USA > Ohio > Shakers of Ohio; fugitive papers concerning the Shakers of Ohio, with unpublished manuscripts > Part 16
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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36
John Pilot, Christian Lyntz, Charles Taylor, Cornelius Bush, Daniel Dunning, Maria Pilot, Mary Shepard, Clymena
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Miner, Harriet Snyder, Margaret Swayer, John Morton, Sam- uel Miner, George Hunt, William Dunn, Ferdinand Budinger, Robert Budinger, Lizzie Budinger, Lulu Budinger, Harriet Snooks.
Those who cast their lot with the society at Union Village were :
William Sheppe, James McQuigan, Watson Andrews, Lis- zette Ryder, Thomas Mylrea, William Lincoln, Temperance De- van, Harriet Shepard.
A short time prior to the dissolution of the society Melinda and Rachel Russell were removed to Watervleit.
XI. CONCLUSION.
In parting with the history of the United Believers of North Union, I desire to repeat what has been intimated in this record, that of the people herein portrayed I had no personal acquaintance, and hence was bound in justice to allow their spokesman, James S. Prescott, to state the facts as he saw them. I have restrained myself from offering comment, leaving the reader to do that for himself. In these concluding remarks I will closely follow the opinions of them as given by Judge John Barr, as published in the Cleveland Herald of July 25, 1870.
By the people of Cleveland the Shakers, who came in con- tact with them, were regarded to be a strictly moral class, very industrious, male and female, in the various duties assigned to each that was able to labor, while the children were sent to school in order to acquire a reasonable education. They were noted for promptness and integrity in their dealings and faithful per- formance of contracts. They studied the laws of health in the construction of their dwellings, in the selection and preparation of food, and noted for neatness and cleanliness. They es- chewed the use of all intoxicating drinks as a beverage, and used only when prescribed by a physician; and any violation of this rule by any member was a matter of strict discipline. The use of profane, obscene, vulgar or harsh language to each other or to the world was not tolerated. Sunday was regarded as a holy day and observed as a day of rest from all secular pursuits, save those of necessity and mercy, just as strictly as did the
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Puritans, and devoted the day to religious worship in praise and thanksgiving exclusively. They were kind and liberal to the sick and unfortunate, and the stranger who was overtaken by disease or casualty in their midst, in them found the good Sa- maritan. To the members of their respective families no pains were spared or expense avoided, in sickness, or infirmity of any kind; and the aged and infirm were cared for to the full extent of parental affection. They were averse to strife or litigation, and avoided going to law if possible. During their existence they appeared in court but once as plaintiffs, and were success- ful. They carefully obeyed the laws of the land, punctually paid their taxes, and fulfilled all other requirements of them, patiently and cheerfully. None of their members were ever accused of an offence. They were opposed to anything like pomp or ostentation, or useless parade or ceremony. They re- garded the practice of wearing mourning of any kind as a relic of paganism, and religiously discarded it. They laid out their burial grounds in a proper manner, ornamenting the same with beautiful trees and planted shrubs and flowers around and over the graves of their departed friends.
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On what has been written a liberal interpretation must be given. Recently speaking to a lady who was a member of the- North Union Society for a period of thirty-four years, and still had a very warm place in her heart for them, I asked her if there were not jealousy among them, and if the various offices were not desired by those who had not attained to them. She re- plied: "The Shakers must be judged just the same as others,. for human nature is the same everywhere."
Being further pressed she said that those refusing to sign the Church Covenant were subjected to a very strong and irri- tating pressure. This class was brought up in the society and on the very day any one became of legal age the Covenant was, brought and the party urged to sign it.
Cleveland, Ohio, April 14, 1900.
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WATERVLEIT, OHIO, SHAKER COMMUNITY.
The extinct Shaker community, called Watervleit, was lo- cated about six miles east by south of Dayton, on sections 13 and 14, VanBuren Township, Montgomery County, Ohio. The lands are on both sides of Beaver Creek, which divided the es- tate. The stream afforded most excellent drainage for the lands on either side. The estate was located partly on the second river terrace that encroached upon the adjacent hills. To these lands was a strip of one hundred acres adjoining in the county of Greene.
In the early Shaker documents the Society is variously called Beaver Creek, Beulah and Mad River. In the same papers these terms are used indiscriminately, and in such a way as to leave con- fusion in the mind of the misinformed reader. It was among the first stations instituted by the Shakers in the West; for just two months and six days after the arrival of the propaganda (Issa- char Bates, Benjamin S. Youngs and John Meacham) the place was visited by two missionaries. So far as my information ex- tends, none of the Shaker documents state why Beulah received their attention.
The first settlers on Beaver Creek were Scotch Presbyterians, having mostly come from Bethel congregation, on the North Elkhorn, between Georgetown and Lexington, in Kentucky. The first to arrive was John Patterson (a brother of Colonel Robert Patterson), who settled on the southeast quarter of section 14, in the fall of 1799, where he built a cabin made of logs notched at the corners. In 1805 he built a two-story hewed log house 20 by 30 feet, with brick chimneys ånd shingle roof, which was the best that the county, at that time, could afford. The next arrival was John Huston, a brother of Judge David Huston, of Greene county, Ohio, a single man, entered a quarter section and began to im- prove it. In the spring of 1801, John Buchanan and his family arrived. In1 1802, James Milligan, his wife Peggy, William
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'Stewart, his wife Sally, with their connections, arrived. The cabin built by William Stewart stood near where the Shaker gristmill afterwards was built. The records of the Washing- ton Presbytery show that the Beulah church was taken under its care as early as 1800. The first preacher appears to have been William Robinson, but in 1802 Richard McNemar was assigned for two Sabbaths to this church. This was during the midst of the excitement caused by the Kentucky revival, and the bitter feelings then engendered began to exhibit themselves.
Richard McNemar began his public ministrations about the last of May, 1802, at the house of James Patterson, a large congregation having assembled. About the middle of June, 1803, a camp-meeting was held, with Richard McNemar, Robert Marshall, John Thompson and James Kemper as preachers. Although all belonged to the Washington Presbytery, yet so wide a difference was exhibited in the doctrinal preaching that the people were divided, a part holding with Kemper, who was - a sober, rigid Calvinist, but the principal part of the multitude held with the other three. On Saturday Mr. Kemper preached from Isaiah xxii, 23, "making predestination the nail in a sure place." On Sabbath morning Mr. Marshall followed, and lit- erally fulfilled the context, verse 25, for in that day was the nail fastened in the sure place removed, cut down and fell, and the burden that was upon it was cut off. The contest grew so warm and the exercises so powerful that in the afternoon Kem- per and his company withdrew from the meeting and retreated homeward.
"The effect of this meeting served to excite a spirit of free inquiry on the doctrinal points of difference, which ulti- mately prepared the congregation as a body for the approaching event, which was a separation from the government of the Pres- byterian church, which took place in the month of September following. After this separation the place of meeting was changed to the stand about half a mile west of John Patterson's, on the Dayton road, where a general camp-meeting was ap -- pointed about the last of July, 1804. At this meeting the work was powerful, the gifts and exercises singular, and the light transcendent. The jerking and barking exercises were astound-
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ing, and the effects of a sermon preached by McNemar, from Zech. xi, 7-14, are well remembered. The breaking of the two staves (the creed and form of government) excited the most un- bounded enthusiasm. The breaking to pieces a beautiful system and a beautiful order of government on which millions were resting for support was so emphatically announced and so rhe- torically pictured that it seemed as if the old heavens were al- ready passing away with a great noise and the elements melting with fervent heat." *
SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
A wise edict went forth from the Mt. Lebanon Ministry that full records of the different communities should be kept. Doubt- less such records were made by all the Societies. But nowhere, either directly or indirectly, do I find an injunction that such rec- ords shall be preserved. Nor do I find a scratch of a pen inti- mating that the Ministry ever inquired into these documents, or saw that they were in a proper condition.
The records of the Watervleit community do not appear to have been properly arranged until Richard McNemar assumed the task in February, 1832. When the Society was dissolved the records were brought to Union Village. The first volume ends with June 30, 1880. The second volume is in existence, but mis- placed. The first volume was commenced by Richard McNemar, but in no sense is it a journal until January Ist, 1833, when the writing is in another hand.
From the very inception of Shakerism in the West, Union Village has been the chief and ruling community. Its Ministry, first established there on Monday, July 29, 1805, has not only been continuous, but ever since regarded as the first. It would be supposed that the principal center would guard all the archives with care. It is positively known that some of the records have been purposely burned. Even no church journal can now be found dating since April 30, 1861. Whether destroyed or loaned no one can tell. There were pamphlets published, but afterwards forgotten, and no attempt made to preserve a copy of each pro- duction. All this dereliction of duty must be laid at the door of
* MS. Records Watervleit Society.
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the former Ministry. When it is considered that some of those chosen to the leadership were not particularly gifted in lines that required peculiar qualifications, we are not at a loss to discover where the culpability should rest.
For the early history of Watervleit I have depended almost: entirely on the South Union Records from 1805 to 1811, with: such light as those of Union Village may throw on the subject,. and certain references from books. The Union Village records. have many references to visits of brethren and sisters, to and from, between the two Societies, but rarely any practical in- formation ; and even then, none until Jan. 23, 1808. I find the- Union Village Ministry, especially during the reign of John Mar- tin, were frequent visitors; but the object of the visit is never- explained, nor the names of the parties given. In nearly alll other cases, the names of the visitors are preserved, and occa- sionally the title of "Elder" occurs. But little satisfaction can be obtained from those now living, for the reason that transfers were rapidly made ; persons removed from office, afterwards re- stored, then sent to another community, which could only breed confusion and uncertainty in their recollections.
There is a book that contains the journals of five of the Elders, beginning with that of Ebenezer Rice from Sept. 23, 1856, to Nov. 17, 1859. This contains more information, given daily,. than any Shaker document I have yet examined. Matthew B .. Carter's journal begins Nov. 27, 1859, and ends Sept. 21, 1860 .. Stephen W. Ball's can hardly be considered a journal. It con- tains but very little, -beginning Aug. 14, 1871, and ending: Dec. 25, 1879. This is followed by that of John Sauerborn, be- ginning Jan. 6, 1880, and closing Oct. 25, 1884. Then Elder- Ball resumes the task from Jan. 1, 1889, to Oct. 21, 1891. The- last is that of Henry W. Frederick, which begins Dec. 16, 1891,. and closes Aug. 31, 1894. This is the most replete of all, cover- ing 158 MS. pp., but really says the least. It may be of some- interest to those who lived at Watervleit during the period cov -- ered, but can be of but little effect to others.
All the above documents are still at Union Village. A very large chest of documents was left at Watervleit at the time of
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the removal of the people from there. These documnts were all turned over to me October 19, 1903, by James H. Fennessey, gen- eral manager at Union Village. From these papers I have gath- ered some things relating to the community. Most of the archives, however, related to North Union.
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EARLY MISSIONS.
It is not a difficult problem to solve why the Shakers should seek converts in the settlement along Beaver Creek. The great excitement during the camp-meeting of June, 1803, swept the greater part of the congregation into the Christian (New Light) church. It was then nurtured and sustained by Richard McNe- mar, and through him, it would naturally follow, that efforts would be put forth i that direction. An incident greatly has- tened the event. The turbulent camp-meeting held at Turtle Creek (present site of Union Village), commencing April 7, 1805, attracted a great multitude of people, among the rest a principal part of the Beulah congregation, "of whom none were more distinguished for good sense and spiritual discernment than Phoebe Patterson and Peggy Buchanan, who happily came di- vested of prejudice, and willing to hear and judge for themselves regardless of 'popular opinion; and the result was a united and :settled conviction that the testimony then and there opened to :them was the everlasting truth of God, and pointed out the only way of salvation. This impression they never lost, altho' it was nearly a year after before the way was opened for them to obey their faith. William Stewart and others, at the same time re- ceived a measure of faith, insomuch that William invited Issachar and Benjamin to make a visit to Beulah as soon as convenient."
In compliance with the above request at 5:30 A. M., May 28, 1805, Issachar Bates and Benjamin S. Youngs set out from Union Village to Beaver Creek, and on Friday, the 31st, preached at the residence of John Buchanan, which, in a measure, served to confirm the faith in those who already were disposed to be- lieve. This effort served to stir up to redoubled zeal the Re- vival (New Light) preachers, that their congregation might be held back, "and the people were so linked in their family and
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social connection that it required time and patience for the leaven to work."
The missionaries were encouraged to make another attempt, and on Saturday, June 22nd, Youngs, Richard McNemar and Malcolm Worley set out from Union Village for Beaver Creek and returned the 24th.
The first avowed convert was John Huston, an amiable young man, a wheelwright by trade, but a farmer by occupation. Sometime in October, 1805, he visited Union Village (then called Turtle Creek), declared his faith in Shakerism and then returned home, and for nearly five months was the only resident there openly to confess his faith.
On December 9th, 1805, Daniel Mosely, Youngs and Worley set out for Beaver Creek and returned the IIth. During the month of February, 1806, John Stewart openly espoused the new faith. On Wednesday, March 22, 1806, "Elders Issachar, Benj. & Richard went 22 miles to Beulah or Beaver Creek. - Had meeting at Wm. Stewart's, as usual spoke some two hours. After meeting Richard went home with John' Patterson, who had been an opposer - his wife Phoebe, having faith but held back on his account. Thurs. 27. Wm. Stewart confessed to Benjamin - evening went to John Stewart's - Next day to Dayton at mouth of Mad river-forded the Miami-went thence to Wm. King whose wife refused to tell us the way to Nathan Worley's,* because she had heard we were deceivers - Her hus- band told us the way - We remained two hours at Nathan's - their opposition was great and returned to John Stwart's, thence to Jas. Milligan's & John Patterson's. Saturday, 29. Peggy Stewart confessed to Issachar and Jas. Milligan and Elizabeth and Caty Stewart (John's mother) confessed to Benjamin - On our way to John Pattersons, Phoebe Stewart confessed to Richard - soon after he returned to Turtle Creek - thence we went to Wm. Stewart's and Sally his wife confessed to Benjamin .. Sab. 30. Abm. Patterson confessed to Benjn. - We went to John Patterson's. - A large collection of people assembled, to whom John Thompson preached from Acts iii, 22, 23. He observed 'that once the Jews were God's peculiar people, but since Christ's
* Then a prominent New Light preacher.
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time, the whole world was God's people - God with us - the whole world ! - no one ought to work on their sins so as to feel guilt - but lay hold of faith in the promise of God,' etc., etc .- a great deal of hypocrisy and foolery. In his prayer however, he desired God would preserve the innocent lambs from the ravening wolves (alluding to Shakers) that were going about the country in sheep's clothing, etc. John Patterson opened his mind, confessed to Benjn. - Mon. 31. Peggy Buchanan con- fessed to Benj. - did not wish, but was advised to return to her family and do her duty to them and keep her faith - which she did - though her husband had said to her she should never enter his house if she joined the Shakers - but said not a word when she informed him of the fact - We went to John Patter- son's - thence to Wm. Stewart's -thence to John Houston's where we kept out horses - thence to Abrams - thence to James Milligan's in Co. with J. Houston - 12 have opened their minds in this place of the most respectable people - stable and upright in their faith - Numbers of them having had in the revival great views of the present work of God." * The two companions arrived at Turtle Creek on the evening of April Ist.
In reference to John Thompson, in the Watervleit Church Records, Richard McNemar says: "John Thompson came on for his last effort, if possible to check their progress ; being there to retract the steps they had taken, or at least deter the remnant from taking the same course. For his purpose he chose for his text, Acts iii, 22, 23, 'A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you," etc. After exhibiting Christ as the great prophet and the awful penalty of disobeying him, to be destroyed or cut off from every fellowship with God's people, he observed that under the law, the Jews were the only people of God, but under the gospel there is no distinction between Jew and Gentile, but God claims all the world as his people; of course that to fall under the awful sentence now, must incur a fatal and final cut- ting off, or separation from the whole world. This logical para- phrase was rather diverting than alarming to the Believers, as they felt prepared, with much composure to meet the terrible
* MS. journal of Benjamin S. Youngs, copied into the South Union, Ky. Church Records.
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sentence of excommunication. After meeting Thompson asked his old friend Patterson what he thought of the sermon. To which the Captain replied: 'You did somehow blunder into the truth ; perhaps you did not intend it.' At which Thompson was so offended, that he immediately got on his horse, gathered his company and moved on to George Patterson's, to hold their evening meeting.
"Issachar and Benjamin being present on this memorable occasion, the Believers were much strengthend and confirmed in their faith, and John Patterson, for his disobedience to Thomp- son, being excommunicated, or cut off from the whole world, sought his relation to the little company, and from that period to his death, filled a respectable lot among Believers."
It will thus be seen that the way to the Watervleit Society was paved by Richard McNemar, and the superstructure was largely due to Issachar Batest and Benjamin S. Youngs.
While the efforts were being put forth to found a Society on Beaver Creek, an interest was awakened there in the progress of the community at Turtle Creek. From April 13, 1806, James and Betsey Milligan and Ezekiel and Eunice Patterson paid a visit to Turtle Creek. The interest increased so much so that on the 26th, both Issachar and Benjamin went to Beaver Creek, where all the Believers met together and "for the first time all went forth to worship in the dance." On the following day Rachel Southard confessed to Benjamin, and that night the two com- panies reached Turtle Creek.
For some reason, unexplained, the infant society was left alone until July 8, when it was visited by Daniel Mosely, Bates and McNemar, who staid until the 14th, but with what results, we are left uninformed, though owing to the presence of McNe- mar, and the length of the stay, it is probable that plans for the stability of the Society were discussed. This view is plausible from the fact that on Aug. 29th, David Darrow,* Ruth Farring-
+ Issachar Bates claimed to have been the father of the Watervleit Society, and greatly desired that it should be the parent of all the West- ern communities, in which he was overruled.
* David Darrow was a Revolutionary patriot, being second lieutenant, 4th company, 17th regiment, New York, commissioned March 6, 1779, in
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ton, Prudence Farrington, Ruth Darrow, Daniel Mosely and Solomon King went to Beulah in a wagon and there remained until Sept. 10th.
I find no farther record until Dec. 2nd, when "Daniel Mose- ly, Samuel Turner, and Benj. S. Youngs set out to visit Be- lievers at Beaver Creek or Beulah near Dayton, returned the 27th." Other Shaker documents affirm that Watervleit took its rise in 1806, and it must be inferred that steps towards a per- .
manent organization, before the close of the year, had been seri- ously taken. Although the Shakers had the example of John Wesley before them, who placed a leader for every flock that numbered three or more, yet they appear never to have taken ad- vantage of it. Yet the work was kept moving at Beulah, for on Jan. 17, 1807, Solomon King, Issachar Bates and David Hill ar- rived here and staid until the 30th. I find no further record for 1807, but that is no indication that the movement was in a dormant condition.
Jan. 23, 1808, there arrived at Union Village 16 Believers from Beulah and Eagle Creek, - proportion of each not stated. It is more than probable that the Beulah Believers were still liv- ing in their own cabins.
Mar. 7, 1808, Solomon King and Malcolm Worley were at Beaver Creek. May 3Ist, Solomon King, Archibald Meacham, Molly Goodrich and Ruth Farrington went to Beaver Creek on horse-back and returned June 3rd, bringing with them David and Polly Greene. Eight visitors from Beaver Creek arrived at Union Village June 25th, but names not given.
The next and last reference for 1808 is dated Dec. 28: "Mathew Houston, Malcolm W. and John Rankin go to Mad River and Staunton .* returned Sat. the 7th of Jany. I'og."
I find but one reference for 1809 and that dated April 12: "Issachar and Richard McNemar set out for Beaver creek,
place of John Smith. His estate he gave to the Shakers of Mt. Lebanon, N. Y., and is now owned by the North Family, and the residence is on the same spot on which his was located.
* This may refer to the small village of that name that once stood about two miles east of Troy, in Miami county.
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and Mad River and Pickaway - some at Pickaway now obey their faith - returned the 22nd."
Apr. 30, 1810, "Eld. David Darrow, Eldress Ruth Farring- ton, Solomon King & Molly Goodrich in a wagon to Beaver creek & returned the 3d of May."
Sept. 12, 1810, "Twenty-seven of the brethren set out for Beulah (now Watervleit), to help that small society to raise a log meeting house." This indicates that the organization had been completed for some time. As their church building was of logs, it is probable that their sole industry, at this time, was agriculture. The starting of a saw mill would mean the com- mencement of frame buildings.
Sept. 7, 1811, John and Phoebe Patterson moved to Union Village, and on Sept. 12, John Houston, John Hutchison, Rosanna Shields and Miriam Worley went to Beaver Creek to live. This is the last reference in the South Union Records. Previous to this date there are but two references in the records of Union Village. What follows must be largely culled from the latter down to 1861.
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