USA > Oklahoma > A standard history of Oklahoma; an authentic narrative of its development from the date of the first European exploration down to the present time, including accounts of the Indian tribes, both civilized and wild, of the cattle range, of the land openings and the achievements of the most recent period, Vol. II > Part 24
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Vol. II-17
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ensuing two years, the custodianship was held by several university students in succession.
When the Fifth Legislative Assembly was considering the item of an appropriation for the Oklahoma Historical Society, a proviso was inserted, giving to the governing board authority to move the collection away from the university in case it was deemed advisable in order to place it where it would be more secure. Nine months later, it was moved to Oklahoma City, where it was offered fireproof quarters in the newly erected Carnegie Library. (This was a most providential change, as the building in which it had always been quartered at the university was destroyed by fire fifteen months later.) Sidney Clarke served as custodian for a time, as also did Mrs. Marion Rock. In 1904 Mr. W. P. Campbell, the real founder of the society and its first custodian, was asked to take charge of its collections again and it has been the center of his interest and activities ever since.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1896
The political activities of the year began quite early in Okla- homa, in 1896. The territorial republican convention which was called to choose delegates to the national convention, enthusias- . tically endorsed the Flynn free homes, which, for the time being, at least, overshadowed the statehood question in local interest and importance. This convention also demanded the free coinage of silver-a step which put the party in Oklahoma in a very awkward position after the national convention took its decided stand in . opposition to the same.
The preconvention campaign in Oklahoma was a warm one in 1896. Probably the majority of the republicans of the territory would have been for the nomination of Mckinley if it had been a mere matter of personal choice. Delegate Flynn, who had been bending every energy to secure the passage of the free homes bill (and did succeed in securing its passage by the House of Repre- sentatives, March 16th, of that year), was naturally under obliga- tions to Speaker Thomas B. Reed, of the House of Representatives, who was an active aspirant for the presidential nomination. When, therefore, Mr. Flynn asked his constituents to send an uninstructed delegation, the great majority of the members of his party in the territory were ready to acquiesce to his wishes in the matter. There was a faction, however, that believed in standing out for a delegation instructed for McKinley, presumably for the reason
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that he had been picked for a winner. Up to this time, although there had been a noticeable lack of sympathy between republican leaders who had come to the territory from Kansas and other northern states and those who came from Arkansas, where the party was always in a hopeless minority, there had been no open rupture. The ideal of Kansas republicanism was that of an active, aggressive, constructive party. The apparent ideal of Arkansas republicanisr., on the other hand, was to waste little of any energy on local affairs but rather to line up with the winner in the national convention, hold the party organizations intact and be in a position to properly distribute the federal patronage in event of the success of their nominee in the presidential election. It will be recalled that, in the preconvention campaign of 1896, "the old guard" brought out many "favorite sons." As a rule, Arkansas republi- canism always followed in the train of "the old guard," but in 1896 it broke this precedent by lining up for the nomination of William McKinley, presumably because such a course looked like the shortest cut to success in the way of partisan favors, as, indeed, it was. So, while the constructive element of the party was willing to send an uninstructed delegation if it would serve to strengthen the hands of their congressional delegate in his effort to secure the enactment of the free homestead measure into law, the opportu- nistic element of the party, with an eye single to federal patronage, made a valiant showing of activity in behalf of Mckinley, assured that, even though it lost the delegation to the national convention, it would be in a position to dictate many if not most of the federal appointments in event of his nomination and election. It was inev- itable that the Kansas ideal and the Arkansas ideal as to the pur- poses and policies of the party should clash, as clash they did in this instance. Circumstances were such that the advocates of an uninstructed delegation won, yet, in so doing, it placed the leaders of the other faction in the attitude of martyrs to the Mckinley cause, and the subsequent course of the political history of Okla- homa was materially affected in consequence. Incidentally, the genesis of factionalism in Oklahoma republicanism may all be traced back to this point.
After the renomination of Flynn, the fusion of the national forces of the democratic and populist parties caused much talk of fusion, or united action in Oklahoma. Yet here again was trouble. In the North, there had been fusion between the democratic and populist parties for several years, but, in the South, such a thing was unheard of. Quite the contrary, if there was any fusion or
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united action between parties in the South, it had been between the populist and the republican parties. So, while fusion was de- sired by the democrats of some parts of Oklahoma (i. e., where most of them were from the North), there were other sections, such as Greer, Roger Mills, Cleveland and other counties (in which most of
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JAMES Y. CALLAHAN
the democratic citizens were from the South), where the very sug- gestion of fusion was scouted. The populist territorial convention was held at Guthrie on the 5th of August. It placed James Y. Cal- lahan, of Kingfisher County, in nomination for delegate to Con- gress.7 For a month, the fight between fusion and anti-fusion raged
7 James Yancy Callahan was born in Dent County, Missouri, December 19, 1852. He was reared on a farm and educated in the common schools, and he has been a farmer most of his life. In 1885 he moved to Stanton County, Kansas, where he lived until 1892,
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among the democrats of Oklahoma. When the democratic conven- tions assembled at El Reno, September 4th, there was anything but harmony. Callahan was called before the convention and inter- rogated under circumstances that might have demoralized a man much more experienced in political affairs. The wrangle between the opposing forces went far into the night but, in the end, fusion won and Callahan was endorsed.
The campaign which followed was an exciting one. Both can- didates made whirlwind campaigns, traveling much of the time off the railroad and largely by private conveyance, and speaking almost always in the open air. Great assemblages of people greeted both candidates at their respective appointments. It is doubtful if any issue or campaign, even since statehood, ever equalled it in interest. Flynn pleaded for the support of the people in his strug- gle to secure the passage of an act making the homesteads of the Iowa, Sac and Fox, Pottawatomie, Kickapoo, Cheyenne and Arapaho Indian reservations and the Cherokee Strip free to the settlers as the homesteads of the unassigned lands had been. Callahan, on the other hand, urged that the election of Bryan on the silver issue (which many people in Oklahoma regarded as a foregone conclu- sion) made it necessary that Oklahoma should have a delegate in Congress who would be in sympathy and touch with the national administration. At the start, it was known that Flynn would have a fusion plurality of about 10,000 to overcome. The result showed that many fusionists must have supported him as Callahan's plu- rality over him was only 1,168, the total vote being 53,702. At the same time, the fusionists elected every member of the Council and all but one of the members of the House of Representatives, the one exception being Cassius M. Barnes, of Guthrie, who had been speaker of the House two years before, when it was over- whelmingly republican.
Among the mort important measures which passed both houses of the Fourth Legislative Assembly and received executive approval were the following: A comprehensive banking law; a general election law; a general fee and salary law; the establishment and location of the Agricultural and Normal School for Colored People, at Langston, in Logan County; the establishment and location of
when he moved to Kingfisher County, Oklahoma. While living in Kansas he served two terms as register of deeds. Mr. Callahan now lives (1916) at Enid, where he is engaged in business.
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the Northwestern Normal School, at Alva; and a general live stock quarantine law.
With the beginning of the Mckinley administration, in March, 1897, public interest was largely centered in the choice of a new territorial governor. Former Delegate Dennis T. Flynn was the choice of a large majority of the members of his party in Oklahoma and it was believed that President Mckinley would have been glad to appoint him had it not been for the fact that his campaign managers had promised the place to Cassius M. Barnes (who had been the titular head of the Mckinley forces in the preconvention campaign) in return for the support of the latter and his friends in the effort to secure an instructed delegation from Oklahoma. Flynn was recognized as a receptive candidate only and did not make any personal effort to secure the appointment, though his friends and admirers put forth a strong effort in his behalf. Mr. Barnes was duly nominated for governor of Oklahoma by Presi- dent Mckinley and confirmed by the Senate. His inauguration took place May 24, 1897.8
The democratic and populist territorial conventions were called to meet simultaneously in Oklahoma City, July 13, 1898. The ma- jority of the delegates to the democratic convention favored the fusion of the democratic, populist and free silver forces, but demanded that, in return for having supported a populist two years before, the fusion nominee for delegate to Congress should be a democrat. The populist convention also had a majority favoring fusion but was strongly disposed to insist upon the renomination
8 Cassius M. Barnes was born in Livingston County, New York, in 1845. During the period of his early childhood his parents migrated to Michigan, where he was educated. At the outbreak of the Civil war, although but a mere boy, he enlisted, serving in vari- ous capacities in an engineer company, in the quartermaster's department and in the military telegraph corps. Shortly after the close of the war he located at Little Rock, Arkansas, where he was engaged in business for a time. He took an active interest in poli- tics and held several appointive Federal positions. When Okla- homa was opened he came to Guthrie as receiver of public moneys at the United States Land Office, a position which he held for four years. In 1894 he was elected as a member of the Territorial House of Representatives and served as speaker of that body during the session in 1895. He also served as a member of the House in the session of 1897. In April, 1897, he was appointed governor of Oklahoma by President Mckinley, serving four years. After his retirement from that office Governor Barnes was twice elected mayor of Guthrie. Governor Barnes now (1916) lives in Kansas.
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of Callahan for congressional delegate. But there was an insistent minority in each convention which was opposed to fusion of any sort between the two parties. It was noticeable that this spirit of irreconcilable antagonism between the two parties was confined almost wholly to those counties in which many if not most of the settlers had come from the South, where the democratic. party was always in the majority and where the populist party, if it fused at all, did so with the republican party. So, when the democratic territorial convention voted to go into joint session with the popu- list convention, a number of delegates from Cleveland, Canadian, Oklahoma, Washita, Roger Mills and Greer counties, walked out of the convention and held a session in the interest of a "simon pure" democracy, though it was more nearly an indignation meet- ing than a convention, since it did not put a ticket in the field. Like- wise, many of the delegates in the populist convention from the same counties were bitterly opposed to uniting with the democratic party in the forthcoming campaign, but a majority of the delegates in the convention voted to fuse. When the two conventions went into joint session there was a deadlock between the respective can- didates of the two parties and it was not until the seventy-fourth ballot that James R. Keaton, of Oklahoma City, was nominated. Arthur S. Hankins, of Woods County, was nominated by that wing of the populist party which refused to stand for fusion.
The republican territorial convention met at El Reno, on the 24th of August. There were a number of aspirants for the nomina- tion for delegate to Congress. As some of these were personal friends of Former Delegate Flynn, he promised that his name should not be placed before the convention for the nomination. However, a large number of delegates insisted upon voting for him. Two ballots were taken without any candidate securing much promise of a majority. The other candidates withdrew and Mr. Flynn was nominated on the third ballot.
Although the general election law which had been enacted by the Fourth Legislative Assembly had been supposed to give some advantage to the fusion parties, the result of the election in Okla- homa in 1898 did not bear out the expectations of those who had framed it. Flynn was returned as a delegate to Congress by an overwhelming majority. His plurality over Keaton was 9,368, with a total vote of 48,806. The republicans also secured a good working majority of the members of both houses of the Legislative Assembly.
The work of the Fifth Legislative Assembly was uneventful as a whole. Little legislation was enacted outside of routine lines. A
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new general election law was passed. Of the eighty-two bills which passed both houses, twenty-four received an executive veto from the governor. Of these, one was passed over the veto by the required vote.
In 1900, Dennis T. Flynn was renominated for delegate to Con- gress. The democratic and populist parties again fused, placing Robert A. Neff, of Kay County, in nomination as their candidate for congressional delegate. As the free homes bill had been passed and approved, it was not an issue in the campaign. This left the track clear for the promise of statehood legislation. Flynn was re-elected by a substantial majority, having a plurality of 4,724 votes over Neff in a total vote of 73,367. The result in the Legis- lative Assembly was mixed, the fusionists electing eight out of thirteen members of the Upper House, while the republicans elected fifteen out of twenty-six members of the Lower House.
THE FREE HOMES BILL PASSED
June 17, 1900, the measure which provided for free homesteads to the settlers on the Iowa, Sac and Fox, Pottawatomie-Shawnee and Cheyenne and Arapaho Indian reservations, was finally passed and approved. This was the measure to which Delegate Flynn had devoted the major portion of his efforts and energy throughout the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-sixth congresses and Delegate Callahan had introduced a similar bill in the House of Representatives dur- ing the Fifty-fifth Congress. It was authoritatively stated at the time of the passage of this act that it would save the settlers of Oklahoma the neat sum of $15,000,000.
PROPOSED LOCATION OF STATE INSTITUTIONS
The Sixth Legislative Assembly was destined to see the most exciting contest in the legislative history of Oklahoma since the memorable struggle over the location of the territorial capital in the First Legislative Assembly. This contest was precipitated by the introduction of Council Bill No. 129, by Councilman R. E. P. Messall, of Enid. The purpose of this measure, as stated in its title, was to provide "for the location, erection, management and control of a Territorial Penitentiary, a Territorial Asylum for the Insane, a Territorial Asylum for the Deaf, Dumb and Blind, a Territorial Reform School for Boys and a Territorial Industrial School for Girls." (The Council Committee on Public Institutions,
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to which this bill was referred, consolidated the last two items into one.) The combination which was made for the active support of this measure was sufficiently strong to compel the support of rep- resentatives and councilmen from the districts in which territorial institutions had already been located. In addition to the new insti- tutions for which provision was thus sought to be made,. bills were also pending for the location and establishment of a territorial normal school (introduced by J. Frank Matthews) in Greer County, and for the location and establishment of a territorial university preparatory school (introduced by James Wilkin) in Kay County.
It is doing no injustice to either the supporters or opponents of Council Bill No. 129 (or the Public Building Bill, as it was more commonly called) to say that in nearly every instance the attitude of each with regard thereto was largely a matter of local interest. In its essence, it was the old capital location fight all over again, with Oklahoma City still one of the principals, with this difference, namely, that, instead of being in the aggressive, Oklahoma City was now forced into an obstructive attitude. Moreover, the contest over the location of proposed additional public institutions was the beginning of the final and decisive local struggle over the question as to whether there should be one or two states formed of the Indian and Oklahoma territories. In the main, the supporters of the Public Building Bill were for the admission of Oklahoma as a separate state, regardless of the disposition of the Indian Territory, and the measure was generally regarded as a distinct move in that direction, for it was plain that if these institutions were located, established and paid for by the people of the Territory of Okla- homa, their claims for recognition to the rights of separate state- hood would be enhanced as compared with what they would be in case the same remained unestablished when it came time for Con- gress to consider the form and terms of an cnabling act. To be surc, the line of cleavage was not always identical, for, as already stated, local interests dictated the course or attitude of the indi- vidual legislator, yet as a rule, local interest and alignment on the statehood issue did not differ materially.
The fight over the Public Building Bill waxed warm and soon overshadowed in popular interest all of the other business which was before the Assembly for consideration. The supporters of the measure were dubbed "Mound Builders," while those who opposed it were called "Cave Dwellers." It soon became apparent that the latter were in the minority, yet they struggled on with the courage of desperation. When the bill came to a vote in the Council, Sid-
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ney Clarke, member from Oklahoma County, explained his vote as follows : 9
"Mr. President : I protest against the passage of this bill, 'Pro- viding for the Location, Erection, Management and Control of a Territorial Penitentiary, a Territorial Asylum for the Insane, a Territorial Asylum for the Deaf, Dumb and Blind, and a Terri- torial Reform School for Boys and Girls,' for the following reasons :
"First. Because the location of these institutions at this time under the provisions of this bill is ill-advised and unnecessary.
"Second. Because under the pretense of making a direct appro- priation of only $130,000, a debt against the Territory and future state of Oklahoma, of several million dollars is really initiated, and avenues of corruption, speculation and innumerable frauds are opened to public officers not elected by, or responsible to, the people and tax-payers.
"Third. Because the past history of Territorial administrations in Oklahoma shows that federal officers have frequently disregarded existing laws, lavishly expended the public moneys in violation thereof, and in many matters connected with the erection and con- trol of our public institutions, proved unworthy of the trust com- mitted to their charge.
"Fourth. Because under the Act of Congress, the money de- rived from Section 33 was intended to be applied, in the first in- stance, in the erection of the Capitol Building, which on the admission of the Territory as a state, becomes the first necessity, and that, therefore, the provisions of this bill are a practical nulli- fication of the will of Congress.
"Fifth. Because the outstanding indebtedness of the Territory at the close of business, January 17, 1901, was $413,448.44. That an additional indebtedness of $80,494.37 would exceed the one per cent. limitation prescribed by the third Section of the Act of Congress of July 30, 1886. This excess of the legal limit of indebt- edness has, in my judgment, been reached by debts already con- tracted by the Territory, and certain appropriations of revenues authorized by this bill would be null and void.
"Sixth. Because the bill was not read or considered in the Com- mittee of the Whole in the Council as provided by parliamentary rules, and because the members of the Council were denied the op- portunity to consider it by sections, and propose amendment to the same; and because the previous question was moved, entertained
. 9 Council Journal, Fifth Legislative Assembly, pp. 228-230.
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by the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, and adopted by the supporters of the bill, in direct violation of Robert's Rules of Order, which are the rules of the Council.
"Seventh. Because it creates a host of appointive office-holders, to be selected by the Governor at a time when the Council will not be in session, and hence will have no voice in rejecting the nomina- tions of incompetent or corrupt men.
"Eighth. Because of its illegal, loose and inconsistent provi- sions and the questionable parliamentary methods connected with its passage by the Council, it will eventually lead to protracted litigation in the courts.
"Ninth. Because of the use of such unquestionable methods in a matter of local legislation, such a defiance of the rights and inter- ests of the people will greatly injure the fair name of Oklahoma abroad and result in restrictive measures by Congress in granting lands to the future state.
"Tenth. Because the location of a reform school for boys and girls in one building, as provided in this bill, would be a gross out- rage against public and private morality, a reflection on the intelli- gence and character of the Legislative Assembly, and would result in the complete destruction of all reformatory influences among the boys and girls of such an institution.
"Eleventh. Because the contracts authorized by the bill are not properly guarded, and the expenditure of the appropriation would be subject to the greed of contractors, directors, superintendents and agents.
"Twelfth. Because in founding the penal and charitable insti- tutions of what is destined to be a great state, the general interests of the great body of people should be paramount to petty local interests and legislative schemes to provide the same.
"Mr. President, The passage of this bill will inflict an unparal- leled outrage upon the people of Oklahoma. The pathway its promoters and supporters have marked out for themselves will be strewn with political wrecks and dead men's bones. The men who pay the taxes, the men who are careful of the financial reputation and character of our beloved Oklahoma; the men who live on the farms and are out of debt because of the generosity of the govern- ment of the United States in enacting the Free Homes Bill, the men who live in the cabins and the dugouts, struggling in their manhood to support their wives and their families, with the hope of a brighter future, will hear and read of the great wrong you are about to perpetuate. They will condemn it in their homes and they
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will exercise their right of independent freemen in rebuking it in no uncertain terms.
"For the reasons I have stated, and for a multitude of other reasons not set forthi in this protest, I vote no on the passage of this bill."
This explanation brought other members to their feet with the explanations of their respective votes upon the measure, some of the supporters of the measure qualifying their approval of the same as a whole. The Council passed the Public Building Bill by a vote of ten to three. The House of Representatives passed it by a vote of eighteen to eight, on the fifty-seventh day of the sixty-day ses- sion. The measure failed to receive the approval of Governor Barnes, so it did not become a law.
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