USA > Ohio > History of Ohio; the rise and progress of an American state, Volume One > Part 20
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An English army, quite equal in numbers, to the French quota, just noted, sailed for the British colonies, whose people hailed with enthusiasm the approach of their protecting warriors.
General Edward Braddock, the officer chosen to lead the English forces against the French, entrenched at the Ohio Forks, was a roistering, bon vivant, a gallant in the drawing rooms of the nobility, a favorite in the green rooms of the theatres, and a popular spendthrift at the fashionable gaming tables. He was, however, noted as an officer for his courage and discipline and he possessed the experience and training of forty-five years in the wars of Europe. He was egotistical and domineering to the Briton limit and boasted it would be an amusing occupation of a few days to dislodge the French from the Ohio Forks, march on and take Fort Niagara, and put an end to their absurd claims. He scoffed at proffered assistance from the colonial militia or its officers, but condescendingly invited Washington to accompany him, more as a companion than otherwise, but with the rank of captain and nominal member of his staff. The final rendezvous was Will's Creek. Here Braddock's forces and those of the province assembled, consisting of the two regular regiments, the 44th, Colonel Sir Peter Halket, and the 48th, Colonel Thomas Dunbar, five hundred soldiers each, augmented respectively to seven hundred by Virginia enlistments. In addition, were some five hundred independent Virginia volunteers, organized
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into nine companies, making Braddock's force, includ- ing sailors, forty or fifty Indians, the latter under George Croghan, and unclassified camp followers, near two thousand men in all. Croghan, Gist and Weiser, all advised Braddock to secure the cooperation, as far as possible, of the friendly Indian tribes, but the self- confident general spurned the assistance of the Ameri- can savages. A month after the death of Braddock, Chief Scarouady, the successor of the late Half King and who accompanied the general on his march, said of the British general, "he is now dead, but he was a bad man when he was alive; he looked upon us as dogs, and would never hear anything that was said to him. We often endeavored to advise him and to tell him of the danger he was in with his soldiers; but he never appeared pleased with us; and that was the reason that a great many of our warriors left him and would not be under his command." With the contingent above enumerated, six hundred bagagge horses, one hundred and fifty wagons and many pieces of artillery, Braddock's army started (June 7), from Will's Creek "moving like a scotched snake, dragging its slow length along," the route of Washington's road towards Fort Duquesne. The best accounts of that march and its terrible sequel are found in Sargent's "History of Braddock's Expedition," and Lowdermilk's "His- tory of Cumberland."
Braddock's soldiers pluckily tugged their way through mountain gaps and along the forest clad hillsides; passed Fort Necessity, thence across the Youghiogheny, proceeded beyond the latter's mouth at the Monon- gahela, on to where Turtle Creek emptied into the
BRADDOCK'S BATTLEFIELD,
Scene of Braddock's Defeat at confluence of Turtle Creek and the Monongahela. The battle was fought July 9, 1755. This picture is from a painting of the site made a few years after the date of the battle. It is now the site of the City of Braddock, really a part of Pittsburg.
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Pauldock's force, inclu
the latter undi
Georgewultrahd aswasførdisimp .sledogromol/ bit birs obsm stia odt to gatnisq s mon ai ourteig adt card. Weiles two than sal won ar JI
as possible, of the friendly ludian tribes, but the Full confident general spurned the assistance of the Ameri can savages. A month after the death of Braddort Chief Scarquady, the successor of the late Half King and who accompanied the general on his march, said the British general, "he is now dead, but he was a bal man when he was alive; be looked upon us aa de and would never hear anything that was said to him We often endeavored to advise him and to tell him the danger he was in with his soldiers; but he nevr appeared pleased with us; and that was the real that a great many of our warriors left him and wol not be under his command." With the contingrm above enumerated, six hundred bagagge horses, da hundred and fifty wagons and many pieces of artillery. Braddock's army started (June 7), from Will's Crank "moving like a scotched snake, dragging its elu length along. " the route of Washington's road towant Fort Duquesne. The best accounts of that march and its terrible sequel are found in Sargent's "History of Braddock's Expedition," and Lowdermilk'a "1 tory of Cumberland."
Braddock's soldier pluckily tugged their way through mountain gaps and along the forest clad hillsiden passed Fort Necessity, tirence across the Youghioghens proceeded beyond the latter's mouth at the Monou- gahola, on to where Turtle Creek emptied into the
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Monongahela, about eight miles below the Ohio Forks, the site of Fort Duquesne, the stronghold of the French and the objective point of the English expedition. No need to rehearse at length the dreadful denouément of that fatal day of July 9, 1755. The line of the road at the point of attack, ran through a wide and lengthy opening in the woods, on ascending ground, skirted to the right by some hilly elevations, covered with thickly grown trees, beyond which lay a depression. The road on the opposite side was flanked by a brush choked ravine, admirably adapted for the concealment of troops. The British under orders of their general, accustomed to the "pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war," advanced into this arena in solid platoon. Washington said he never saw a finer ap- pearing body of soldiers; but it was no place for military display and the Virginian aide-de-camp, now an adept in frontier warfare, realized the peril of the arrangement of the troops after the fashion of European tactics, and he made bold to advise Braddock to disperse his soldiers and make ready to employ the Indian mode of fighting in the forests protected by the brush and trees. The haughty general, "a stranger both to fear and common-sense," angrily replied, "What! a provincial colonel teach a British general how to fight!" The insolent refusal of the aged commander to heed the clear-headed counsel of the youthful "provincial" doubtless lost England the battle of the Monongahela. Braddock had stupidly stalked into the well contrived ambuscade in the opening just described. Suddenly the surrounding woods resounded with yells and war- whoops, terrific sounds never before heard by his
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Majesty's European soldiers, while a deadly fire poured into the regimental columns drawn up "spic and span" as if in holiday dress parade.
The unexpected assailants, who seemed to drop from a clear sky, were the French soldiers and native savages under De Beaujeu, sent from Fort Duquesne by Contrecoeur to intercept the British advance. The attacking party numbered about nine hundred, con- sisting of seventy-two regular French troops, one hundred and forty-six Canadians and six hundred and thirty-seven Indians, comprising Shawnees and Min- goes from the Muskingum; Ojibways and Pottawat- tomies from the Northern lakes under Charles Langlade, leader in the foretime attack on the Miamis at Picka- willany; Abenakis and Caughnawagas from Canada; Ottawas from Detroit, led by the renowned Pontiac; and Hurons from the falls of Montreal; the entire Indian force being directed by the Canadian chief Athanase. It was in fact an Indian army, manœu- vering in Indian fashion; De Beaujeu, the French commander, to flatter and more easily control his savage horde, was attired in Indian fighting costume, and might easily have been mistaken for a tribal chief. Lieutenant Matthew Leslie of the British regulars in a letter recounting this battle, wrote; "the yell of the Indians is fresh on my ears, and the terrific sound will haunt me till the hour of my dissolution. I cannot describe the horrors of that scene. No pencil can do it, or no painter delineate it, so as to convey to you with accuracy our unhappy situation."
The combatants of this motley Indian "army" scattered themselves along the ravines behind the trees
BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT.
Defeat of Braddock on the banks of the Monongahela at the mouth of Turtle Creek, present site of Braddock (Pa.) on July 9, 1755. This picture shows the attack of the Indians from their ambuscade. The original is a painting in the collection of the Wisconsin State Historical Society.
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Majesty's Europe TANTIq a'HOOGCAJ@ adly fire pour into theslodegnogott adt toldusd ant no doobhsid kopfeslagd spar as if in hold Gre SA
The sentenigne todd absseudras vient mont ansibleellt to d savages under De Beaujeu from Fort Duque by Contrecoeur to intercept the British advance. TI attacking party numbered about nine hundred, core- sisting of seventy-two regular French troops, un hundred and forty six Camilians and six hundred thirty-sevon Indians, pomymining Shawnees and Mi goes from the Miningum, Ojibways and Pottiw.e tomies from the Northern lakes under Charles Langlade leader la the loretime attack on the Miamis at Pick willwdy | Abenakis and Caughnawagas from Canada Otrawas from Detroit, led by the renowned Pontin and Hurons from the falls of Montreal; the enti Indian force being directed by the Canadian che Athanase. It was in fact an Indian army, mando vering in Indian fashion; De Beaujeu, the Free commander, to darter and more easily control savage horde, was attired in Indian fighting costus and might easily have been mistaken for a tribal chil Lieutenant Matthew Leslie of the British regulars In a letter recounting this battle, wrote; "the yell of the Indians is fresh on my ears and the terrific sound of haunt me till the hour of my dissolution. I canto describe the horrors of that scene No pencil can do il or no painter deline te lt, so as to convey to you with accuracy our unhappy ituation."
The combatants of this motley Indian "army scattered themselves along the ravines behind the treek
8
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and brush, completely encircling the open field into which Braddock had so "soldierly" marched. The return fire of the entrapped troops was totally un- availing, they could not see an enemy. Says Captain Robert Orme, aide to Braddock, in his journal of this event, "the enemy had spread themselves in such a manner, that they extended from front to rear, and fired upon every part; no enemy appeared in view," and the diary of another officer states, "numbers of our officers declared they never saw above four of the enemy at a time the whole day." It was a merciless slaughter of the helpless British soldiers who huddled together like frightened animals and then, panic- stricken and powerless, broke in wild route while they were mowed down like grass before the scythe. Of eighty-six English officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded; so also were one half the private soldiers, the total loss reaching a thousand, out of fourteen hundred who participated in the encounter.
The division of Dunbar, because of his slow move- ments, known as, "Dunbar the Tardy," was encamped many miles in the rear and did not reach the scene of disaster. The French loss was three officers killed, including their commander, De Beaujeu, and two wounded; twenty-five soldiers, Canadians and Indians were slain; about the same number were wounded. Braddock striving desperately to stem the panic of his soldiers, after having five horses shot under him, fell mortally wounded, while all of his aides were disabled, except Washington, who behaved with the greatest courage and resolution, and who, though just recovering from a severe fever that almost incapaci-
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tated him for service, rode in every direction to deliver the orders of Braddock, thus being a constant and conspicuous mark for the enemy's sharpshooters. The Indian chief, Guyasutha, who fought with the French, subsequently told Washington that with deliberate aim, he fired time and again at the Virginia colonel, but could not hit him, for he "bore a charmed life." Washington indeed was the great hero of this event. He was numbered among the killed in the first reports of the battle sent back to Virginia, and on his reaching Fort Cumberland, ten days after the defeat, he wrote his brother John Augustine, "As I have, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first and of assuring you, that I have not as yet composed the latter. But, by the all powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation ; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side of me." On the same day he wrote his mother at Fredericks- burg a full account of the affair in which, after speaking of the cowardice of the British soldiers as being greater than, "it is possible to conceive," he said; "The officers behaved gallantly in order to encourage their men, for which they suffered greatly, there being over sixty killed and wounded; the Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery and were nearly all killed; for I believe out of three companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left alive * * * In short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed
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all others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and, at last in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs and it was impossible to rally them."
This repulse was a costly, but not forgotten lesson in warfare for the British regulars and the Virginia volunteers, among whom either in the rank or file were Horatio Gates, Thomas Gage, Daniel Morgan, George Mercer, Henry Gladwyn, Adam Stephens, Dr. Craig, and others whose names figure more or less large in subsequent colonial history. The surviving soldiers, able to escape, leaving the dead and many wounded on the field, retreated precipitately over the route they had come. At Great Meadows, which they reached in four days, General Braddock, who in a dying con- dition had been borne thus far in a tumbril, breathed his last, saying "is it possible-all is over." In his dying moments he made Washington his “nuncupative legatee, bequeathing to him his favorite charger and his body-servant Bishop, so well known in after years as the faithful attendant of the patriot chief." Brad- dock was a soldier of undaunted bravery, but impru- dent, arrogant, headstrong and tyrannical. To the dishonor of his defeat is added the opprobrium of the historic rumor that the shot that cost him his life was not fired by an enemy but by one of the provincial soldiers in his own command. De Hass in his "Indian Wars" repeats the story as it is circulated by many inother chronicler. It is to the effect that in the Pennsylvania troops were two brothers, Joseph and Thomas Fausett; the first a commissioned and the atter a non-commissioned officer. Both Fausetts
re
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were versed in Indian warfare and regardless of General Braddock's positive and fatal orders that the soldiers should not protect themselves behind trees, Joseph Fausett so posted himself, upon which Braddock "rode up and struck him down with his sword." Thomas Fausett, but a short distance away, saw the transaction and roused to revengeful passion instantly drew his rifle and shot the general through the body. It was also reported that Braddock wore a steel breast plate which turned the balls coming in front "but that he was shot in the back and the ball was found stopped in front by the coat of mail." Thomas Fausett livec to a venerable age, and according to the testimony o: many contemporaries, some of them his fellow soldiers he often boasted of having shot Braddock as above related. Certainly that statement-repeated by Jared Sparks with apparent sanction while Winthrop Sargen designates it as "gasconading gossip"-had wid credence during the lifetime of Thomas Fausett "and most of the settlers were disposed to applaud the act.'
"Last scene of all, that ends this strange eventfu history," Braddock was buried, on the Laurel hillside under the cover of night, beneath the middle of th road, that the trampling feet and rolling wheels of th retreating army that followed might conceal the grav of the rash but fearless general. Washington read th burial service over the unsaluted sepulture:
"But he lay like a warrior, taking his rest, With his martial cloak around him."
CHAPTER XIII. THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR
T HE phase of the French and Indian War that interests the reader of Ohio history, is the relation the Ohio tribes respectively bore to the contending parties in that conflict. No writer appears to have satisfactorily revealed the movements of the tribesmen of the Ohio country during the period in question. The standard authors -especially those resident in New England-have passed it over for the most part in grim silence or with slight attention. What we have to say on the subject is obtained mainly from first hand sources; the pro- vincial documents of colonial New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia; the letters of Washington, of Governor Dinwiddie and the papers of contemporary officials.
It must be recalled that the Ohio Indians, when first they came in contact with the French and English invaders, were, for causes already noted, inclined to- ward the English. Celoron, Gist, Croghan and Mon- tour, in their journeys through Ohio, as previously related, found the Indians leaning sympathetically toward the English traders and colonists. During the years 1751 to 1753 the Indians of Ohio, alarmed at the aggressive movements of the French who threatened to take possession of the Indian country, sent appeals to the English to come to their defense. The Weas and Piankeshaws of the Miamis, as we saw, signed articles of peace and alliance with the English. The Shawnees forwarded a warning message, and the Miamis declared their adherence to the English and hurried a messenger across the mountains to Dinwiddie with the admonition, " we must look upon ourselves as lost if our brothers, the English, do not stand by
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us and give us arms." Nor did this solely apply tc the Indians of the western and northern Ohio interior. At first the Senecas and Cayugas as well as the Shaw- nees and Delawares on the upper Ohio river looked with great mistrust upon the descent of the fort- building French, and urged the defensive cooperation. of the Six Nations who were naturally inclined toward the English side as at the Lancaster council (1744) the Six Nations had ceded to the English, for a con- sideration of four hundred pounds, the lands occupied by the tribes west of the Alleghany Mountains, as far as the Ohio; and when the Virginia governor sent Trent to secure the forks of the Ohio, he wrote, "a: you have a good interest with the Indians, I doubt not you will prevail with many of them to join you ir order to defeat the designs of the French in taking their lands from them by force of arms."
Meanwhile the French were exerting every effor to secure the allegiance of the Ohio Indians. Early in 1754 the French sent messages to the Twightwees Wyandots and other allied tribes, urging that they "take up the tomahawk," start for the Ohio and there cut off all the English to be found. And ir March, La Force, the French officer, met the representa tives of the Six Nations at Logstown and said to them "I have come here to know your minds, whether you intend to side with the English or not, and withou asking you I am convinced that you have throw away your fathers [the French] and taken to you brothers the English. I tell you now, that you hav but a short time to see the Sun, for in twenty days you and your brothers, the English, shall all die.
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To this the speaker for the Six Nations made reply: "Fathers, you tell us in twenty days we and our brethren, the English, must all die. I believe you speak true, that is, you intend to kill us, if you can; but I tell you to be strong and bring down your soldiers for we are ready to receive you in battle, but not in peace. We are not afraid of you, and after an engage- ment you will know who are the best men, you or we."
A month later, the Half King Scruniyatha, then at Fort Duquesne, sent the following to the governors of Virginia and Pennsylvania: "Brothers, the English, the bearer is to let you know how we were used by the French. We have been waiting this long time for the French to strike us, now we see what they design to do with us. We are ready to strike them now and wait for your assistance. Be strong and come as soon as possible you can, and you will find us your true brothers, and shall find us as ready to strike them as you are. * We would desire if you could that the men from both provinces would meet us at the forks of the road. And now if you do not come to our relief, we are gone entirely, and shall never meet, I believe, which grieves my heart."
About the same time, the Shawnees and the Dela- wares on the Ohio sent to Onondaga, the Iroquois capital, a speech in which they said: “Brethren of he United Nations, hear us; the French, your father's hatchet, is just over our heads, and we expect to be truck with it every moment; make haste therefore nd come to our assistance as soon as possible, for if ou stay till we are killed, you won't live much longer fterwards, but if you come soon we will be able to
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fight and conquer the French our enemy." The Delawares also sent a message of their own saying: "Uncles, the United Nations, we expect to be killed by the French, your father; we desire therefore that you will take off our petticoats that we may fight for ourselves, our wives and children; in the condition we are in you know we can do nothing."
To the Pennsylvania council, December, 1754, Scarouady, the Oneida chief, who succeeded Tanachari- son as half king, declared, "The Delawares, Shawnees, Owendats, and Twightwees are our allies; we expect they are in full friendship with us; you may depend on the truth of what I say, they are our fast friends."
The delay of the English in heeding the appeals of the Ohio Indians allowed the French time to seize upon the vantage points, and forts Le Boeuf, Venango and Duquesne were erected. Moreover in the summer of 1754, while Washington was being driven from his little stockade in the Great Meadows, the French, as before noted, built Fort Junundat on the east or right side of the Sandusky Bay, thus establishing their hold on the lake shore as well as securing the forks, the commanding entrance to the Ohio. The English opposition to the encroachments of the French seemed unavailing and to the Ohio Indians it looked as though "Onontio," the governor of Canada, was outwitting and outwarring "Corachkoo," the king of England Then came the blow of Braddock's defeat. It has been seen that the Indian allies won that battle for the French. In the Indian mind that defeat confirmed their fear of the weakness of the English and in con- sequence many tribes who had stood aloof watching
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the issue and wavering as to with which party,- French or English-they would cast their lot, hesitated no longer. Thus matters stood in the Ohio country.
The New England colonies were not seriously agi- tated in this contest over the possession of the Ohio country and of the three colonies whose special interest it should have been to shut out the French from the Ohio Valley; New York did little or nothing, while Pennsylvania and Virginia were chiefly engrossed in a quarrel about their western boundary line. Din- widdie and Washington complained incessantly of the inactivity and delay of Maryland, Pennsylvania and New York in properly preparing for the French en- croachments. The brunt of the battle fell upon Virginia and right nobly, under the circumstances, did that colony bear it. Nor was Virginia without the motive of self interest in this contest for by her colonial charter, her lines crossed the Ohio and extended in- definitely west.
The respective plays and counterplays of the French and English to win and hold the alliance of the various tribes would be too devious and tedious to attempt to follow. From the mass of reports of councils and negotiations as found in the colonial documents of Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland and Virginia, we simply cull the main results. The attitude of the tribesmen, their perplexity and their shifting positions are best revealed in their own declarations.
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