USA > Pennsylvania > Philadelphia County > Philadelphia > Annals of Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania in the olden time; being a collection of the memoirs, anecdotes, and incidents of the earliest settlements of the inland part of Pennsylvania, Vol. I > Part 62
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In 1750, Benjamin Franklin owned and dwelt in the house at the south-east corner of Race and Second streets. The same house was afterwards made the Franklin Inn.
I had the pleasure to see several original letters from Dr. Franklin, when province agent in England, to Hugh Roberts in Philadelphia. He speaks in strong terms of affection for the members of the Junto -- speaks of the club then existing 40 years. The letters from each of them express their mutual love of punning, and both give good examples of their skill therein.
When I visited the house of Edward Duffield, in Byberry, the executor of Franklin's will, I there saw in the possession of his son, a portrait of Franklin's bust, done for him when apparently about 38 to 40 years of age. It was a present from Franklin, supposed to have been done by West, and would be quite a new face to the public .* There was also there a miniature profile done by Wedge- wood in white china, finely delineated, also one as a medal done in France. Edward Duffield, the son, told me that Franklin told his father, that when he was in France, and travelling, he sometimes made a temporary Æolian harp by stretching a silken cord across some crevice where air passed. On one such occasion, in repassing such a house after an elapse of years, he found it deserted because of their hearing strange but melodious sounds, which they deemed good evidence of its being haunted. On entering the house he found vestiges of the silk remaining-the creator of all the mischief.
Dr. Franklin's person, as seen at the period of the Revolution, was square built and fat; he wore his own hair, thin and gray ; his head was remarkably large in proportion to his figure, and his coun- tenance mild, firm and expressive-looked healthy and vigorous. He was friendly and agreeable in conversation, which he readily suited to his company-with a seeming wish to benefit his hearers; and at the same time possessing a rare talent of himself profiting by the conversation of others, and turning their hints to such purposes as he desired.
He once told Dr. Logan that the celebrated Adam Smith, when writing his " Wealth of Nations," was in the habit of bringing chapter after chapter, as he composed it, to himself, Dr. Price and others of the literati ; then patiently hear their observations, and pro- fit by their discussions and criticism-even sometimes submitting to write whole chapters anew, and even to reverse some of his proposi- tions.
On page 170 of my MS. Annals in the City Library, I have pre served a fragment of Dr. Franklin's black silk velvet coat with the pile uncut-such as was his dress coat.
* I have since procured the present engraving from it. The leading features and ge- neral aspect have so many agreements with his older portraits already known to the pub- lic, that this may be readily received as his true likeness in middle life.
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In 1764 Dr. Franklin is sent to England to act as agent for the province. He is sent in consequence of the difference with Go vernor John Penn concerning taxing the proprietary estates.
In consequence of his thus going abroad, his interest in the Penn sylvania Gazette ceases, and is continued by D. Hall first, and by Hall and Sellers afterwards.
My aged friend, Samuel Preston, tells some anecdotes of Dr. Franklin when he was at the Indian treaty at Easton, in 1756. Preston's father, then there, much admired Franklin's ready wit. When the old Indians came in their file to speak to the Governor he would ask their names; then the Governor would ask Ben, as he called him, what he must think of to remember them by. He was always answered promptly. At last one Indian came whose name was Tocarededhogan. Such a name! How shall it be remembered ? The answer was prompt :- Think of a wheelbarrow-to carry a dead hog on. Note-One of the Indian names for Governor of Maryland was much like the above long name, " Tocarry-Hogan." Vide Douglass, 1749.
" The Historical Review of Pennsylvania," of 1759, was generally imputed to Dr. Franklin; but his grandson, Bache, declared in court that it was not so. Some extracts from a MS. of twenty pages, found among Governor Hamilton's papers, treats it as the production of Franklin, and says of him, " he certainly will not pretend to a disin- terested or undesigning combat in this dispute," &c. There is, how- ever, much reason to believe that he had much hand in its produc- tion ; there is so much of his acumen in it, although it too often violates truth and candour, to present false glosses, &c. More may be seen in my MS. Annals, in the Historical Society of Pennsylva- nia, page 110, at some length.
On page 344, of the same Annals, is an autograph letter of Dr. Franklin to Charles Thomson, of the 13th of May, 1784, saying, "Yesterday evening Mr. Hartley met with Mr. Jay and myself, when the ratifications of the Definitive Treaty were exchanged. God be praised !- an event I hardly expected I should live to see," &c. The advice which he proceeds to give I have told in another place.
When Franklin came from London in 1786, in a ship commanded by Captain Truxton, he was landed at High street wharf, where half the population came to hail his welcome, and to salute him with a discharge of artillery. What a change in his circumstances since he first landed at the same place-when he first landed there as an un- friended boy !
Franklin and his daughter Mrs. Bache were both very remarkable for their very large exhibition of the organ of "philo-progenitiveness" -or bumps upon the back of the head. In Franklin's time, when people spoke of it, they said it was a mark of wisdom; but now it goes for love of children, of which Dr. F. gave sufficient proofs ir his care of his natural children
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The original electrical apparatus of Franklin is preserved in the Franklin Institute in Philadelphia. The same by which he experi- mented to bring " fire from heaven !"
The printing press on which he worked when in London is also there as a gift, lately brought here as a relic.
The suit which he wore in France at the time he signed the Treaty, is now in the Historical Society of Massachusetts-it is of silky fabric-striped.
There is some reason to suppose that Dr. Franklin was not ori ginally thorough-going for the Revolution ; there were reasons enough to keep him moderate; such as that he held valuable offices for years of the crown, and enjoyed the confidence of its officers at the ume of the Stamp Act, so much so, that he readily procured the commissions for its offices, &c., in Philadelphia-procuring thus the office of stamp master for his friend Hughes, and having at the same time his natural son, William Franklin in the office of Governor of New Jersey. It was insinuated at the time, that he was too in- different to the operation of the Stamp Act ; and the family of Hughes afterwards got offended at his after measures, and preserved some correspondence on those points. Some hints of these things I saw also in the MS. of Charles Thomson, and a letter from Franklin's son, exculpating him; copies of which, with other papers, are in my manuscript book, given to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Finally, after Franklin's return, and he in Congress, he was sup- posed by some to have been unsettled in his mind respecting the signing of the Declaration of Independence. John Adams, speaking of Franklin, in his letter to his wife, says, " his conduct has been composed and grave, and, in the opinion of many, very reserved- yet entirely American." Indeed it was a perplexing point, for so wary a man.
Since my publication of the foregoing, I have learned that there are better reasons for believing that Dr. Franklin had stronger reso- lutions for the Revolution than I had then supposed; because it is a fact capable of proof, that he was one of the committee of five who actually assisted in the preparation of the Declaration of Inde- pendence,-that he also joined in the report of it to Congress, and voted for its adoption with two others of the Pennsylvania delega- tion, on the 1st and 4th July. On this matter, see Gov. Mckean's letter.
At the time of the Stamp Act in 1765, and while he was abroad in England, as agent for the interests of the colony, electioneering strife ran very high. The adverse parties got up caricatures: in one of these, Franklin is made conspicuous among the electors, accom- panied by the Devil, who is made to ejaculate his suggestions in the ear of Franklin, and saying, "Thee shall be agent Ben for all my realms." The same caricature, the " Medley," says of him-
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" All his designs concentre in himself, For building castles and amassing pelf- The public 'tis his wit to sell for gain Whom private property did ne'er maintain."
As a proof that the rancour of modern politics has had its equal even in the days of olden time, we shall here add some exemplifica- tions from the pen of Mrs. Franklin herself, which, while they show the characteristic feelings of a public spirited woman, will also tend to preserve something to the memory of a lady otherwise but little known to the public. They are additionally interesting as being family letters, and showing the living relation of those two indivi- duals, who now mingle their remains in Christ Church ground, un- der the simple monumental inscription of "Benjamin and Deborah Franklin."
In herletter of 21st February, 1765, written to him in London, from Philadelphia, she says-" The Southern mail has not come in, nor has the Virginia mail, for more than two months !"-Little intercourse then !
In her letter of September 22, 1765, from near Philadelphia, she says :
" You will see by the papers what work has happened in other places, and something has been said relative to raising a mob here. I was for five days kept in one continued hurry to remove, and was persuaded to go to Burlington for safety, [probably to Franklin's son, Governor of New Jersey,] but on Monday last we had very great re- joicings, on account of the change of the ministry, and a preparation for bonfires at night, and several houses threatened to be pulled down. Cousin Davenport came and told me that more than twenty people had told him it was his duty to be with me. I said I was pleased to receive civility from any body ; so he stayed with me some time. Towards night I said he should fetch a gun or two, as we had none. I sent to ask my brother to come and bring his gun also; so we made our room into a magazine. I ordered some sort of defence up stairs, such as I could manage myself. I said, when I was ad- vised to remove, that I was very sure you had done nothing to hurt any body, nor had I given any offence to any person at all, neither would I be made uneasy by any body-nor would I stir or show the least uneasiness ;- but if any one came to disturb me, I would show a proper resentment, and I should be very much affronted with any body to hinder me. I was told that there were eight hundred men ready to assist any one that should be molested. *
came down to ask us up to Burlington -- I consented to going; but I will not stir, as I really don't think it would be right in me to show the least uneasiness. It is past three o'clock. I have only to tell you who was so good as to visit me last Monday night, -- Cousin Davenport, my brother, F. Foxcrafte, Mr. Wharton, Sen. He came past eight o'clock on horseback ; also his son Sammy. Mr Baynton, Mr. S. Rhodes. They offered to stay all night, but ]
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begged they would not, lest they should get sick. My three cousins Lacock, and Mr. Hall, neighbour Shoemaker's sons, neighbour Wis- ter's son, and more of the neighbours came. Young Dr. Tennent, who came home in Friend's vessel, came and offered me all assistance in his power ; I thanked him. I should not forget Mr. John Rose and brother Swan.
" It is Mr. S. S. that is setting the people mad, by telling them it was you that had planned the Stamp Act, and that you are endea- vouring to get the Test Act brought over here ; but as I don't go much to town, I maybe shall be easy for a while after the election is over ; but till that, I must be disturbed."
Her letter of 3d November, 1765, says-" The dreadful first of November is over, and not so much disorder as was dreaded. I am ashamed of many of our citizens; but I think you are informed by better hands than mine. I saw a letter from Mr. Colden, [Lieutenant Governor of New York,] wherein he says, they had a mob the night before last, and there was one threatened to be that night, to pull down his office, (they burnt his coach,) and his wife and children were gone to the Fort in order to escape the insults of the mob; but I hope it will blow over without any damage, as the threatenings of the tools have done here. So you see, my dear, how ready we are to follow the fashion of the English folks. I have often thought what a mercy it was that it is only those here, that seem dis satisfied, which think and call themselves the better sort ;- and that we can turn out six or seven hundred honest good tradesmen to con- vince them that they are but mere botchers. The head of the mot. is about three persons, two or three doctors, your countryman S. S. whom I really pity, as I believe he will kill himself with his own ill- nature. Mr. T. has been very active, and got himself heartily de spised, for which I can't help being pleased in some measure."'
Some other facts in relation to the foregoing period and the excite ment produced, may be consulted under the chapter "Stamp Acr. resisted."
Rev. George Whitfield.
Great was the religious excitement in his day; and the conse- quence was that some fanaticism prevailed-where preachers and people " carried high sail," and spoke and acted "too often from fires of their own kindling," as some of those concerned afterwards made their confessions. I give the following facts as I found them, to wit :
1739-Mr. Whitfield preached to fifteen thousand people "on Society Hill, near to the flag staff," somewhere near Front and Pine streets. The Gazette of the time says, that since his preaching among us, the dancing school, assembly and concert room have been shut up as inconsistent with the Gospel; and although the gentle- VOL. I .- 3 S
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men concerned broke open the doors, no company went the last as- sembly night.
During the session of the Presbyterian Synod of one week, there were fourteen sermons preached on Society Hill, (meaning in the open air,) to large audiences, by the Tennants, Davenport, Rowland and Blair. The change to religion here (says the Gazette) is alto- gether surprising, through the influence of Whitfield. No books sell but religious, and such is the general conversation. Benjamin Franklin proposes to publish Whitfield's journal and sermons, by his permission. His paper, No. 606, contains a long letter from the Rev. Ebenezer Kinnersley, the Professor, against the violent and ex- travagant preachings of Rowland and others; and the Rev. Mr. Cummings of the Episcopal Church, publishes sermons against the manner of the awakenings and tumults.
Whitfield publishes a letter to southern planters in favour of their blacks, and against slavery ; and it is said he takes up five thousand acres of land in the Forks of Delaware, (since Bethlehem, &c.,) in order to erect a negro school, &c. Whitfield's letters, to prove that Tillotson was not a Christian believer, are given in the Gazettes at large.
In December, 1739, Mr. Whitfield left the city, and was accom- panied to Chester by about 150 horsemen, and preached there to about 7000 people. At. White-clay creek he preached to 8000 ; of whom as many as 3000 were on horseback. Many complimetary effusions to him appear in the Gazettes.
The very tones of his voice had witchery in it ; it was both powerful and sweet. Colonel Morris, when 90 years of age, told me he was distinctly heard by persons at Gloucester Point, when he was preaching on Society Hill, making a distance, by water, of 2 miles ; and old Mr. Dupuy told me, that when he preached from the bal- cony of the court house on Second street. by the market, he could be readily heard by people in boats on the river-not perhaps to make out the sense, but to hear the sound. However, the words "he taught them saying" were said to have been heard even at Gloucester Point !
A letter from James Pemberton, a Friend, of the 11th of 9 mo., 1739, which I have seen, speaks thus of him, saying, " He preaches here every day to numerous people. Some of our curious IF youths of rash judgment, who looked at words more than substance, are very constant in attending, and are much pleased. He preached three nights successively upon our court house steps, (in Second street) where he exceedingly takes with the people. He aims much at priest- craft,* and speaks very satirically of the Papists, whom he incenses much. Last night he had the greatest multitude I ever saw, and
* There is ambiguty in this sentence, but which I understand to mean, that be attack such craft,-for he says of him further on, "He has not much of the priest in his conver vation," &c.
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some accident happened which greatly frightened many. Some thought it was an earthquake, others that it was fire, others that the Spaniards were come, &c. Many were much hurt by falling and being trod upon; many lost their hats, cloaks, &c. The preacher had to leave off speaking till they recovered their senses, which some did and others did not. His intentions are good ; but he has not arrived at such perfection as to see so far as he yet may In his conversation he is very agreeable, and has not much of the priest ; he frequents no set company."
This sober judgment of Friend Pemberton, given to his friend John Smith of Burlington, came to have a singular verification in Whitfield's own confession, later in life. His friendly biogra- pher has published of him, that as he grew older he thought and acted differently ; and of himself he said, "I have carried high sail whilst running through a torrent of popularity and contempt. I may have mistaken nature for grace, imagination for revela- tion, and the fire of my own temper for the flame of holy zeal; and I find I have frequently written and spoken in my own spirit, when I thought I was assisted entirely by God."
Here was at least a redeeming penitence and candour; he did not " see so far as he may" in several of his most sanguine projects ; indeed, generally, they failed. He built the old academy over- large, and for itinerants for ever,-and behold how soon it passed for other purposes ; he took up lands for freed negroes at Bethlehem, and it went to the Moravians; his orphan house and scheme in Georgia was quite a failure.
1742-The Gazettes contain much controversy on religious topics, excited by the success of Whitfield, and his friends Row- land, Davenport, Dickinson, and the two Tennants. There are letters to and from G. Tennant, from Evans, from Samuel Finley, and the Querists. Mr. Cummings and others publish pamphlets against the religious excitement. Dr. Kinnersley's letter in the Gazette, against them, goes upon sensible ground.
James Logan in a letter he wrote in 1742, calls Whitfield a whimsical enthusiast, "who, through his companion Seward, bought the 5000 acres (at Bethlehem) to form a school for negroes ; but the purchaser dying soon after, his wiser executors turned it into money again by a sale, by which it is now the property of Zindzendorf, for his Moravians."
" None can be long a stranger to George Whitfield ; his journals letters, &c., are so industriously printed here. His life, written by himself, and first printed here, is scandalously plain. All I have to say of him is, that by good language, a better utterance, and an engaging manner, and powerful voice, he gained much at first, on most sorts of people ; but on his falling foul of Bishop Tillotson, and the most unexceptionable author of the Whole Duty of Man, &c., the more judicious fell from him ; yet he still gained on the multi tude, in so much, that they have begun for him a great brick build
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ing, (the present old academy) in which, though not yet covered he a great many times preached when last here. It must be con- fessed his preaching has a good effect in reclaiming many dissoluta people; but from his countenancing so very much the most hot- headed predestinarians, and those of them principally who had been accounted by the more sober as little better than madmen, he and they have actually driven divers into despair, and some into perfect madness! in short, it is apprehended by the more ju- dicious, that the whole will end in confusion, to the great prejudice of the cause of virtue and solid religion-his doctrine wholly turning on the danger of good works, without such a degree of sanctifying faith as comes up to has gauge."
A MS. Journal of John Smith, Esq. which I have seen, writes under date of the 21st of 2nd mo. 1746, saying, " George Whitfield came to town last Seventh-day and preaches daily ; but people's curiosity about him now seems so well satisfied that there is very little talk of him."
In 1750, the foundation of the Rev. Gilbert Tennant's "New Meeting house" was laid at the north-west corner of Third and Arch streets ; at the same time, the former used church of Whit- field, in Fourth street, is in its new hands partitioned across for " the academy." This church was formed of the Presbyterians who went off from the first church in High street as seceders-re- ceiving the name of "New Lights," and their minister " Hell-fire Tennant," in the common parlance of the day. Mr. Tennant was eccentric. He affected to wear a kind of great coat drawn round him by a girdle, and to wear no wig-a great oddity then for a preacher. He at length came to see he had gone beyond sober Christianity, and made his confession in a letter printed in the Gazettes-Vide Pennsylvania Gazette, No. 713,-year 1741-2; say- ing "My soul is grieved with such enthusiastic fooleries and perilous ignis-fatuus," &c.
In these cases of over-zeal in Tennant and Whitfield, &c., we see the usual retractions which maturer age and observation are usually destined to effect in honest hearts-such as occur with like natures where other themes engross the minds of ardent spirits-as Dr. John- son says of Lyttleton and others in their headstrong ardour for liberty :- " It is what a man of ardour always catches when he enters upon his career, and always suffers to cool as he passes forward." It is the common fate of enthusiasm, when most excited, to ascend and flame like a rocket, but to go out and fall like its stick.
On page 300 of my MS. Annals in the Historical Society of Penn- sylvania, there is for the inspection of the curious an autograph letter of G. Whitfield, of the year 1754, written from Boston to Dr. Wil- liam Shippen, the elder, saying he intends to hasten back to Philadel- phia soon after. This branch of the Shippen family became his ardent admirers. I have seen a letter of October, 1774, from Edward Shippen, Esq., to this William, his brother, wherein he speaks of an
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intended Doctorate for Mr. Whitfield, saying, "I thank you for Wesley's funeral sermon upon our deceased, heavenly, mutual friend, G. W. I am sorry you had not an opportunity of presenting him with the proposed Doctorate from our Nassau Hall. Such a thing would have been a great honour to him."
Count Zinzendorf.
This founder of the Moravians showed himself an eccentric and strange person in his deportment in this country. I give the facts in his case as I find them-" nothing extenuate nor aught set down in malice," to wit :
In 1742, came to Philadelphia Count Zinzendorf and daughter, and Peter Bohler-names often noticed in ecclesiastical history. The Count while in Germantown stayed at John Wister's house; and in the same house to this day are two great chairs and a tea table, left there a present from the Count. They sometimes in those days of reli- gious excitement put their theology into the Gazettes. In the Penn- sylvania Gazette, No. 753, may be seen an article of the Count's, and a rejoinder in Nos. 759 and 760, by the Rev. Gilbert Tennant.
On page 244} of my MS. Annals in the City Library are two autograph letters of the Count and of his daughter Benigna, of the year 1742-3-written in German on religious subjects. The Count's letter is one of reproof and pardon to a dear spiritual sister who had been slandered by Beckey. He thinks the sister has talked unad- visedly before Beckey, and he cautions her to set a future watch on her words ; he signs himself Nicholas Ludewig. His daughter writes from Bethlehem to her spiritual sister Magdalene Fende, in German- iown, to whom she commends the blood of Christ in strange meta- physical epithets.
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