USA > Pennsylvania > Philadelphia County > Philadelphia > Annals of Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania in the olden time; being a collection of the memoirs, anecdotes, and incidents of the earliest settlements of the inland part of Pennsylvania, Vol. I > Part 11
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Parties and factions ran high in the time of Sir William Keith, who promoted political divisions for his personal benefit. James Logan's letter to the proprietaries, of the year 1729, speaks of an intended mob or insurrection of about 200 people purposing to come in from the country with clubs, &c., and to be increased with such of the city as would join them, to overawe the Assembly, and to storm the government and council! In the mean time, the Assem- bly proclaimed the riot act as in force, with the penalty of death an- nexed. Three or four score of the mob came next day near to the town's end,-but on hearing of the riot act they retired. Under a sense of such troubles, James Logan advises them,-even at that late day-to sell back to the crown !
In the 5th vol. of Mrs. Logan's selections is a long justification of 50 pages, by James Logan, of all his public measures, being in design a refutation of sundry malevolent accusations or insinua- tions prompted by the jealousy or bad motives of Governor Keith. It is dated the 29th of September, 1709, and is addressed to the Assembly in the name of a remonstrance. It shows that much of the perverseness of David Lloyd, in the Assembly, was caused by his personal pique against William Penn,-towards whom he acted apparently with much unfair dealing. It furnishes an ample por- trait of Lloyd's general character .*
In 1734, James Logan gives a general history of the state of the
* In the year 1774, John Reed, of Philadelphia, published a book of 60 pages, 8vo. avowedly to illustrate his large map of city lots. It would seem he had hostilities to the
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province, and of all its political divisions and cabals, it being a long letter of 24 pages to John Penn,-Vide vol. 5, page 174, of Mrs. Logan's MS. selection. It gives many characteristics of Andrew Hamilton, Esqr., to whom the Penns gave the Bush-hill estate for useful legal services and benefits.
Embarrassments of the Government .- There was, from and after Penn's departure from his colony, in 1701, a constant and violent opposition party to the administration of the government. It was chiefly got up and sustained by Colonel Quarry of the customs, John Moore, and David Lloyd,-all of whom had received per- sonal favours and obligations from the founder. The leading grounds of their opposition were these,-to wit :- an unwillingness to provide an income for Governor Penn or his officers ;*- creating embarrass ments in the courts respecting oaths and affirmations ;- and making representations to the crown officers to induce them to put down a pro- prietary government, and to place them immediately under the crown. I shall illustrate these positions by facts from the letters of James Logan,-premising from him a few words from his descrip- tion of David Lloyd, the Friend above named,-to wit: "a close member among Friends, he is a discordant in their meetings of busi- ness,-so much so, that he expects (in 1707) a separation and a purging. This arises out of divisions in the government,-the young push for rash measures,-the old for Penn's interest."
In 1703, James Logan says, " Some of the opposition pretend to an authority from the lords of trade to inspect our actions, and use it to no other end than to perplex and disturb our government ;- and surely we are in a miserable case, if no care be taken of us from home but for our distraction,-and none be employed among us but our professed adversaries. Notwithstanding their demurs to the oaths and affirmations made in our courts, and actually according to the Queen's order, we shall hold our courts in spite of all their endea- vours and study to our ruin."
On another occasion he remarks, "We are reduced to great straits, when all are disabled from serving the government, but such whose profession too much removes them from our interests. I believe it will be scarcely possible to administer it here long under thee, unless we can find a new set of people!"
Jonathan Dickinson, in 1715, writes, that " our laws are mostly come back repealed,-among which was our law of courts and man ner of giving evidence, whereupon we have no courts, nor judicial
Penn interest here, and intended to weaken their titles. His book is very deficient in perspicuity, even hard to be understood ;- but he has revived some buried scandals, taker from minutes of the early Assemblies-such as reproaching Penn,-" With thy unheard of abuses to thy purchasers, &c. in pretending to give them a town, and then by uncon- scionable quit rents make it worse by tenfold than a purchase ; not only so, the very land the town stands upon is not cleared of the Swedes' claims."
* Much will be seen elsewhere on this subject, as matter of strong complaint on the part of Penn.
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proceedings these two years past!" Isaac Norris, too, thus writes, " Things among us pretty well,-nothing very violent yet, but in civil affairs all stop. We have no courts,-no justice administered, -- and every man does what is right in his own eyes !" James Logan at the same time remarks, " That the disallowance of the affirmation act, and repeal of the laws for courts, put a stop to all proceedings, and so weakened the hands of the Magistrate that the public grew rampant, and wickedness was bold and open. A mobbish disposi- tion encouraged,-and the weaker and more sober people affrighted; it is admitted, by every member of note among other persuasions, that it is impossible to hold courts and carry on the administration of jus- tice without Quakers, who are so numerous a part of the commu- nity."
A sober and considerate perusal of all the papers which remain at this day on the subject of Penn's government, could not fail to convince the reader, that the structure of colonial governments in general must have been of the most perplexing and vexatious kind. They remind one of wranglesome children-perpetually plotting, and counterplotting against each other,-" destroying others, by themselves destroyed !"-each carrying their complaints and remon- strances back to the distant parents in England,-and they, equally perverse, rescinding and counteracting the efforts of the children to become their own masters! Americans, to be now duly sensible of the valve of their liberation from such harassing thraldom, should go back to the perusal of those voluminous papers which contain the facts so constantly afflictive to our forefathers !
Civil government, embarrassing to Friends .- The Friends, who generally held a majority in the civil rule of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, found themselves more and more embarrassed as mixed popu- lation increased. They had difficulties in serving in judicial offices where oaths were required, and also in providing public defence against enemies. The feuds and animosities raised against Friends in the Assembly were very high, and went on increasing from 1701 to 1710. War with France occurred in the interval. A French privateer plun- dered Lewes' Town,-and several of them plundered and burnt vessels in the bay. In 1709, the city of Philadelphia was got into high commotion for a defence. "The hot church party" were all in favour of it. The people petitioned the queen for defence, and objected at the same time to the passive principles of the Friends as unfit for civil rule, &c. When I have seen so much correspondence as I have, in that day, on that subject, and have witnessed how per- plexed the Friends were with their unruly charge,-made up of many nations and many minds,-I have thought them (to use a homely do- mestic figure,) not unlike the perplexed hen with her duck-chickens, which perpetually counteract her nature by taking to the water, and leaving her in embarrassment and distress! If they governed for a while, retaining therein their religious views, it was still a daily work of shifts and expedients to keep the approbation of other sects. VOL. I .- L
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Penn's Letters and Affairs .- We here introduce letters of Wil- liam Penn, for the double purpose of showing, at the same time, certain facts in our primitive history, and also the antiquated style and manner of the founder in his epistolary correspondence with his personal friends; for this purpose we here use, first his earliest letter, on the occasion of his first getting to the confirmation of his pro- vince ; and also, his last known letter from his own hand (in 1712, written by him on business,) preceding his last illness and eventual decease, to wit :
To Robert Turner, Merchant, in Dublin, Ireland.
5th of 1st Mo., 1681.
DEAR FRIEND,-My true love in the Lord salutes thee, and dear friends that love the Lord's precious truth in those parts. Thine I have, and for my business here, know that after many waitings, watchings, solicitings and disputes in council, this day my country was confirmed to me under the great seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the name of Pennsilvania, a name the king would give it in honour of my father. I chose New Wales, being as this, a pretty hilly country, but Penn being Welsh for a head, as Penmanmoire in Wales, and Penrith in Cumberland, and Penn in Buckinghamshire, the highest land in England, called this Pennsilvania, which is the high or head woodlands ; for I proposed when the secretary-a Welshman-refused to have it called New Wales, Sylvania, and they added Penn to it; and though I much opposed it, and went to the king to have it struck out and altered, he said 'twas past, and would take it upon him; nor could twenty gui- neas move the under secretaries to vary the name, for I feared lest it should be lookt on as vanity in me, and not as a respect in the king, as it truly was to my father, whom he often mentions with praise. Thou mayest communicate my graunt to friends, and ex- pect shortly my proposals : 'tis a clear and just thing, and my God that has given it me through many difficultys, will, I believe, bless and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the government, that it will be well laid at first : no more now, but dear love in the truth. Thy true friend,
W. PENN.
To Robert Turner, Dublin.
25th 6 Mo., 1681.
DEAR FRIEND,-My endeared love in the truth of God, that is sweet and patient, long suffering, and believes and hopes to the end, salutes thee and thy family, with faithful friends in those parts. At my returne found thyne to me. The most materiall is about the quit-rent, &c .: Philip will be large to thee upon it. I am contented to sell it to a Beaver Skin, which is about a crown value, at 10 years purchase. I did refuse a great temptation last 2d day, which was 5000 pounds, and pay the Indians, for six shares, and make the pur
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chasers a company, to have wholly to itself the Indian trade from south to north, between the Susquahanagh and Delaware rivers, paying me 23 per cent. acknowledgment or rent: but as the Lord gave it me over all and great opposition, and that I never had my mind so exercised to the Lord about any outward substance, I would not abuse his love, nor act unworthy of his providence, and so defile what came to me clean. No, lett the Lord guide me by his wisdom, and preserve me to honour his name, and serve his truth and people, that an example and standard may be set up to the na- tions : there may be room there though none here. So dr. Robert take no notice of this. Thomas Lurting may guess the man : he knows him and spoke of him to me the last man upon the staires- head when he left me. No more at present, but that I am in the love of the Lord, Thy true friend, WM. PENN.
For my De. friends S. Carpenter, Ed. Shippen, Ried. Hill, J. Norris, C. Peusy, S. Preston, T. Story, Gr. Owen, &c., at Phi- ladelphia in Pennsylvania. Pr. J. French.
Ruscomb, Berks, 24th 5th Mo., 1712.
DEARE AND WORTHY FRIENDS,-Haveing so faire an opertunity, and having heard from you by the Bearer, John French, I chuse, by him to salute you and yours; and all unnamed friends, that you think worthy, for my heart loves such and heartily salutes them and theirs, and prays for your preservation in the Lord's everlasting truth to the end of time; and the way of it is, to take the Lord along with you in all your enterprises to give you right sight, true counsil, and ' a just temper or moderation in all things, you knowing right well the Lord our God is near at hand. Now know, that tho I have not actually sold my Govermt. to our truly Good Queen, yet her able Ld. treasurer and I have agreed it, and that affaire of the Prizes, the Bearer came hither abt. is part of ye Queen's payment, viz. her one third ; and the other comes very opertunely, that belongs to me, which I hope J. Logan will take care of, in the utmost farthing, and remit it to me first, to whom I suppose, orders will goe by this oper- tunity from ye treasury to yt effect. But I have taken effectuall care, yt all ye Laws and priviledges I have graunted to you, shall be observed by the Queen's Governors, &c .; and that we who are friends shall be in a more particular manner regarded and treated by ye Queen. So that you will not, I hope and believe, have a less inter- est in the govermt. being humble and discreet in our conduct. And you will finde all the charters and Proprietary Govermts. annexed to the Crown by act of Parliament next winter; and perhaps Col. Quarry, if not J. Moore, may happen to be otherwise employed, not- withstanding the politick opinion of one of my officers in that Go- vernmt., that is still for gaining them, which I almost think impossi- ble. But be that as it will, I purpose to see you if God give me life this fall, but I grow ould and infirme, yet would Gladly see you
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once more before I dye, and my young sons and daughter also, ser tled upon good Tracts of Land, for them and theirs' after them, :6 clear and settle upon, as Jacob's sons did. I close when I tell you that I desire fervent prayers to the Lord for continuing my life, that I may see Pennsylvania once more, before I die, and that I am
Your ffaithful Loving friend
WM. PENN.
Penn's surrender to the Crown .- It may be interesting, at this day, to possess some certain facts respecting Penn's intended surren - der of the province back to the crown. The following extracts will show how very reluctantly he fell upon such an expedient of re- lieving himself, both from opposing colonists and carking creditors. It will appear too as a measure having the previous sanction of his friends here.
James Logan, in 1701-2, in writing to William Penn, says, " It is generally believed here that the war will oblige the Parliament to carry on that act annexing the colonies to the crown, for their better security and defence; nor can I find any, even of thy friends, desir- ous that it should be otherwise, provided thou canst make good terms for thyself and them; for they seem weary and careless on govern. ment."
In 1702, James Logan thus remarks, " I cannot advise against a bargain with the crown, if to be had on good terms for thyself and the people. Friends here, at least the generality of the best informed, think government at this time (then at war,) so ill fitted to their prin- ciples, that it renders them very indifferent in that point. Privileges, they believe, such as might be depended on for a continuance both to thee and them, with a moderate Governor, would set thee much more at ease, and give thee a happier life as proprietor-besides, that it would exempt them from the solicitude they are under, both from their own impotency and the watchfulness of enemies."
In the next year, (1703) William Penn replies, " I am actually in treaty with the ministers for my government, and so soon as it bears you shall be informed of it. I believe it repents some [then there] that they began it, [as his enemies] for now it is I that press it upon pretty good terms, &c. But this shall never weaken my love to and residence in Pennsylvania; and so I command, by will, my posterity, saying, " I desire they may settle-as Jacob's sons did-in good part in America, where I leave them inheritance from generation to gene- ration."
In 1704 James Logan again writes, saying, " such is the confusion here, that if thou canst make a good bargain for thyself 'tis what thy best friends will advise. I see nothing here that should incline thee to defer good terms one hour after they are offered."
In 1712 William Penn writes, that " the government and I have agreed as to the surrender, but not yet formally executed on both sides; but I hope in a month or two to dispatch it." About the same
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time he again writes, saying, "Instead of seven years for £20,000 reduced to £16,000, and I hope the Lord T. will, at £12,000 in four years, pay me."
In the succeeding year (1713) his wife writes that "she is con- cerned that her husband's health is so precarious that he is now un- able to new model the important affair of the surrender, which she is advised, by all her friends, to get finished and confirmed by act of Parliament before it is too late. I purpose, says she, to get a copy of it for my own and friends' satisfaction." She afterwards says, that the answer she got, was, that her husband "might have long since finished it, had he not insisted too much on gaining privi- leges for the people."
In 1.15, she says, that " Thomas Story has looked into that copy, and thinks with others there is as much care taken for keeping the lower counties, and confirming the people's privileges, as can be at all expected; and therefore, all wish it could be accomplished on so good a footing as it was then like to be done. It is now under the consideration of Chancellor West and the trustees, who are desirous to forward it. But as the Parliament has much in hand, we are not come to a resolution whether to lay it before them now or not." Thomas Story, soon afterwards, writes, that " the surrender was pas- sed. and things fully concluded between the late queen and the pro- prietor,-so there was not any thing so unsettled as to make any legal alteration ; but the proprietor and government remain the same still; but it cannot now be perfected without an act of Parliament,"-a thing of course never effected!
Penn's title to the lower Counties .- As the lower counties, which were once a part of Penn's province, resolved to secede or with- draw themselves, nolens volens, from the union, I here preserve some facts respecting his claim, to wit:
William Penn, in 1704, says, " The people of the territories did, by their address to the king and duke, (of York) highly express their satisfaction in me and their union with the upper counties, (and which was indeed their seeking) returning their humble thanks to both for sending them so kind a landlord and so good a Governor, and therefore, to Quarry's foul practices and to the protection he brags there that he has here, (with the lords) I owe that great defec- tion which those poor people have been led into of late."
In 1713, Hannah Penn, in behalf of her husband, writes, “ I found a grant from Queen Mary, signed by her own hand, in which she de- clares or owns my husband to be true and rightful proprietor of the lower counties and New Castle,-and I believe there is, or will be easily got, a sufficient title to it."
In 1717, when the Earl of Sutherland was endeavouring to ob- tain a grant of the counties of New Castle, Kent and Sussex, from the crown, James Logan resists his pretension by an essay to prove that they were always esteemed a part of New York colony. He refers to the statement of the claims of the two proprietors, Lord Bal 8
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timore and William Penn, saying, that "although the title of the latter is not expressly mentioned, it is there shown, from Doctor Hey- lin's Cosmography, (a work now in the Friends' Library) whose first editions are ancient, that Nieu Nederlandt extended to the west- ward and southward of Delaware river and bay,-that the Dutch had planted the western side of it, and built two towns on it, viz. Whoorkill, now Lewes; and Sandt-hook, now New Castle ;- that this river, being taken by the English from the Dutch in 1665, to- gether with New Amstel and the Noord Riviere,-now New York and Hudson,-altogether as one country, known by the general name of Nieu Nederlandt, came, therefore, under the government of the Duke of York, whose right to the western side of the Dela- ware was fully submitted to by all the Dutch and settlers amongst them ;- and, when retaken by the Dutch, and conquered, a second time, by the English, it returned to its former subjection to the Duke." [Note-" All titles to land upon the river and bay, from Upland (now Chester) to the cape, were therefore held from the New York government."]
In 1726, diligent search, says James Logan, was made among the records at New Castle, to find facts respecting the Dutch claims and government aforetime on the Delaware; but they could find only a minute of their court, which said, that all the old records were sent to New York. At the same time he also searched the re- cords of Sussex, and procured some facts. He sent his clerk to Williamsburgh, Virginia, to search the records there, especially for the treaty between the Dutch government and that of Virginia. But they had them not,-probably because they may have been burnt in the burning down of their town-house and divers old papers, many years since, at Jamestown. The search was also finally made at New York with but little effect, although the copies there taken cost £30* He says he is sorry the records of New York do not afford better proofs of the settlement of this river or bay by the Dutch be- fore the year 1632,-the date of the grant for Maryland. A particu- lar account of it is copied in Governor Stuyvesant's letters to Colonel Nicholls, but it is solely on his word. There was also a copy of a prohibition to the Swedes between the years 1630 and 1640. He thinks the Dutch were particular in sending home full accounts to the Company at Amsterdam, but careless of preserving those at home. [Those papers were all required in the disputed case of Lord Balti- more's boundaries, and the facts above were written to the proprie- taries. ]
When New Castle and the lower counties were delivered by the Duke of York's agent to William Penn, it was done formally by delivery of turf and water !- a fit subject for an historical painting. The Duke's deed of sale is dated the 20th of August, 1682.
* It is at present ascertained that the records at Albany are very voluminous and com- plete, aryl will some day afford fine researches.
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Fenwick's Island formed the outer cape, named Hinlopen, and the inner one was named Cornelius. An old man, in 1739, showed the original boundary with Lord Baltimore, it having been marked with brass nails drove into a tree, still standing on Fenwick's Island.
In 1708, James Logan states some reasons why New Castle did not prosper as the inhabitants there wished, as rivals to Philadelphia, saying, " the unhealthiness of the place, and the disorderly way of living among the people has been the cause why it is not now much more considerable than it was thirty years ago .* To make that town flourish they fell upon the expedient to separate the lower counties from the province, and to make it a seat of government ;- but notwithstanding, the inhabitants below have still chosen to bring their trade to Philadelphia, rather than to stop there or have any thing to do with it." Much of this scheme was projected and con- ducted by Jasper Yeates and J. Coutts. A previous desire to separ- ate was expressed as early as 1702, and much effort was then made to that end.
Early settlements in Jersey .- The early settlements made in Jer- sey, along the Delaware, are sufficiently contemporaneous and con- nected with Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, to deserve a passing notice.
Major John Fenwick in his own right and as trustee for Edward Billings, held the lordship, as it was then called, of all West Jersey. -The major had been an officer under Cromwell, afterwards be- came a Quaker, and came out with his little colony to Salem in June 1675, he forthwith confirmed his titles by making his purchases of the Indians to their satisfaction .- This " lord or chief proprietor," appears to have prosecuted his settlement with all the personal in- dustry and labour of an ordinary man, and to have been only re- garded among Friends, as plain John Fenwick. He had continual perplexities and pecuniary embarrassments, and finally rested his remains (after being two years imprisoned in New York) at his plan- tation, called Fenwick's Grove, in Upper Marmington, and no monu- mental stone is there to mark his grave!
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