History of Sandusky County Ohio with Illustrations 1882, Part 7

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The prisoner on this occasion was a lad whose appearance commanded admiration and excited sympathy, as is shown by the conduct of two boys at a village on the prairie. They caught him, one by each hand, and hurried through the town, thus shielding him from the ordeal of running the gauntlet. "On the tenth day of his captivity," says the narrative, "the party arrived at Lower Sandusky, where there was a large Indian village. Here they crossed the Sandusky River in a canoe. As soon as they had landed, an Indian came up, took Daniel by the hand and bid him go with him. He hesitated for a mo- ment, when one of the warriors motioned him to go. He ran with him up the river bank about twenty rods and stopped, appearing very friendly, and no doubt took this course to keep the prisoner out of the sight of the other Indians living in the town. While waiting there for his party


to join him, a large Indian who was drunk, came to him and struck him over the eye, knocking him down. The eye instantly swelled so that he could not see with it. As he repeated the blow, another Indian, who was much smaller, ran to the rescue, and, seizing the drunken one by the hair, jerked him to the ground and beat him severely. He then, in a very kind manner, took young Convers by the hand, calling him, in broker English, his friend. At the same time two squaws came up and expressed their pity for the young prisoner. "They went away, but directly returned, bringing him some hominy and meat to eat, thus showing that the female heart in the savage, as well as in the civilized races, is readily moved at the sight of distress, and ever open to compassion and kindness. The party to which he belonged encamped near this spot, and during the night some of the party who had been present at the attack on the garrison at Waterford, hearing from their countrymen an account of this foray at the same place, and the ill-treatment of their prisoner by the drunken Indian, came into the camp and passed the night to protect him from any further abuse."


The next day the party, with their prisoners, proceeded on down the river on their way to Detroit. They stopped at Whittaker's cabin and there received from that kindhearted man a loaf of sugar which the Indians divided, giving their prisoner a share. The Indians were very fond of sugar, and the present was highly appreciated by them, as well as by the captive. Whittaker dared say little to the prisoner, however, lest he should excite the jealousy of the Indians. At Detroit the prisoner was ransomed and sent with a party of horsemen to his friends in Connecticut. Colonel Convers in after years testified to the uniform humanity


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of his treatment. "His treatment was not only humane, but kind and gentlemanly."


We have presented this incident to con- siderable length, because it is the most faithfully detailed account of Indian cap- tivity within our knowledge. Let those who have believed the Indian a beast in human form, whose only human element of character was treachery, follow Convers from the scene of his captivity to the place of ransom, and compare his treatment with that of the war prisoners of any Christian nation.


The treatment of prisoners was very much similar in all cases, except when special weakness of character was betrayed, or the magnitude of a crime demanded severe punishment. We have chosen a variety of such incidents as are best calculated to give an idea of aboriginal life at Lower Sandusky, which was, during the period covered, the military centre of the most warlike of the Indian nations. Another event more far reaching in its historical consequences next demands our attention.


The frontier posts of Kentucky suffered more from Indian incursions than the settlements of any other locality. There were two reasons for this: being the most western settlements they were regarded as the most dangerous intruders on the red man's domain; and second, nowhere did the "Longknives," as the Indians called the whites, treat the savages with so much cruelty. During one of these incursions, led by Simon Girty against Boonesborough, Sarah Vincent, a little girl seven years old, was made captive and settled on the Sandusky River, where she became a Wyandot.


Several years afterwards Isaac Williams, a trader at Upper Sandusky, made her acquaintance, and they were married. They settled at Upper Sandusky, and reared one son, Isaac Williams, who married


Sarah Loveler near Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. They settled on the tract which his mother had occupied while a captive, located on the river, at the Chestnut grove, on the present estate of Sidney Forguson. It was to the widow of this Isaac Williams that a reservation of one hundred and sixty acres, on Negro Point, was granted. She died about 1830, leaving a family of five children- Alexander, George, Joseph, Rachel, and James.


George married a Tawa (Ottawa) squaw, and never claimed any share in the estate. This woman, in 1808, overheard an in- terview between the Shawnee, Tecumseh, and a Muncie, or Delaware chief, which, had it been properly communicated to the Federal authorities, would have furnished important information concerning the strange, mysterious movements of the wily chief who organized the Indian rebellion of 1811, and consummated the British alliance of 1812.


Tecumseh was neither a peace chief, nor a war chief in his tribe, but he was a man of preeminent intellect, and attained to an influence, throughout the whole Indian country, which was well nigh imperial. He commenced the great work which he had long contemplated, in 1805. His first object was to unite the several nations, many of which were hostile to each other, and had often been at war. He sought to reform their prejudices, and to reestablish original manners and customs. To this end all intercourse with the whites was to be suspended, and the use of ardent spirits abandoned. Professing to the American Government no other object than moral reform, he was unceasing in his toil. Having a wide reputation as a sagacious counselor and warrior, he everywhere received considerate attention. His general plan of union being matured, he brought superstition to his aid.


His brother, the Prophet, now began to


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dream dreams and see visions. The fame of his divine commission spread from the frozen North to the gulf on the South. While believing pilgrims were coming to the shrine of the Prophet, Tecumseh's activity was simply wonderful. He was pleading loyalty to the Americans at Governor Harrison's office at Vincennes, and the same week arranging war plans on the Wabash and on the plains of Sandusky. His canoe crossed the Mississippi, and before any were aware, he was addressing Cherokee councils in Georgia and Alabama. The whole West was thus aroused to war, which begun openly at Tippecanoe in 1811. Until shortly before that time the Government was ignorant of the real designs of Tecumseh and the power of the league which he had formed. In view of the consequences of the chieftain's move- ments, the tradition of his visit to Lower Sandusky will be of general interest. This brings us back again to the Williams family .*


One afternoon in the autumn of 1809, the wife of George Williams, who lived on Negro Point, made a visit to the Wyandot village, which was on the hill northeast of the present Fremont bridge. Her way home was through Muncietown, which she reached about dark in the evening. By a light in a wigwam she saw Tecumseh in consultation with an Ottawa chief. Her path passed close the wigwam, in which she heard a conversation in the Ottawa language. Being herself an Ottawa, she understood what was said; and the theme being war, curiosity induced her to listen. Mrs. Williams, on returning home, told her husband that Tecumseh said, the next year when corn was knee high, a war would commence by the killing of all white people living on Indian territory


* This tradition is written from the recollections of Lorenzo Dow Williams, grandson of Isaac Williams.


and along the river (the Ohio river), and that the British would join them in the war. This was the first information obtained by any white settler that the roving Shawnees contemplated war. Alexander Williams,* a brother of George Williams, who lived in Virginia, was at that time visiting his parents on Negro Point. He started home the following morning, going by way of Pittsburgh and Philadelphia, where he announced what had been heard in the Indian country concerning Tecumseh's intentions. At Sweet Springs, Virginia, his fellow- townsmen prepared for the conflict.


The following summer five hundred warriors gathered in Muncietown, whence they started on an expedition to plunder the frontiers of Virginia. After they had been gone two days, Mrs. Williams, who had heard the prediction of Tecumseh and knew the meaning of these hostile preparations, called two white prisoners, who had been at Muncietown for a long time, to her house, painted them as warriors, and sent them on the trail of the war party with instructions to travel night and day and to pass around the warriors, if possible, before they reached the settlements, in order that. the white people might prepare for an attack. The two young men, rejoiced to escape captivity, arrayed in the costume of the savages, with rifle, ammunition, tomahawk and scalping knife, hurried in the path as fast as possible. At a place called Walker's Meadow, three miles from the village of Union, the two brave messengers entered the Indian camp. Carelessly they passed through, unnoticed by the redskins, who supposed them a couple of their own number, engaged in the enterprise. About three miles from the encampment they came to the house of a settler, where they re- mained quiet until morning. The first


*Father of our informant.


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person seen was a man who came out of the house, mounted a horse, and rode away without seeing the messengers. A negro next came out and went to the barn. The two young men now entered the house where they found a woman and several children. The woman screamed terribly, supposing Indians with the war paint on their faces were in possession of her house, and that quick murder was sure to follow. The boys spoke to her in good English, explaining who they were and what they had come for. The woman's husband was Judge Donelly, who was holding court two miles distant. They informed him of the danger to which the settlement was exposed. Judge Donelly was also colonel of militia, and on receiving the information he adjourned court and collected the people of the settlement into the blockhouse, upon which an unsuccessful attack was made, and the war- riors left with one prisoner. This was one of the first acts of Indian hostility. Very few Wyandots participated in it, their nation being averse to war. Tecumseh's visits were mostly to the villages of other tribes. The Wyandots generally entertained the opinions expressed by Crane's confidential advisor, Walk-in-the- Water, in a council held at Brownstown in 1812. He said: "No, we will not take up the hatchet against our father the Longknife. Our two fathers are about to fight, but we have no concern in their quarrel; it is best for us to sit still and remain neutral."


The Wyandots on the American side of the lakes were not drawn into the war in any considerable numbers, although the British Government exhausted intrigue to effect an alliance. Tarhe, the Crane, exerted his powerful influence in favor of neutrality, and those of the tribe who had taken hold of the British hatchet deserted Proctor at the first opportunity*


Tecumseh, at one time, while endeavoring to effect a union of the tribes, visited the house of Isaac Williams, on Negro Point. The visit, from Mr. Williams' standpoint, has an amusing feature, though, on part of the great Indian statesman and general, it was probably no more than an accident. We give the incident, as it has become traditional in the Williams family.


The Wyandots had cornfields all along the river bottoms, which were cultivated by the squaws and boys, each family having a small patch, and no fences between them. Isaac Williams owned a large number of hogs, and tried to enclose his premises with a brush fence, but they frequently found a way out and destroyed the corn, which greatly provoked the squaws. They urged their dogs upon the hogs, and killed several of them. One day Williams, hearing the dogs barking and the hogs squealing, grasped his gun, and, despite the importunities of his wife, rushed to the corn field, where two dogs were tearing to pieces one of the favorites of the herd, while an old squaw and her boy were looking on with amusement. Williams, still more enraged by this, aimed so as to bring both within the range of the shot, but the gun snapped and the squaw discovered her danger. She implored forgiveness, and promised that the injury should never be repeated. The family were, however, greatly annoyed by the fear that the event had. excited the wrath of the Indians, who would seek revenge. This explains the uneasiness of Williams when, the next day, Tecumseh appeared at his door. This was during that chief's earlier visits to the towns along the river. The magnitude of the indignity of the day before increased in Williams' mind a hundredfold, and his first thought was that the great Tecumseh had come to revenge the insult. Suppressing all appearances of fear, the old trader asked his unwelcome


*North American Review, 1827.


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guest to come in and be seated, himself, with seeming carelessness, taking a chair in that corner of the cabin in which the gun was standing. Both sat for some time without a word passing between them. The chief at length took his tomahawk from his belt and filled the end of it with tobacco. Stepping to the fire, he took a coal from the ashes, lighted his pipe and began smoking, continuing silent. Williams also sat quiet, every moment ex- pecting to be reproved, or, perhaps, punished, for attempting to shoot the squaw. The latter finally broke the spell by saying: "Tecumseh, what are you doing? I see the wampum is being carried from place to place and secret councils are being held. What is this for? Are you organizing war against the white people?" Te- cumseh could speak and understand. English well. He answered: "Maybe war with the white man. He is too saucy." Williams then informed the chief, who was afterwards termed monarch of the North American Indians, that he had better not go to war; that he had travelled through the white man's country, and they were too numerous for the Indians; that they would exterminate all the Indians in the country if a war should occur, and more such advice, to which the chief paid no attention. He sat moody for a long time, then knocked the ashes from his pipe and retired. Williams was agreeably surprised at there having been no allusion made to the attempt to shoot the squaw.


The Ottawas are characterized by Indian writers as the hunters and trappers of the forest. They followed the Portage and Sandusky Rivers and came to Lower Sandusky to trade as late as 1833, Judge Jesse Olmstead being the favorite merchant. The story of the execution of an Ottawa warrior was given in a lecture by Hon. Homer Everett, delivered in 1860.


Wild, unlearned, and in many things repulsive as the Indians were, still, amongst them were found many noble specimens of men and women, who cherished and displayed the cardinal virtues of humanity: modesty, chastity, truth, sincerity, honesty and courage.


In that stoic courage which coolly meets death without even the appearance of fear, the North American Indian never had a superior in any race of men on the earth. In illustration of this wonderful characteristic, two instances, well known to my informants, may be given.


Among the Ottawas who frequently visited our town to trade, was a warrior named Captain Punkin. He was by nature, as well as practice, a vicious, treacherous, cruel Indian; he was one of the company who captured the Snow family, on Cold Creek, somewhere near Castalia; and the identical individual who took away Mrs. Snow's infant because it hindered her march. In spite of all her entreaties, cries and resistance, he seized it by the feet and dashed its brains out against a tree before the mother's eyes.


Long years after this event, Punkin was found guilty of violating the laws of his tribe, and sentenced to die, by a council. This decision was communicated to him, and he was asked when and where he would die. He informed them of the time and place at which he would choose to die and be buried; he went unguarded and at liberty for some time alone in the forest. No human eye watched him; he was at liberty to flee if he chose. The time fixed came, and his executioners repaired to the spot he had selected, and where his burial place had already been prepared. They found him ready, sitting at the verge of his own grave. Raising his bowed head as they approached, he said: You have come; I am ready. Strike sure!" Instantly the tomahawk described a glittering circle and descended deep into his brain. He expired without a groan, and was buried there.


The extent of the cornfields along the river remains to be spoken of. The prairies bordering the bay were cultivated when Colonel James Smith visited the country as a captive, in 1757, but he mentions nothing about agriculture along the river. But at a later period the river prairies supplied the whole Wyandot country. This was, no doubt, owing to the exhaustless fertility of the soil and the ease with which it was cultivated. The plains now covered by the lower part of the city of Fremont were cleared land when first seen by white men, and except the tract used for councils, gaming, racing, and the village


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bore corn season after season. The squaws and boys attended to agriculture, and all other menial duties. To handle a hoe would have disgraced the strong Indian, whose only business was war.


That Lower Sandusky was celebrated among the Indians for the fertility of soil, is proved by an incident which, in 1807, occurred at Ogontz place, now Sandusky. The Indian title to the Firelands was


extinguished in 1805, but the Indians about the neck of the bay were slow to leave in obedience to the terms of the treaty. Complaint was made to Ogontz, to whom the commissioner put the question: "Why do you not raise your corn at Lower Sandusky?" "Ugh!" retorted Ogontz, "Big corn grow at Lower Sandusky, but no papoose grow there."


CHAPTER V.


EARLY OHIO.


Five Characteristic Centres of Settlement-First Measures After the Revolution for Selling Western Lands- Ordinance of 1785-Revolutionary Bounties-Organization of the Ohio Company-Ordinance of 1787 The Ohio Company Land at the Mouth of the Muskingum-Formal Inauguration of Government-Growth of the Massachusetts Colony-Settlement Between the Miamis-John Cleves Symmes' Purchase-Founding of Cincinnati-French Settlement at Gallipolis-The Virginia Military District-Settlement of Manchester- Founding of Chillicothe-Character of Population-The Western Reserve-Sale to the Connecticut Land Company-Surveyed into Townships-Cleveland Founded-Slow Growth at First-Subsequent Rapid Growth-The Northwestern Indian Reservation-Frontier Line of Settlements in 1812-Population in 1812- Erection of Counties-Formation of State Government-Origin of the Northwest Boundary Difficulty-Open Conflict Between Ohio and the Territory of Michigan-Opening Wedge to Settlement in Northwestern Ohio- Causes of the War of 1812-Attitude of the Wyandots-Results of the War Forecasted-Hull's Surrender- Ohio Exposed to the Enemy-Militia Volunteers Victories Follow Defeat and Disaster-Ohio's Part in the War.


THE fading picture of Wyandot Lower Sandusky calls to mind a more stirring scene, Lower Sandusky of Fort Stephenson fame. This period, brief but crowded with tragic events, dates the beginning of white settlement in Sandusky county. What was Ohio then? is a question which naturally suggests itself, and one which this chapter is intended to answer.


Historically Ohio is carved into seven distinct divisions, bearing five characteris- tic civilizations transplanted from different Eastern colonies, and tracing their ancestry to antagonistic races or social castes. Out of these five elements has grown the Ohio of today justly proud and sufficiently honored.


The centres of early settlement, widely separated from each other by bridgeless streams and long reaches of untraversed forests, impressed the instincts and training brought from Eastern homes upon their localities. That impress is still discernible in the politics, religion, and culture of the native population. The clashing of opinion which has been a necessary result of grouping five discordant ele- ments into one State, has been potent in


developing native intellect and producing occasions for its exercise. It is further a proposition, proved by the inevitable logic of history, that the mingling and fusion of people of different races, temperaments and training, is productive of physical and mental strength. To these facts may be


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attributed in great measure the high position which Ohio has taken in affairs.


When the Revolution closed, the Congress of the Confederation found itself in possession of a vast Western domain of boundless fertility. Plans of emigration and colonization again revived. Congress, in May, 1785, passed "an ordinance for ascertaining the mode of disposing of the Western lands, and Thomas Hutchins, the United States geographer, was instructed to lay off the territory into townships of six miles square, and each township into thirty- six lots, containing six hundred and forty acres each. Congress had, in 1776, and by several succeeding acts, pledged bounties to the Continental soldiers. One-seventh of the land was to be reserved for this purpose. Lots eight, eleven, twenty-six, and twenty- nine were to be reserved for future sale; the remainder was to be divided among the several States and sold by them at not less than one dollar per acre, with the additional cost of the survey and sale. This system operated against the colonization plan, for the townships were to be drawn by the several States, making it impossible for a company to purchase a large tract in one body. This ordinance excepted an undefined tract between the Scioto and the Little Miami, which had been' reserved by Virginia in her act of cession, for the use of her own troops. Indian hostilities prevented individual settlement, and it was evident that Congress had placed too high an estimate on the value of the unbroken forest.


From time to time, as circumstances suggested, this original ordinance was amended. The bounty claims of, Revo- lutionary soldiers were the strongest agency in the settlement of the Northwest. A major- general were entitled to eleven hundred acres, a brigadier-general to eight hundred and fifty acres, colonel to five


hundred acres, lieutenant-colonel to four hundred and fifty acres, major to four hundred acres, captain to three hundred acres, lieutenant to two hundred acres, ensign one hundred and fifty acres, noncommissioned officers and privates one hundred acres each. As early as 1783 General Rufus Putnam, of Massachusetts, transmitted to Washington a memorial asking for an appropriation of Western lands to supply these claims. The measure was placed before Congress, but the question of ownership not being settled action was postponed. In 1775 Colonel Benjamin Tupper came West as a surveyor, but the survey being interrupted by Indian troubles he returned to the East the following winter with such favorable impressions of the country beyond the Ohio that he united with Putnam in forming a plan of association and settlement. They prepared a publication setting forth the project, and inviting all who desired to promote the scheme to send delegates to a general convention to be held in Boston, March 1, 1786.


An opportunity now seemed open to the hardy and resolute soldiers who had carried the war to a successful issue, to retrieve their ruined estates. The convention which met in pursuance to this call, represented the best elements of New England society. Articles of association were agreed upon, which made the capital of the company one million dollars. Three directors Samuel H. Parsons, General Rufus Putnam, and Dr. Manasseh Cutler, were elected, with instructions to purchase a private grant of lands. Major Winthrop Sargent (second Territorial Governor) was elected secretary.


About the time of the organization of the Ohio Company another land company was organized in New York, with William Duer at its head. Dr. Cutler, to whom was delegated the responsible office of


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making a contract with Congress, found that body averse to the New England scheme, but by combining with the New York company, in which several members of Congress were interested, there was hope of success. It had been the hope of the Massachusetts company to have General Parsons, one of their own number, placed at the head of the new territorial government which colonization would make it necessary to establish; but his plan of purchase could not succeed without the support of General St. Clair, who was a representative from Pennsylvania and President of Congress. Cutler was a good lobbyist and yielded the choice of his associates in favor of St. Clair for the governorship.




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