USA > Ohio > History of Ohio; the rise and progress of an American state, Volume One > Part 24
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On reaching Fort Presque Isle (Erie, Pa.), where Colonel Henry Bouquet was then in command, Major
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Rogers, leaving his force to await his return, with a proper escort "in a bark canoe, proceeded to French Creek and at night encamped on the road, half way to Fort du Boeuf." Continuing on, "he lodged at Venango; from thence went down the river Ohio," to Fort Pitt, where he delivered to General Monkton, the commandant, certain dispatches from General Amherst. This errand accomplished, Rogers returned to Presque Isle, where his armament, on November 4th, resumed its romantic journey westward, on the waters of Erie. The "shore party" of the expedition, as it left Presque Isle, consisted of 42 Rangers, 15 Royal Americans and 20 Indians, the latter, Iroquois, Shawnees and Delawares, under the command of Captain Andrew Montour. George Croghan, the Indian trader and guide, also accompanied the expedi- tion, commanding one of the boats and acting as official interpreter for the party.
Curious, indeed, is some of the reading in the diary of the commander. The exact order of his "march," from Presque Isle was given him with great partic- ularity; for instance, the instructions read; "it is recommended to the soldiers, as well as officers, not to mind the waves of the lake; but when the surf is high, to stick to their oars, and the men at helm to keep the boat quartering on the waves and briskly follow, then no mischief will happen by any storm whatever."
In a few days the fleet reached, "the mouth of Chogage River" as Rogers calls the Cuyahoga. Here the Major writes, "we met with a party of Attawa Indians, just arrived from Detroit. We informed them
PONTIAC AND MAJOR ROGERS.
Meeting of Pontiac and Major Robert Rogers at the mouth of Cuyahoga River in November, 1760.
Imaginary print made from description of the scene as detailed in Rogers' own account. Print first published a hundred years ago.
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Roger, зянодя ядай ви батина гелага. I,to French Creal
Venango: from the nce went do.bgd arbst borbrid to Fort Pitt, where he delivered to General Monkin the commandant, certain dispatches from General Amherst. This crrand accomplished, Rogers returned to Presque Isle, where his armament, on Noverde 4th. TEvotul Its romantic journey westward, on ile waters of Dirle The shore party" of the expedite as if lelt Presque Isle, consisted of 42 Ranger 49 Royal Americans and zo Indians, the latter, Iroquois Shawnees and Delawares, under the commany. Captain Andrew Montour. George Croghan Indian trader and guide, also accompanied the evr ih tion, commanding one of the boats and acting as ofhilal interpreter for the party.
L'urious, indeed, is some of the reading in the Cary of the commander. The exact order of his "march." from Presque Isle was given him with great parbo ularity; for instance, the instructions read; "il recommended to the soldiers, as well as officers, no to mind the waves of the lake; but when the surf a bigh, to stick to their gars, and the men at helm to keep the hoat quartering on the waves and brinkh follow, then no mischle will happen by any form whatever."
In a few days the ffi reached, "the mouth of Chogage River" as Rogers calls the Cuyahoga. Here the Major writes, "we mit with a party of Attawa Indiane, just arrived from Detroit. We informed then
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of our success in the total reduction of Canada, and that we were going to bring off the French garrison at Detroit, who were included in the capitulation." What took place at "Chogage" is of much importance. This party of "Attawa" Indians was an embassy from the famed Ottawa chief Pontiac, "ruler of all that country." The embassy peremptorily forbade the English to advance further until they had secured an interview with the great chief, "who was close at hand." Pontiac himself according to the Journal statements of Rogers, arrived at Rogers' camp the same day, and "it is here, for the first time, that this remarkable man stands forth distinctly on the page of history." The savage king haughtily challenged Rogers' right to enter the chief's domain, stating he would consider the matter and give answer the next morning. In a little book with the pretentious title, "A Concise Account of North America" written by Major Rogers, and published in London, 1765, the author gives a more extended report of the conferences between himself and "Ponteack," as he calls the chief, than he did in his journal of that expedition. We can do no better than cite Mr. Rogers' own report: "Pont- eack is their present King or Emperor, who has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian Chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honoured and revered by his subjects. He not long since formed a design of uniting all the Indian nations together under his authority, but miscarried in the attempt. In the year 1760, when I commanded and marched the first
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detachment into this country that was ever sent there by the English, I was met on my way by an embassy from him, of some of his warriors, and some of the chiefs of the tribes that are under him; the purport of which was, to let me know, that Ponteack was at a small distance, coming peaceably, and that he desired me to halt my detachment till such time as he could see me with his own eyes. His ambassadors had also orders to inform me, that he was Ponteack, the King and Lord of the country I was in. At first salutation when we met, he demanded my business into his country, and how it happened that I dared to enter it without his leave? When I informed him that it was not with any design against the Indians that I came, but to remove the French out of his country, who had been an obstacle in our way to mutual peace and commerce, and acquainted him with my instructions for that purpose. I at the same time delivered him several friendly messages, or belts of wampum, which he received, but gave me no other answer, than that he stood in the path I travelled in till next morning, giving me a small string of wam- pum, as much as to say, I must not march further without his leave. When he departed for the night, he enquired whether I wanted any thing that his country afforded, and he would send his warriors to fetch it? I assured him that any provisions they brought should be paid for; and the next day we were supplied by them with several bags of parched corn, and some other necessaries. At our second meeting he gave me the pipe of peace, and both of us by turns smoked with it; and he assured me he had made
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peace with me and my detachment; that I might pass thro' his country unmolested, and relieve the French garrison; and that he would protect me and my party from any insults that might be offered by the Indians; and, as an earnest of his friendship, he sent one hundred warriors to protect and assist us in driving one hundred fat cattle, which we had brought for the use of the detachment from Pittsburg, by the way of Presque Isle. He likewise sent to the several Indian towns on the south-side and west-end of Lake Erie, to inform them that I had his consent to come into the country. He attended me constantly after this interview till I arrived at Detroit, and while I remained in the country, and was the means of preserving the de- tachment from the fury of the Indians, who had assembled at the mouth of the strait with an intent to cut us off. I had several conferences with him, in which he discovered great strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge. He endeavored to inform himself of our military and discipline. He often in- timated to me, that he could be content to reign in his country in subordination to the King of Great Britain, and was willing to pay him such annual acknowledgment as he was able in furs, and to call him uncle."
This incident, as depicted by Rogers, and vividly re-portrayed by Parkman, is of great historic interest. But unfortunately the occurrence of this scene like many another popular historical picture, has been questioned. George Croghan, the interpreter of the expedition, also kept a daily journal of the events as they occurred, a journal more complete and probably
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more correct, than that of Rogers. In Croghan's "Journal," which is reprinted by Mr. Thwaites, in the latter's series of "Early Western Travels," there is no mention of Chief Pontiac. In the relation of the meeting by Rogers and the Indian embassy, at the mouth of the Cuyahoga, though Thwaites suggests it may have been at some other river, perhaps the Grand, Croghan speaks of the Indian spokesman as "The principal man of the Ottawas," giving no name, and reports him as saying "he had not long to live and said, pointing to two men 'these men I have ap- pointed to transact the business of my tribe.'" This could hardly have applied to Pontiac, who was young and not likely to have delegated any authority. Cro- ghan, as all his reports and journals show, was a matter- of-fact man, while Rogers, as his writings amply prove, was highly possessed of the artistic temperament and imaginative faculty. Rogers is, however, very clear and positive in his portraiture of Pontiac. The as- sumed augustness and self importance of a great chief would not so easily have appealed to Croghan. All Indians, doubtless looked very much alike to that backwoods trader and most surely, other chiefs than Pontiac took part in the interview. After carefully examining the two journals, which merely fail to coincide, rather than tend to create any direct conflict, we are unprepared to cut Pontiac from the caste of that dramatic scene, which has been so graphically photographed in history that it will with difficulty be erased.
Proceeding on his journey, Rogers reached Lake Sandusky, six miles beyond which he made encamp-
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ment whence he "detached Mr. Brheme with a letter to Monsieur Beleter the French commandant at Detroit," that the English soldiers were approaching to take possession of that post, and "such other posts as are in that district." Nearing Detroit, Rogers was greeted by several Huron sachems, who informed him that a body of four hundred Indian warriors was collected at the entrance "into the great straight in order to obstruct our passage." He replied to the sachems, "tell your warriors to mind their Fathers [the French] no more; for they are all prisoners to your brothers [the English], who pitied them and left them their houses and goods, on their swearing by the great One who made the world, to become as Englishmen forever."
The boats of the expedition continued to pull slowly and cautiously up the river until they "landed at half a mile short of the fort, and fronting it" where the Rangers pitched their tents on a field of grass, in full sight of the flag of France," flying for the last time above the bark roofs and weather-beaten palisades of the little fortified town." The Indians informed Rogers "that Monsieur Beleter had set up an high flag-staff, with a wooden effigy of a man's head on top, and upon that a crow; that the crow was to represent himself [Beleter], the man's head mine [Rogers], and the meaning of the whole, that he would scratch out my brains." But the symbol was not prophetic. The French garrison reluctantly obeyed the summons to quit their quarters but the blue-coated defenders of New France defiled upon the plains and laid down their arms. The "English colors were hoisted, and
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the French taken down, " at which about seven hundred Indian warriors, assembled from the nearby villages of the Wyandots, Ottawas and Pottawattomies, "lately the active allies of France, greeted the sight with a burst of triumphant yells." Rogers adds, "they, [Indians] seemed amazed at the submissive salutation of the inhabitants, expressed their satisfaction at our generosity in not putting them to death, and said they would always for the future fight for a nation thus favored by Him that made the world." This scene occurred on a bleak and chill day in the last of November. Captain Campbell and his company were placed in possession of the fort. Rogers then sent two subordinate officers with twenty men to take possession of the Fort Miami, on the Maumee and Fort Ouatanon, on the Wabash, the latter fort being called by Rogers "Gatanois." At the same time an ensign was sent, "for the French troops at the Shawnees town on the Ohio." Major Rogers made many treaties with the several tribes in the vicinity of De- troit, the speeches concerning which are set forth by Croghan in his journal. Rogers, accompanied by Montour, and a party of Indians, then set out for Lake Huron to receive the garrison at Michilimackinac, but soon the storms and gathering ice so obstructed his advance that he abandoned further progress and returned to Detroit, leaving the post, just mentioned, as well as the more remote posts, St. Marie, Green Bay and St. Joseph, in the possession of the French, until the next season, when they were relieved by a detachment of Royal Americans, sent forward for that purpose.
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Rogers remained at Detroit, till near Christmas, when with part of his command, he set out for Pitts- burg, marching along the west end of Lake Erie, till the second of January, 1761, when, by way of the Maumee, he arrived at Lake Sandusky. Croghan then says, "We came to Chenunda, an Indian village six miles from Sandusky," which was probably the French fort Junundat. Thence his party followed the inland trail to the Muskingum Creek, which they followed down to "Mingo Cabbins," thence to the Delawares' town called "Beaver Town," on the west side of the Maskongon (Muskingum) River, containing, Rogers says, about one hundred and eighty warriors. "On the 23d we came to the Ohio, opposite to Fort Pitt, whence Rogers took the common road to Phil- adelphia, from thence to New York, where after this long, fatiguing tour, I arrived February 14, 1761."
Parkman says Rogers was "tall and strong in person and rough in features; his mind by no means unculti- vated and his books and unpublished letters bear witness that his style was not contemptible." Among his publications was a curious drama, called "Ponteack or The Savages of America."
But the subsequent career of Major Rogers was not to his credit. Six years after his western expedition, Rogers was tried by court martial for a meditated act of treason, the surrender of Fort Michilimackinac into the hands of the Spaniards, who were at that time masters of the Upper Louisiana. Not long after, if we may trust Rogers' account, he proceeded to the Barbary States, entered the service of the Dey of Algiers and fought under his banners. At the opening
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of the war of the American Revolution, Rogers returned to his native country, where he made professions of patriotism, but was strongly suspected by many, in- cluding Washington himself, of acting a spy. In fact he soon openly espoused the British cause and received a colonel's commission from the king. In 1778 he was proscribed and banished under the act of New Hamp- shire, and the remainder of his life was passed in such obscurity that it is difficult to determine when and where he died.
The work of Canadian conquest was finished, and "nothing now remained within the power of the French except a few posts and settlements on the Mississippi and the Wabash, not included in the capitulation of Montreal." The posts left in the possession of the French were Cahokia, at the mouth of Cahokia Creek, less than four miles below the site of St. Louis; St. Philip, forty-five miles below Cahokia, on the Miss- issippi; Kaskaskia, on Kaskaskia River, six miles from its mouth; Fort Chartres, about fifteen miles northwest from Kaskaskia, on the Mississippi; Prairie du Rocher, near Fort Chartres; and Vincennes, on the Wabash. All these settlements were under the government of St. Ange de Belle Rive, commandant at Fort Chartres, subordinate to M. D'Abbadie, at New Orleans, who was director-general and civil and military command- ant of the province of Louisiana.
But the changed position of the Indian as a political power deserves observation. Previous to the success of the English in the French and Indian War, the Indian as a diplomatic factor held the balance of power. His influence as we have seen was sought in turn by
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the French and by the English. Now that England was supreme the value of the Indian as an ally began to wane. The cause for conciliation by the English no longer obtained. Unscrupulous traders, men of desperate fortunes-villains of the vilest sort, as noted in the life of Johnson, "hovered over their prey until they could safely pounce upon their victims; and now that hostilities had ceased, they poured in from all quarters upon the frontiers of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia. " It was also apparent that the treatment, which the tribesmen of the far west had received from the English was far from reassuring.
In the spring of 1761, as we learn from his published "travels," the English trader Alexander Henry visited the west as far as Michilimackinac. He relates that whenever he came in contact with the tribesmen, he found the most hostile disposition toward the English. At the post, just named, Henry was received by Mina- vavana, a Chippewa chief, who inveighed bitterly against the neglect shown his people by the victorious English, which neglect was particularly evidenced in the fact that no treaty had yet been made with the tribes, nor had any presents been sent them. While this was the sentiment of the nations of the Northwest, the Ohio Indians, the Delawares and Shawnees es- pecially, were stirred by fear and hatred, as they had learned that the Ohio Company, dormant during the war, had "sent to England for such instructions to the Virginia government as would enable them to renew their efforts and colonize their original grant."
Sir William Johnson, whose jurisdiction extended over all the tribes of the northern colonies, and whose
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watchful eye saw every move friendly or hostile, deter- mined with the sanction of General Amherst, to visit Detroit and in person counsel and treat with the restless and dissatisfied tribes. Provided with a large quantity of goods to please and placate the Indians, the Baronet, as Sir William was often styled, set out from Fort Johnson on July fifth (1761). He was accompanied by his son, John Johnson, and by his nephew-sub- sequently his son-in-law-Lieutenant Guy Johnson, who acted as his private secretary; and by Captain An- drew Montour at the head of an escort of Mohawks and Oneidas. The party proceeded in canoes from Fort Stanwix. The incidents, mostly commonplace, are recorded in detail in the diary of Sir William Johnson and published as an appendix to Stone's Life of the Baronet. This diary is ample evidence of Sir William Johnson's intimate knowledge of Indian affairs, the character of those people, his diplomatic talent and great influence over the tribes. At Fort Niagara the party was increased by a company of Royal Americans and New York volunteers under Lieutenant Ogden. The whole party embarked in thirteen bateaux and one birch canoe. On the third of September Detroit was reached and the Johnson convoy was received with salvos from the fort, which was in command of Captain Campbell. Dinners, balls, military parades, and Indian negotiations now fill the pages of the diary. The tribesmen of many nations of the Ottawa con- federacy came from far and near "that, with their own eyes, they might behold the man, whose home was the fireplace of the dreaded Iroquois." Nor was the assemblage confined solely to the western tribes; mem-
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bers of the Shawnees, Delawares and other Indians from the Ohio were there as spectators.
Sir Johnson, surrounded by the English officers, all in full uniform, spoke to the conclave "with all that dignity of mein which is so pleasing to the Indian." He expressed, in eloquent terms, his thanks to the Hurons and Wyandots for their friendship to the English, and affirmed the desire of the English to cultivate, through an honest trade, amicable relations with the western tribes. Several chiefs made reply. The sombre even tenor of the council and speech making was disturbed by a turbulent spokesman, an Ohio Indian, "alias Kanaghragoit," a "White Mingo, who rose up and accused Adariaghta, the chief warrior of the Hurons, of endeavoring to incite the Ohio Indians to general massacre of the English in the Ohio country. There was much excitement over the threatened per- sonal encounter between the chiefs, and at this point Johnson's journal reads: "After a great deal of alter- cation, I got up and desired that they would not go to too great lengths, being now joined in stricter friendship and alliance than ever; left them liquor and broke up the meeting, telling them I intended next day delivering them some goods, &c."
For some two weeks Johnson conciliated the Indians, exchanged social civilities with the French and ad- monished the English to establish friendly relations with the tribes. The result of the Detroit sojourn was most satisfactory. "The western confederacy of Indians," writes Sir William, "seem entirely disposed to favor the English; and will not, in my opinion, unless provoked, be ever persuaded to break the peace
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which I have made with them." On his return, Sir William Johnson halted a day at Sandusky to examine the proposed site for the blockhouse; and as there was a direct road from that place to Presque Isle, George Croghan was dispatched to Colonel Bouquet with instructions for the traders at Fort Pitt. The Baronet arrived at his home, Johnson Hall, Johnstown, the thirteenth of October, "when I found all my family well; so ended my tour-Gloria Deo Soli."
On the third of November, 1762, in the beautiful forest-famed palace of Fontainbleau, the three great nations, England, France and Spain, signed preliminary articles of agreement, adjusting the results accruing respectively to each nation from the Seven Years' War, which articles in the following February (1763) were converted into the permanent Treaty of Paris. This treaty surpasses all others in history for the magnitude of its territorial transfers. Without specifying many minor details, unnecessary for our purpose, we give the chief features of the treaty. England ceded Cuba and other islands back to Spain, in compensation for Florida, the city of New Orleans and that vast tract west of the Mississippi known as "Louisiana." To Great Britain, France surrendered all the rest of her American possessions, including Canada and the Ohio Valley, and it was moreover expressly agreed that the boundary between the French and English possessions should be forever set at rest by a "line drawn along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source, as far as the River Iberville and from thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river and of the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea." It was the end of
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botiU odf of 9fisqsnod nosloqshi ed bloe asw fi 8081 direc m George Croghan was dispatched to ColoasdeBouy with instructions for the traders at Fort Pitt. Baronet arrived at his home. Johnson Hall, Johnsto the thirteenth of October, " when I found all my famw well; so ended my tour-Gloria Deo Soli."
On the third of November, 1762, in the beauty lorecr-famed palace of Fontainbleau, the three gro nations, England, France and Spain, signed prelimink- articles of agreement, adjusting the results accru respectively to each nation from the Seven Years' W which articles in the following February (1763) . converted into the permanent Treaty of Paris. treaty surpasses all others in history for the magniru of its territorial transfers, Without specifying nu minor details, unnecessary for our purpose, we the chief features of the treaty. England ceded Cu and other islands back to Spain, in compensation Florida, the city of New Orleans and that vast tra west of the Misalidippi known as "Louisiana." Great Britain, France surrendered all the rest of American possessions, wocluding Canada and the Ol Valley, and it was momover expressly agreed thor boundary between the French and English posses should be forever set at rest by a "line drawn ile the middle of the Micwsippi, from its source, ax De at the River Iberville and from thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river and of the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the sea." It was the end of!
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