenever and wherever thus charged upon me by process of law, I am now ready to an- swer before any civil court of competent jurisdic- tion, to a jury of my countrymen; and in the meantime, to give bail in any sum which any judge or court, state or federal, may affix; and you, the hundred and eighty-six thousand Democrats of Ohio, I offer as my sureties. Never for one hour have I remained in exile because I recognized any obligations of obedience to the unconstitutional and arbitrary edict. Neither did personal fear ever restrain me. And today I return of my own act and pleasure because it is my constitutional and legal right to return. Only by an exertion of arbi- trary power, itself against the Constitution and

law, was I abducted from my home and forced into banishment. The assertion or insinuation of the President that I was arrested "because laboring with some effect to prevent the raising of troops and army," and was responsible for numerous acts of resistance to the draft and to the arrest of de- serters, causing "assassination, maiming and mur- der;" or that at any time, in any way, I had dis- obeyed or failed to counsel obedience to the lawful authority, or even to the semblance of law, is ab- solutely false. I appeal for the proof, to every speech I ever made upon those questions, and to the very record of the mock military commission by the trial and sentence of which I was outraged. No; the sole offense then laid to my charge was words of criticism of the public policy of the ad- ministration, addressed to open and public political meeting of my fellow citizens of Ohio, lawfully and peacefully assembled. And today, my only "crime" is that in the way which they call treason worship I the Constitution of my fathers. But for now more than one year, no public man has been arrested, and no newspaper suppressed within the states adhering still to the Union, for the ex- pression of political opinion; while hundreds, in public assembly and through the press, have with a license and violence in which I never indulged, criticised and condemned the acts and policies of the administration, and denounced the war, main- taining even the propriety and necessity of the recognition of Southern independence. Endorsed Democratic party of my native state, at the late election and still with the sympathy and support by nearly two hundred thousand freemen of the of millions more, I do not mean any longer to be the only man of that party who is to be the vic- tim of arbitrary power. If Abraham Lincoln seeks my life, let him so declare, but he shall not again restrain me of my personal liberty, except upon "due process of law." *

The time has therefore arrived, when it becomes me as a citizen of Ohio and of the United States to demand and by my own act to vindicate the rights, liberties and privi- leges which I never forfeited, but of which for so many months I have been deprived. Wherefore men of Ohio, I am again in your midst today. I owe duties to the state, and am here to discharge them; I have rights as a citizen and am here to assert them; a wife and child and home, and would enjoy all the pleasures which are implied in those cherished words. But I am here for peace, not tur- bulence; for quiet, not convulsions; for order and

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law, not anarchy. Let no man of the Democratic party begin any act of violence or disorder; but none shrink from any responsibility, however ur- gent if forced upon him. Careful of the rights of others, let him see to it that he fully and fear- lessly exact his own. Subject to rightful author- ity in all things, let him submit to excess or usur- pation in nothing. Obedient to the Constitution and law, let him demand and have the full meas- ure of protection which law and Constitution se- cure to him.

Men of Ohio: You have already vindicated your right to hear; it is now my duty to assert my right to speak. Wherefore, as to the sole of- fense for which I was arrested, imprisoned and banished-free speech in criticism and condemna- tion of the administration; an administration fitly described in a recent public paper by one of its early supporters, "marked at home by disregard of Constitution rights, by its violations of personal liberty and liberty of the press, and as its crown- ing shame, by its abandonment of the right of asylum, a right especially dear to all free nations abroad." I repeat it here today, and will again and yet again, so long as I live, or the Constitution and cur present form of government shall sur- vive. The words then spoken and the appeal at that time made, and now enforced by one year more of taxation and debt, and of blood and dis- aster, entreating the people to charge the public servants and their policy, not by force, but peace- ably, through the ballot, I now and here reiterate in their utmost extent, and with all their signifi- cancy I repeat them, one and all, in no spirit of challenge or bravado, but as an earnest, sober, sol- emn truth and warning to the people.

Three years have now passed, men of Ohio, and the great issue, constitutional liberty and free popular government, is still before you. To you I again commit it, confident that in this the time of their greatest peril, you will be found worthy of the ancestors who for so many ages in England and America, on the field, in prison and the scaf- fold, defended them against tyrants and usurpers whether in councils or in arms.

PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON.

On Saturday, September 14, 1864, An- drew Johnson, candidate for vice-president, and who was subsequently elected to that office, and after the death of Abraham Lin-

coln, became President of the United States, was in Hamilton. He was accompanied by Horace Maynard, then United States sena- tor from Tennessee.

Both of these men addressed the citizens of Hamilton and vicinity in Beckett's hall upon the preservation of the Union. The old Thirty-fifth Regiment. Ohio Volunteer Infantry, then in camp here, acted as Mr. Johnson's escort.

BEN BUTLER IN HAMILTON.

October 6, 1866, is the date of Gen. Ben Butler's visit to Hamilton. The Democrats announced his coming as "Beast Butler, the cock-eyed hero-thief of New Orleans." This title was given Gen. Butler after his stay in New Orleans where it is said he appropri- ated the spoons of the people of that city.

The meeting of the "Radicals" was, how- ever, a great success.

"BLACK JACK" LOGAN HERE.

Gen. John A. Logan. of Illinois. was in Hamilton on the IIth of September, 1867. He addressed a radical Republican meet- ing. The official paper of the opposite po- litical party was most scathing in its rebuke of Gen. Logan. It appears that nothing was too harsh for it to say of General Lo- gan.

Notwithstanding all that was done to retard the success of the meeting, it was a "howling success."

HORACE GREELEY'S MEETING.

On Tuesday, September 24, 1872, Hor- ace Greeley, candidate for President, spoke in Hamilton. The meeting was an impromp- tu affair, only twelve hours' notice being

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given of his proposed visit. Mr. Greeley arrived at 8:30 o'clock in the forenoon, and was received at the depot by a large delega- tion of citizens, and, headed by the Apollo band, a line of march was formed, and es- corted the distinguished gentleman to the residence of Col. L. D. Campbell, at the corner of High and Second streets, where the speaking took place. Upon his arrival he was greeted by great enthusiasm from the assembled thousands. After a few words of welcome, Col. Campbell introduced the speaker. Upon the conclusion of Mr. Greeley's speech. the crowd was addressed by Governor Walker, of Virginia; Gov- ernor Randolph, of New Jersey ; Hon. John W. Sohn and Colonel Campbell. Mr. Gree- ley spoke as follows :

Men of Ohio-I bear you joyful greetings from the people of Indiana. [Applause.] I have looked into their clear eyes; I have seen the light of heaven reflected from their honest faces, and I tell you that as well as I can read men, I have read them, and feel assured that on the night of the 8th of October next they will send forth a ma- jestic voice on the side of national reconciliation. [Great applause.] The great liberal wave now sweeping over the country, destined to efface all distinction of race and all past bitterness, and to wipe out all this, will scarcely find anywhere a heartier response than from that people. Last night not less than fifty thousand of them met us at Indianapolis to say that so far as their state was concerned, they speak in no unequivocal voice, they are with you, they are for you, Liberals of Ohio and of all other states, in declaring that,. strife having ceased, hatred shall cease, proscrip- tion shall cease, disfranchisement shall cease and the whole American people united under one flag and animated by one patriotic impulse, shall march forward once more on that cafeer of greatness and prosperity planned and prepared for them by our Revolutionary fathers. [Applause.]

There is no more doubt at last that all must be as we propose. We can't hate each other for- ever. We can not keep raking up stories of An- dersonville, Salisbury and Libby prison to make

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Centennial History of Butler County, Ohio, Part 20

Author: Bert S. Bartlow, W. H. Todhunter, Stephen D. Cone, Joseph J. Pater, Frederick Schneider, and others Publication date: 1905 Publisher: Number of Pages: 1149

Author: Bert S. Bartlow, W. H. Todhunter, Stephen D. Cone, Joseph J. Pater, Frederick Schneider, and others
Publication date: 1905
Publisher:
Number of Pages: 1149