USA > Oklahoma > A standard history of Oklahoma; an authentic narrative of its development from the date of the first European exploration down to the present time, including accounts of the Indian tribes, both civilized and wild, of the cattle range, of the land openings and the achievements of the most recent period, Vol. II > Part 9
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and made a report of the result of his investigations. The foreman had explored the valley of a small creek which heads at the divide between the two Canadian rivers and empties into the North Canadian at Oklahoma City. After he had described the valley in some detail, its width, the quality of the soil, the grass, the timber, the amount of water, the height of the creek banks, etc., one of the men asked :
"' 'How about the channel of the creek? Is it straight ?'
" 'No-crooked as lightning,' was the instant response.
"After some discussion, it was decided to locate the ranch headquarters in or near the valley of another creek, which had been explored by the young 'boss' of the new ranch. But the creek to the westward was commonly referred to by the ranch hands for a time as the 'creek that is as crooked as lightning,' and, eventually, this means of designation was shortened and given a permanent place in local geographical nomenclature as Lightning Creek, by which name it is still known. The creek to the eastward, by the side of which the ranch buildings and corrals were built, remained unnamed until circumstances equally as accidental and unintentional suggested and supplied a name. Each ranch and range had its own brand, or brands. The brand was a device chosen by the owner of the ranch for the marking of the cattle and horses belonging thereto. The form of this device might take any style or shape suggested by the fancy of the owner, so long as it con- formed to one requirement, namely, that it should be distinctive and not subject to confusion with the brand of some other ranch or range. The device which was adopted as the brand of the new Wantland ranch was not only distinctive but plain and simple as well. In the language of ancient heraldry it might have been described as a crescent superior, with a short vertical bar inferior and a small circle sinster. However, the average cow-puncher (as the ranch employes were commonly called) could give the most learned expert in heraldic art a mile the start and beat him to the
YO The Crutch-O Brand
finishing post in the race when it came to a matter of comprehend- able definitive description. That was why the brand of the new Wantland ranch soon became known, not only among its own employes but also by those of all of the neighboring ranges as the 'Crutch-O' brand. Likewise, in due sequence, the ranch itself
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became known as the 'Crutch-O' Ranch, and, as it had no other known name, the small stream which flowed past the ranch head- quarters was dubbed 'Crutch-O' Creek. And Crutcho Creek it remains to this day and, moreover, the municipal subdivision through which it takes its course is officially designated as Crutcho Township." 1
The culture, etiquette and customs of ranch life in the Indian Territory were, like the range cattle industry itself, practically all transplanted from Texas, where it had been developed by the earliest English-speaking American settlers, though largely moulded by Spanish-Mexican influences. Certain Spanish words and phrases therefore had common currency throughout the cattle range, even in places where Mexicans seldom or never appeared. As a class, the men employed on the cattle ranches were distinguished for their frankness, hospitality and generosity with which was blended a large degree of physical and moral courage and nothing excited such a large measure of contempt in their minds as a specimen of so-called manhood in which any or all of these traits were lacking. As a rule, they were peaceably disposed, yet, living in a land wherein there was no law save that of rights that were self-asserted, men went armed and prepared for any emergency. They had their fail- ings and faults and weaknesses, as indeed most of the rest of human- ity has, yet, taken on the average, they measured up well according to the standard of pioneer American manhood. Many of the young men who rode the ranges and attended the round-ups in Oklahoma during the latter '70s and throughout the '80s are numbered among its substantial citizenship today, though most of them are now past the meridian of life.
The trailing of cattle from the ranges of Western Texas across Oklahoma to railway shipping points in Kansas continued through- out this period, until, finally the extension of railroads to Texas, led to shipment of many cattle by rail. Until 1880, practically all of the cattle followed the trail northward from Red River Station on what was always known as the Chisholm Trail. Abilene, Kansas, on the Kansas Division of the Union Pacific Railway, was the principal shipping point from the year of the first drive (1867) until the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railroad reached a tem- porary terminus at Newton, in 1871. The next year, the Santa Fe Company built a branch to Wichita, which was the greatest market for Texas cattle until the close of the shipping season in
1 Personal information secured from Mr. L. C. Wantland.
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1875. Great Bend had been competing with Wichita but it only lasted one year after the Wichita market was closed, the westward extension of the homestead settlements forcing the trail herds to go to Dodge City for shipment until 1880, when the Santa Fe Com- pany built a line to Caldwell, which was near the intersection of the Kansas-Oklahoma boundary line and the original Chisholm Trail. Thereafter the business was chiefly divided between Caldwell and Dodge City, though much went further north, to points on the Union Pacific in Western Kansas and Western Nebraska.
About the same time the railroad reached a terminus at Cald- well, a new trail was established across the Indian Territory for the driving of cattle to the Dodge City market. It entered the Territory near the site of the town of Grandfield, in the southeast- ern part of Tillman County and followed a northerly and north- westerly course, across the counties of Tillman, Comanche, Kiowa, Washita, Custer, Roger Mills, Ellis, Woodward and Harper.
The trail herds usually consisted of from 2,500 to 3,500 head of cattle, with from ten to fifteen men in charge and an allowance of from five to seven saddle horses to each man. There was always a foreman in charge, a horse wrangler, and a cook, who accom- panied the commissary, or chuck wagon. Even though several successive herds might belong to the same owner, great care was exercised in keeping them at suitable intervals, not only because of the fact that the cattle had been carefully graded and separated before starting from the range but also because it was difficult if not impossible to manage stock in larger numbers at the water- ing places and in bedding them down at night.
The shipping markets soon became discriminating as to the class and quality of stock which was desired for particular pur- poses. Thus heavy beeves-four-, five- or six-year-old steers- were desired to fill the contracts at frontier army posts; cows were specified in the contracts to supply the various Indian agen- cies, while younger steers were sought by feeders and packers. As a rule, stock from Northern Texas commanded a much better price than that from nearer the coast. Texas cattle which had been wintered in the North was always in keen demand. This led to the establishment of some of the first stock ranches in the Chero- kee Outlet in 1876. For this privilege the first ranchmen paid a tax of 25 cents per head on their cattle to the Cherokee Nation. The Cherokee authorities soon found that some stockmen were evading this tax, however, and this led to trouble. Some ranch' owners resorted to the expedient of installing a Cherokee foreman
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in order to avoid friction with the Government, which soon became involved in the dispute.
After all the available ranges in the Cherokee Outlet and the Unassigned Lands had been occupied, there was still a demand for more lands for ranching in the western part of the Indian Terri- tory. The leasing of the Indian reservations was considered as a means to such an end. Congress had made no provision for such a contingency and it was doubtful if it could be induced to take such action. However, that did not stand in the way. The Indians were first persuaded to give their consent to lease their reservation lands for grazing purposes. In the case of the Cheyennes and Arapahoes, leases aggregating 3,117,880 acres of land were made respectively to seven different parties for ten-year periods at an annual rental of 2 cents per acre, in January, 1883.2 The tribal agent vouched for the beneficence of the policy thus inaugurated. The fact that former agency employes and Indian supply con- tractors were included in the list of lessees was perhaps not without its significance. Be that as it may, however, trouble eventually came as the result of this action.
In the Cherokee Outlet there was always more or less unrest because of the lack of any settled policy or understanding between the Federal Government and the Cherokee authorities in regard to the leasing of grazing privileges. Finally it became apparent that some species of tenure other than that of merely occupying the range and paying a head tax on the number of cattle held on such ranges would have to be devised. Meanwhile, cattlemen were learning something of the advantages of organization. The Texas Cattle Raisers' Association was the first of these organizations to be effected. The advantages of meeting in convention for the pur- poses of counseling together concerning matters of common inter- est were soon manifest and similar associations of live stock men were formed in other parts of the West. In 1880, the Cherokee Nation levied a tax of $1.00 per head on all cattle held on the lands of the Outlet. The range cattlemen contended that this was exorbitant and refused to pay. The Cherokee authorities threatened to have them expelled as intruders, but, finally, in December, 1880, the Cherokee Council voted to reduce the head tax to 40 cents each on grown stock and 25 cents each on yearlings. The movement for the forcible settlement of the Unassigned Lands
2 Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1883, pp. 61-2.
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also had a disquieting effect upon the range cattlemen, though as yet there had been no threat to locate on the lands of the Cherokee Outlet, or "Strip," as it was commonly called. The movement for the organization of the cattlemen of the Cherokee Strip began early in 1881 and the first convention was held at Caldwell, Kan- sas, March 16th of that year. S. S. Birchfield was chairman of the meeting and R. F. Crawford was secretary. That meeting was the beginning of the movement which culminated in the organiza- tion of the Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association, two years later. Many matters of common interest were discussed and arrange- ments were made for the registration of the cattle brands in use by the ranchmen of the Cherokee Outlet.
The second meeting of the Cherokee Strip cattlemen was held at Caldwell on March 6, 1882. The fact that they were gaining confidence as the result of organizing was amply attested by the amount of wire fence which was built on their ranges during the following summer. The fencing of the ranges in the Cherokee Strip had a very disquieting effect upon the "boomers" who were trying to effect a settlement in the Unassigned Lands, as it indi- cated the existence of strong political backing for the cattle inter- ests at Washington and therefore portended a protracted struggle for the opening of any or all public lands in the Indian Territory for settlement. From that time on, the issue between the range cattle interests and the intending settlers was clearly defined. In the very nature of things, there could be no compromise between the interests thus involved. Either the range cattle industry was doomed to go or else the day of the realization of the fond dreams of the "boomers" had to be postponed indefinitely. As yet, the scale of political influence was balanced in favor of the range cattle industry ; public opinion outside the immediate border of the Indian Territory was indifferent and the leading papers were hostile to the "boomers."
The third annual meeting of the Cherokee Strip cattlemen was held at Caldwell, March 6, 1883. At this meeting, the organi- zation of the Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association was effected. This association was duly chartered under the laws of the State of Kansas. Its general offices and headquarters were at Caldwell, which thus virtually became, for the time being, the political capital as well as the commercial, financial and social center of range cattle industry of the Cherokee Outlet. Caldwell was not merely a shipping point for trail herds from the southern cattle ranges generally; its banking facilities and mercantile supply establish-
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ments were ample for the needs of all patrons. Moreover, many if not most of the men who were actively engaged in operating ranches in the Cherokee Strip, established their homes at Caldwell and had their families there. Other towns along the border, such as Hunnewell, Kiowa and Englewood, competed for part of the trade of the Cherokee Strip ranchmen, but Caldwell continued to be regarded as the greatest "cow town" in Southern Kansas until the settlement of Oklahoma put it out of reach of the trail herds.
The Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association had nine active directors 3 and its affairs and interests were carefully guarded by its officials. The metes and bounds of the subleased ranges were carefully surveyed and mapped. Although its affairs eventually involved considerable litigation, it did not have a regularly organ- ized legal department but depended upon making special contracts with various attorneys as occasion seemed to demand. On the 5th of July, 1883, the directors of the Cherokee Strip Live Stock Asso- ciation entered into contract on its behalf with the principal chief of the Cherokee Nation 4 by the terms of which all of the unoc- cupied lands of the Cherokee Outlet, stated to be approximately 6,000,000 acres, were leased to the new corporation for the lump sum of $100,000 per annum, for the full term of five years, begin- ning October 1, 1883. The Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association then subleased to the various individuals, firms and corporations which had already established ranges in the Outlet. Most of the sublessees were stockholders in the leasing association.
The Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association became a power in the determination and conduct of public affairs in a large section of the western part of the Indian Territory from the date of its organization and incorporation. While it was primarily a business institution, it was sufficiently versatile to take a hand in politics or social affairs or any other line that would further its interests. Although its interests were local, its influence was powerful and widely extended, being manifest in the halls of Congress and in the executive departments of the Government at Washington, and also in the great financial centers. It was liberal in its advertis-
3 The first directors of the Cherokee Live Stock Association were : E. M. Hewins, J. W. Hamilton, A. J. Day, S. Tuttle, M. H. Bennett, Ben S. Miller, A. Drumm, E. W. Payne and Charles H. Eldred.
4 Dennis W. Bushyhead.
.
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ing patronage, thus controlling the sentiment of many newspapers, both local and metropolitan. Its list of stockholders and supporters was reputed to include senators and representatives in Congress, leading officials of the Government and Wall Street financiers. It leased nearly 6,000,000 acres and sublet much of the same at a good round profit. It could levy assessments against sublessees and, if the same were not paid, could confiscate stock in satisfac- tion, an act for which there was no recourse to any court. Its plan of operations was at once simple, systematic and complete.
The intervention of the leasing company between the Cherokee Nation and the individual ranchman had the effect of stimulating confidence in the range industry in the Indian Territory very mate- rially. The day of petty contentions and bickerings between the individual range holder and the tribal authorities was at an end. Matters of public policy affecting the interests of the range indus- try as a whole were carefully watched and guarded by the directors of the Cherokee Strip Live Stock Association or their duly author- ized agents or representatives. With much of the former uncer- tainty thus cleared away, ranch operators were enabled to devote themselves more completely to their personal affairs and the business became more prosperous in consequence.
The buildings at the headquarters of a ranch were usually constructed of materials secured near at hand, log walls being the rule when timber of suitable size could be secured. In the western part of the Cherokee Strip, where timber of large size was lacking, the walls of ranch buildings were of stockade construction, that is, they were built of small logs set on end in the ground, sawed even and spiked together with a plate at the top, the interstices being plastered with gypsum or clay. Stockade walls were usually built of red cedar timber. Many of the log and stockade walled houses had earthen roofs. Some of the larger ranches had several build- ings at headquarters, including a commodious cottage or cabin for the foreman or superintendent, who in some instances was accom- panied by his family, a bunk house, a cook shack and dining hall, a store house, etc. As a rule the employes were well paid and well fed.
One of the big events of ranch life were the spring and fall "round-ups," in which all of the cattle of a given area were literally "rounded up," identified by their respective brands and driven to their proper range if found off of it. The round-up was a com- munity affair for all the ranges in a given area and every ranch included within that area was respresented by its quota of range Vol. II- 7
1
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riders. The work of a round-up was systematically organized, for it usually required several days to gather all of the cattle of a district together. Accompanying the round-up was the all import- ant "chuck-wagon" and the cook, who became an adept in the art of having warm bread and hot coffee at hand, no matter how late the last straggling rider arrived. The etiquette of the cow-camp was scant in the matter of punctilio; if a stranger arrived, weary and hungry, at meal time he was not invited to dismount and take dinner or supper as the case might be; on the contrary, he was expected to make himself at home without any formal invitation-
ROUND-UP ON AN OKLAHOMA RANGE
to hunt a tin cup and a tin plate, pour his own coffee, carve his own meat-in short, act as if he were to the manner born and not a "tenderfoot," for no matter who he was or whence he came, he was a welcome guest.
The round-up gave opportunity for each ranch to take an inventory of its stock-to determine the number of cows, to brand the calves and to form some estimate of the quality and probable value of the steers which would soon be ready for market. It also gave ample opportunity for the men from the different ranges to get acquainted and to form and cultivate that spirit of comrade- ship and unity of purpose which became so essential when the range cattle business in the Indian Territory became the target of the land-hungry "boomer" and the designing politician. It also aided
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in preventing losses by straying and in the detection of thievery. As a matter of common interest, nearly every ranchman became familiar with the brands of nearly every ranch and range within a radius of 100 miles. So, though neighbors were few and far between, the spirit of true neighborhood could and did abide in that semi-wilderness as it does not in many a more densely popu- lated community today.
Ranch life was one of isolation and loneliness yet it had its charms and its compensations. Visitors "from the states" some- times came to break the monotony of the every-day round of life. There were hunting parties for reducing the number of wolves and, likewise, there were sometimes hunting parties that went in search of cattle "rustlers" or horse thieves. Sometimes, too, the monotony of ranch life was broken by rumors of an Indian outbreak, which, however, actually occurred but once after the range cattle industry was planted in Western Oklahoma. In the very nature of things, such a stage of industrial development could not last long in a land which was naturally adapted to a more advanced stage of cultural activity. In his brief day, the range cattleman and his herds were as picturesque as had been the Indian and the buffalo of the preceding epoch and, like the latter, his place in history and tradition-in song and story-is secure though, unlike the Indian, he succeeded in adapting himself to the change when it came.
"A pathetic incident in the ranch life of Northwestern Oklahoma occurred in November, 1888. There was a cow camp, or ranch, of the OE outfit located near Bent Canyon, about twelve miles north- east of Camp Supply, in the present Harper County. The fore- man in charge was Hiram Dyer, who had his family, consisting of his wife and baby boy, with him. The little fellow, who was be- tween two and three years old, was a great pet among the employes of the ranch, as indeed he was among those of the neighboring ranches and ranges. He was very active for one of his years and had several times wandered away from home. A small terrier dog, which was his inseparable companion, always accompanied him on his rambles. More than once when his mother had almost de- spaired of finding him, some cowboy would come riding up to camp with the youngster in his arms, followed by the faithful little dog.
"One day the little boy and his dog disappeared. The anxious mother, alone at the ranch, sought for him in vain. As the cow punchers and range riders came in from the day's round of duties, none of them brought tidings of the missing child and each imme- diately joined in the search. All night they rode, searching every
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canyon, coulee and ravine, but no trace was found of the lost child or the dog. Messengers were sent to the neighboring ranges and to Camp Supply and, in a few hours, scores of cowboys, cavalry troopers and Indian scouts rode up to join in the search. It seemed that he could not be found, though the ground was gone over again and again. That day, and the next and the next, passed without finding any trace of the lost boy. The very earth seemed to have opened and swallowed him, as was said at the time. Then, on the fourth day (for the search had not been abated), as one of the searchers was riding through the tall grass near the head of a canyon, he heard the faint bark of the little dog. Following the sound, he found the little boy lying, face downward, on the sandy bed of a dry watercourse, underneath a shelving bank. Presuming that the child was dead, he called to others to come.
"Oliver Thompson, who was a friend of the family, tenderly lifted the wasted little form in his arms when, to his utter astonish- ment, he discovered that the child was still alive. Hastily mount- ing his horse he started on a gallop for the ranch. It is said that of those who witnessed the finding of the child-cowboys, cavalry- men and even the stern-featured Indian scouts who were supposed to be proof against the display of emotion-there was not one whose eyes were not moistened with the tears of manly sympathy. But, swift as was the speeding cow-pony, it was not fast enough to win in that race, for the little boy died even as he was being carried home to his distracted mother.
"No one of the searchers expected to find the child alive. He had not only been wandering in the open for four days and five nights but there had been a storm of rain and snow and sleet in the meantime. In addition to this there was the danger of wild ani- mals, such as bears, wolves, wild cats and panthers, all of which were more or less common in the canyons and deep ravines with which that section of the country abounds." 5
This period in the history of the state is largely filled with the story of the range cattle industry as a factor in public affairs- local, tribal and national, so the story of its development and of the activities of its leaders continues in subsequent chapters.
5 "Musings of the Pilgrim Bard," pp. 91-5; also personal infor- mation secured from Charles F. Colcord and Amos Chapman.
CHAPTER LV
MORE INDIAN TRIBES REMOVED TO OKLAHOMA
During the first year of this period-the last year of President Grant's administration-there was another change in the office of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, J. Q. Smith succeeding Edward P. Smith in that position. Like many of his predecessors and suc- cessors, the new commissioner was evidently impressed with the idea that the United States had never had a really statesmanlike Indian policy, so his brief tenure was given over to more innova- tions and experiments. In his annual report to the Secretary of the Interior,1 he wrote in part as follows :
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