USA > Ohio > Crawford County > History of Crawford County, Ohio, and representative citizens > Part 19
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Campbell plurality .... 1,838 1897-Horace L. Chapman, dem. 4,725 *Asa S. Bushnell, rep. . . . 2,416 John C. Holliday, proh .. 59
Jacob S. Coxey, peo .... 81 William Watkins, soc. lab IO Scattering 17 7,308
Chapman plurality ... 2,309 1899 -- John R. McLean, dem. . . 4,538 *George K. Nash, rep .... 2,417
Samuel M. Jones, non- partisan 637 Seth H. Ellis, reform ... 90 Robert Bandlow, soc. lab 39 7,72I
McLean plurality ..... 2,12I
1901-James Kilbourne, dem. . . . 4,298 *George K. Nash, rep .. .. 2,396 E. Jay Pinney, proh ... 90
John Richardson, reform 22 Harry C. Thompson, soc 77 John H. G. Juergens, soc. lab. 16 6,899
Kilbourne plurality . . .. 1,902 1903-Tom L. Johnson, dem .. . . 4,425 *Myron T. Herrick, rep. . 2,478 Nelson D. Creamer, proh 91 Isaac Cowen, soc ... 124
John D. Goerke, soc. lab. 17 7,135
Johnson plurality .... . 1,947 1905 -* John M. Pattison, dem. . 5,000 Myron T. Herrick, rep. . 2,489 Aaron S. Watkins, proh. 74 Isaac Cowen, soc .. II2
John C. Steiger, soc. lab. 8 7,683
Patterson plurality ..... 2,5II
1908 --* Judson Harmon, dem. . . 5,913 Myron T. Herrick, rep. . 3, 188 Robert Bandlow, soc .... 15I
John B. Martin, proh ...
77 9,329
Harmon plurality . . . .. 2,725 1910 -* Judson Harmon, dem ... 5,450 Warren G. Harding, rep. 2,14I Tom Clifford, soc ... . 315
J. R. Malley, soc. lab .... I7
Henry N. Thompson, proh
33 7,956
Harmon plurality . .3,309
Crawford county has not fared very well as regards state offices. It started in all right, but later devoted more attention to the hold- ing of county offices, leaving other counties to fill the state positions. In 1830, Moses H. Kirby of Crawford was appointed secretary of state, and held the office for three years. Over fifty years passed when the next man
7
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to hold one of the state offices was E. B. Fin- ley. His office was also an appointive one, he being tendered the position of adjutant gen- eral of the state by Governor Hoadley, serving from 1884 to 1886. In 1895 Crawford county, for the first time, elected one of its citizens to a state position, Frank S. Monnett being elected attorney general and reelected in 1897. Another ten years elapsed and in 1910 Syl- vanus Strode was elected as dairy and food commissioner, and renominated again this year.
In 1856, Josiah Scott was elected a judge of the supreme court. He came to Crawford in 1829, but removed to Butler county in 1850, and was elected from that county, and re- elected for two terms, and at the expiration of his judgeship returned to Crawford county, so this county has a right to claim him. In 1876, the supreme court was so far behind in its business that several additional judges were appointed by Gov. Hayes to serve for three years, and Judge Scott was one of the ap- pointees on what was known as the supreme court commission.
Another citizen of Crawford to hold office in the capitol was Charles W. McCracken, who was appointed canal commissioner in 1896 by Governor Bushnell.
In 1867 Cochran Fulton of this county was nominated on the democratic ticket for state treasurer but was defeated. Judge Thomas Beer was nominated for supreme judge in 1892, on the democratic ticket, but was defeated.
In the legislature this county has held several positions. The first was John R. Knapp, who established the Peoples Forum in 1845, and in 1847 was appointed one of the clerks of the Ohio senate. The next year he was a candidate for the clerkship. The senate stood democrats 17, whigs 17, free soil 2, and the first ballot resulted Knapp, dem., 18; Galloway, whig, 13; Tappan, whig, 4; Stanley, free soil, I. Balloting commenced on Decem- ber 5, and Knapp was elected on December 8, on the 12Ist ballot, receiving just the 19 votes necessary to elect, the other 17 votes scattering between six candidates. The next year he was elected on the second ballot. The contest over clerk was due to the fact that prior to 1850 the clerk of the senate had con-
trol of the state advertising, which amounted to about $50,000 annually to some Columbus newspaper. In 1898 David O. Castle was elected as clerk of the senate serving one term. In 1910 W. I. Goshorn of the Galion Inquirer, was elected clerk of the senate, and is the present incumbent.
In 1874 Thomas Coughlin was elected clerk of the house, serving one term. He was also an editor of the Forum, owning that office from 1862 to 1868, later serving two terms as clerk of the court.
In 1890 Senator Perry M. Adams (Seneca county), representing this district in the state senate, was elected president pro tem of that body holding the office for two years.
Two citizens of Crawford county have re- ceived presidential appointments abroad, both newspaper men and both in the consular service. In 1831 William Crosby published the second paper ever issued in Bucyrus, which he called the Bucyrus Journal; he continued it for several years under different names, and in 1845 President Polk appointed him United States Consul at Talcahuano, Chili, and after serving for some time he found the office was not a paying institution and resigned to go into the business of whale fishing which proved more profitable. In 1898 President Mckinley appointed John E. Hopley, editor of the Evening Telegraph, as United States Consul to Southampton, England, and in 1903 he was promoted to the Consulate at Monte- video, Uruguay, where he served for two years returning to his editorial work in 1905.
Campaigning in the old days was vastly dif- ferent from what it is today, and prior to 1850 a speech a day was about all the dates a can- didate could fill, but if he were some promi- nent leader, the people assembled from miles around, and little towns of only a few hun- dred had crowds that numbered away up into the thousands. Generally the distinguished speaker was attended from one town to the next by a delegation of worshippers. It was about 1849 that John Brough made a demo- cratic speech at Bucyrus. His next date was at Tiffin, and Jacob Scroggs, Tom Orr, and a few other of the faithful young democrats of that day, started with him to Tiffin. The roads were bad, as they generally were, and reach- ing Melmore they decided to stay over night
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and continue their journey in the morning. After supper they found there was a whig meeting in progress at the school house ad- dressed by some local celebrity, and to put in the time attended the meeting. Brough was like the old Dutch governors of New York, he was built on the purest of geometrical prin- ciples ; he was five feet, six inches tall and six feet, five inches in circumference, and as jovial and good natured as men of that build gen- erally are. He was a great lover of a joke. During the young man's speech, he was scath- ing in his denunciations of the democratic party and defied any man present to contra- dict his assertions. After several challenges hurled at the audience, Brough quietly arose, and with his mildest look, innocently said, "Young man, if you have no objection I would like to answer some of your assertions." Brough looked anything but a statesman or an orator, and the young man jumped at the chance, smilingly thinking of how he would cover himself with glory by later literally skinning the unsophisticated looking stranger alive. Brough was one of the great orators of his day, and added to this was the happy faculty of being one of the people, and making himself at home with them. With his wit and humor, sarcasm and oratory he soon had the audience wild, and they were spell bound under his matchless eloquence, and when he con- cluded there was no answer from the young man, but instead cheer after cheer for the dis- tinguished speaker.
Another orator of the early days was Cooper K. Watson, not a natural born orator like Brough and Gibson, still an orator. He was a candidate for congress in this district in 1856, and had a date for an evening meet- ing at New Winchester, and Jacob Scroggs drove him down. Watson was a republican, and Mr. Scroggs was one of the many in the county who had joined the new party. When they reached New Winchester, they found a faithful republican who had built a fire and lighted up the school house. On their arrival he rang the bell, and the three waited. After half an hour Watson inquired where the rest of the people were, and was informed that there would probably be no one else there. Scroggs was for canceling the meeting, but Watson held the man had come to hear a re-
publican speech, and he would not disappoint him. So Scroggs presided, and introduced the speaker, and Watson addressed his single listener for an hour and a half, and when the speech was over the man turned out the lights, locked the door and went home, the two men driving back to Bucyrus.
John R. Clymer was clerk of the court from about 1862 to 1868, Tom Coughlin at the time being editor of the Forum, and Coughlin con- cluded to run for clerk, the arrangement being that if he got the nomination Clymer would buy the Forum. Coughlin's principal oppon- ent was A. A. Ruhl. In the course of his can- vass Coughlin stated that he visited Galion, and met Dr. D. Shumaker there, one of the prominent democrats, and solicited him for his support. Shumaker promptly replied that he was friendly to Mr. Ruhl, that gentleman hav- ing formerly been a Galion man and his people prominent in that town in its early days, there- fore he should certainly support Ruhl. The Doctor then inquired about Mr. Clymer, who was also a Galion man, and whose ancestors were also pioneers, and asked what he pro- posed to do when he left the clerkship.
"Why," said Coughlin, "if I'm elected clerk, Clymer is going to buy the Forum."
The Doctor promptly replied: "If that's the case you can count on my support. The Lord knows the Forum needs a change of editors."
Coughlin got the nomination, and Mr. Clymer became editor of the Forum.
After Mr. Clymer retired from the Forum he was a candidate for the nomination for probate judge. He was one of the polished speakers of the county, was more than friendly with everybody, in fact effervesced in his ex- pressions of interest in everyone. He was not good at remembering names and faces, and during the campaign met a young demo- crat in the postoffice, shook him warmly by the hand and expressed his great delight at meet- ing him, spoke of his dear old father and mother, and how he always loved to meet them, and finally inquired after the father. The young man solemnly replied : "Why, Mr. Clymer, father died last year."
"Ah," said Mr. Clymer, "so he did. I re- member it now, and how sorry I was to hear of it; if ever there was a democratic saint on
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earth, it was your dear old father. I'm a can- didate for probate judge and I know I can count on your support."
Half an hour later, Mr. Clymer met the same young man on the street, and his face looking familiar he shook him warmly by the hand and expressed his great delight at meet- ing him, spoke of his dear old father and mother, and how he had always loved to meet them and then inquired, "How is your dear old father?"
The young man promptly replied: "He's still dead."
In 1861 Joseph Worden was elected sheriff of the county, and when he took charge the following year he had as his assistant his older brother, better known as "Uncle Jimmie" Worden, who was prouder of his office as deputy than his brother was of the Shrievality. He was as faithful and accommodating in his duties as he was averse to fine raiment and soap and water. He was so friendly and good natured and willing that everybody overlooked his lack of cleanliness. When his brother left the office in 1866, "Uncle Jimmie" was out of his job, but he pined in secret for the posi- tion, and in 1869 he astonished everybody by announcing his name as a candidate for sheriff. It was regarded as a joke, and the only man in the county who took the matter seriously was "Uncle Jimmie" himself. In 1826 the sheriff's office was thrust on a man who had just become a resident of the county, but in 1869 things were different, and half a dozen men were in a terrific struggle to have the "thrust" come their way. It was cut and slash between the candidates, except "Uncle Jimmie," and he was allowed to follow the harmless amusement of running for office un- molested. In fact, the other candidates rather "pitied the sorrows of a poor old man," and while all had a bitter word for their opponents they had a kindly word for "Uncle Jimmie," and when they failed to land a man, generally closed with the remark, "Well, if you can't vote for me don't do me any harm, and if you can vote for Uncle Jimmie; he's a nice old fel- low, and it will break his heart when he finds how few votes he got."
The April primaries came. The ballots were cast and counted, and to the astonish- ment of everybody, except Uncle Jimmie him-
self, he was the winner. His every act and manner showed that he was astonished that anyone would think they could defeat him for sheriff.
The above is the story handed down of "Uncle Jimmie's" election as sheriff of the county. His candidacy had been a huge joke to, it was believed, every one but himself; yet there may be another side to it; as deputy for four years he had been the faithful and willing servant of his brother, the bar and the people; that he took more pride in the office than he did in his own personal appearance his dress gave unquestioned proof, but per- haps there were more people remembered his faithful service than his opponents expected.
For four years he was the happiest and least dressy man that ever held office in the county. But he still had those good qualities of willingness and an accomodating disposi- tion, and he never complained. Notwithstand- ing his slovenliness he was not disliked by the other officials, and as proof of this a glance at the election returns of 1871 when he was re- elected, shows he had the largest majority of any candidate on the county ticket. He was a poor writer and a still poorer reader of writ- ing, although he prided himself on his ability in reading writing. Once, in dead of winter, a witness was wanted in an important case; the subpæna was made out and handed to Jimmie. He spelled it out slowly and carefully and left the court room. The important witness only lived a block away. A half hour passed and no Jimmie; an hour went by and another hour followed it and still no Jimmie, and court was stopped awaiting his arrival. Inquiries were made but he could not be found. It was IO o'clock when he left the court room; he promptly went to the livery stable, secured a rig and started north on the Tiffin road. It was bitter cold, and the Tiffin road was the worst in the county in winter, and this year worse than usual, so the horse walked the entire seven miles until he stopped at the store of Daniel Fralic in Wingert's Corners where Jimmie served the subpoena on the squire. The Squire put on his glasses, read the docu- ment over carefully, and returning it said: "Why sheriff, this supcena isn't for me; it's. for Dr. Cuykendall at Bucyrus." Jimmie never complained, and never said a word or
D
8
NEW HIGH SCHOOL, CRESTLINE, O.
ST. JOSEPH'S SCHOOL, CRESTLINE, O.
CLOTHING FAITE
OPERA HOUSE, CRESTLINE, O.
UNION DEPOT, CRESTLINE, O.
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made any explanation. It was noon, and he didn't even stop to eat, but got in his buggy and drove slowly back to Bucyrus, and handed the document to Dr. Cuykendall, who promptly repaired to the court house reaching there at three o'clock. Jimmie made no ex- planation, but when Squire Fralic came to town the following Saturday, the story came out. When twitted about it Jimmie got even with the pointed remark: "Lawyers always were such d-n poor writers."
Many who have had occasion to puzzle over the chirography of some members of the Crawford county bar will incline to "Uncle Jimmie's" view.
Although the sheriff is the official who deals with criminals it is a singular fact that while no sheriff has lost his life in the discharge of his duties, yet more have met with violent deaths than any other class of officials in the county. Of the twenty-five sheriffs, five have met with violent deaths.
John Caldwell, sheriff from '44 to '46, on the discovery of gold in California, started across the plains and was never heard from afterward, believed to have been killed by the Indians; his body never having been found. Jonathan Kissinger, '50 to '54, after his term of office, removed to Williams county, and was killed by the cars. His successor, Wil- liam C. Beal, '54 to '58, a few years after leav- ing the office, was killed by the cars west of Bucyrus. Joseph C. Worden, '62 to '66, was run over by the cars at Galion and killed. Daniel Keplinger, '66 to '70, was just com- pleting his second term, when on the morning of Saturday, Nov. 6, 1869, he was thrown from his buggy while driving, and after lin- gering for days died on Dec. 9, the only sher- iff to die in office. The Bar Association held a meeting with Franklin Adams as chairman and John Hopley as secretary, passed resolu- tions of respect, and Judge Chester R. Mott adjourned court for six days; the bar at- tended the funeral in a body, which was con- ducted by La Salle Lodge I. O. O. F. Much of the political bitterness that arose during the war still existed, yet the Journal, the op- position organ to the sheriff politically, paid the following tribute to his memory :
"He won the respect and confidence of all with whom he came in contact. In an emi-
nent degree he was "diligent in business." He softened the asperities of his office without relaxing the rigor of his duties; and where many persons would have caused lasting harsh feelings, he made warm friends. Even in temper, calm in character, inflexible in integ- rity, faithful in duty, and firm in the execu- tion of it, he possessed and justly merited the esteem of all."
To the people of the present day, there may be wonder at this insertion of a deserved tribute to a faithful official. And yet there were many republicans in that day who se- verely criticized the republican organ for "go- ing out of its way" to praise a democrat. Times indeed have changed
"Through the shadow of the globe we sweep into the younger day ;
Better fity years of Europe than a cycle of Cathay."
The present generation little know and can not remember the intensity of the bitterness that was engendered by the Civil war. How it started or why it started it is difficult to determine. For the first thirty years of the republic, party lines were a division bet- tween the federalists, who believed in a few controlling and the democrats and republi- cans, who believed in the people controll- ing. The people won, and under Jackson took the name of democrat, their opposi- tion being whigs, but both believing in the right of the people to rule, that question hav- ing been forever settled by the death of the federalist party. From the time of Jackson for thirty years the democratic party formu- lated the laws and were the up-builders of the nation. All attempts to overthrow their tremendous hold on the people were unavail- ing. The whigs, as a party, were shifty, eva- sive and compromising, and succeeded in but one thing and that was to drive the demo- cratic party unwillingly into a defense of slav- ery. On this issue the south became dicta- torial and the party was disrupted in 1860; it was the north against the south in the demo- cratic party. At the election in 1860, Craw- ford's vote was Douglas, northern democrat, 2,752; Lincoln, republican, 2,064; Brecken- ridge, southern democrat, 117. There was no question where Crawford stood. The war
-
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broke out, and democrats and republicans alike responded to their country's call, and for a year there was a united sentiment in the county, for the defense of the union.
Shrewd men in the rising young republican party, saw that in a successful and popular war their lease of power would be perpet- uated; equally shrewd men in the democratic party, feared the disintegration of their once powerful party, and as a result first criticised, then opposed, and finally became openly hos- tile to the administration and in many cases strong sympathizers with the southern cause. This feeling was mostly confined to the party leaders, for during the entire war, ex- cept among the most bitter, enlistments con- tinued regardless of party. But it is true that the 117 Breckenridge men eventually molded the opinion of the county, and Crawford be- came an anti-war county. Many altercations arose between the soldiers returning on fur- lough and the rougher elements in the demo- cratic party and fights and knock-downs were frequent; a political meeting was almost in- variably followed by assaults on citizens. In many cases shots were fired, the most serious being the result of an altercation in the Fulton drug store when three soldiers were wounded, one very seriously. In many places in the country churches were desecrated, their win- dows broken, and two were destroyed be- cause the minister was a union sympathizer. In the country also known union sympathizers found their stock poisoned, their barns and outhouses burned, and their families ostra- cised. It is a singular fact that when a na- tion is engaged in a prolonged war the baser instincts pervade human nature, and among the more ignorant and brutal the animal in- stincts prevail, and it was this class that led the outrages in defiance of law and of decency. The seed sown by local leaders started a force which got beyond their control. When the draft came armed resistance was prepared for, but wiser counsels prevailed and the drafts passed off quietly. To add to the intensity of the situation, Judge Hall was arrested for al- leged treasonable utterances, and taken a pris- oner to the camp at Mansfield. He was re- leased on parole, but his arrest added fuel to the flames among his friends. A warrant was issued for the arrest of A. M. Jackson for al-
leged treasonable utterances, but when the sol- diers searched his house he was not to be found. A republican friend at Crestline had sent word to him that the soldiers were on their way to arrest him, and Mr. Jackson took refuge in the house of a friend. He remained in hiding several weeks, changing his resi- dence every few days, so that his place of refuge could not be traced. The alleged treasonable utterances were very mild criti- cisms of the war to what occurred later, when no attention was paid to them. The demo- cratic* organ carried two flags, which they flew over their office. When there was a rebel victory, the Stars and Stripes were flung to the breeze, and when the Union forces were successful the flag flown was of pure white, containing a picture of a dove, and in its beak the olive branch of peace. All day long on July 4, of 1863, business was almost sus- pended in Bucyrus, and men frequented the telegraph office to gain what little tidings they could of the fearful conflict on the field of Gettysburg. The early reports were unfav- orable, and night settled on an anxious, doubt- ing and discouraged village. In the evening a jollification meeting was held on account of the fourth, and one of the speakers in his de- nunciation of the war, thundered forth the inquiry: "Where now are your shattered armies ? fleeing before the victorious hosts of Lee in Pennsylvania." This was not the feel- ing of the better element of the democratic party in the county; it was the expression of the views of a class which catered to the vicious element of the community, an element so law- less that men found it the safer policy not to openly denounce their outrages. Naturally war brought its hardships, its deprivations, and its struggles on the families of soldiers in the field, but under the law each county levied a tax, the proceeds of which were distributed monthly by the auditor and commissioners to deserving families in need. Besides this, the citizens of both parties gave freely of their means to see that none should suffer, and many a grocer and store keeper had charges on his books for the necessaries of life which were never presented for collection and of which sometimes no entry was even made. This county had a very strong German popu- lation, and nine-tenths of them belonged to
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the democratic party, and yet a very large majority of these same German democrats were for the preservation of the Union. The majority of the people in Crawford were loyal during the war, but the county did gain an unenviable notoriety through a disorderly ele- ment in nearly every section being allowed to commit their outrages with very little protest from their neighbors and much less restraint by the authorities. It was a case where the people controlled, not the whole people, but the worst element as in the days of the French Revolution. It not only gave the county a bad name, but it did more than anything else to bring on the intense party bitterness which it took years to overcome. Some churches in the county were so intense in their unionism that the Christianity of a democrat was so doubted that he was compelled to sever his connection with the church, or left it volun- tarily to avoid the suspicions with which he was viewed by his democratic neighbors. Other churches were composed exclusively of democrats. There were republican stores and democratic stores, republican and democratic hotels and barber shops, and nine-tenths of the trade of each came from their own partisans. So intense was the feeling that it is doubtful if a democratic store in the town had a republican clerk, and when some of the leading republican stores later had a demo- cratic clerk they were regarded as unfaithful to their party obligations. In many churches it took careful handling by the ministers to avoid friction in their congregations.
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